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us 2002 .8. so {o)
HARVARD
COLLEGE
LIBRARY
THE WORKS
OF
HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.
THE WORKS
HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.
VOLUME X.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
v<«. n. 1621-ieoa
SAN FRANCISCO:
THB HISTORY COMPANY, PUBLISHERS.
1886.
Ck>ll^ge Library
U <jBequoBt of
Jeremiah Ourtin
HARVAftb UNIVERSITY
Historical Dp.partment
HARVARD COUtr.f Llb(i«ii|
* orr ^{^ 193/
Bntorad Mooxdlng to Act of Congress In the Tew 1888, hf
HUBERT H. BANCROFT,
In the Office of the Ubrariaa of Congress, at Washington.
AU RighU Se^arvetL
CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.
CHAPTER I.
ssBuiLDDro or Mnaoo.
1521-1523.
PAGS
4)iiamUiiig orrer the Booty — Poor RosDlta— Torture of Qnanhtemo-
tm— TreMore-bimtiiig— A Diaappomtiiient — PaeqniniMlee — Fiiuii-
* del Meaenree— A Sabine Captare— Looking for a Capital— Mezioo
Seieeted— Mmucipality Formed— Planning the City—Arohileetiiral
PeatmeB—Cort^ FkUoee— Building ICaterial — Fori and Aqne-
duet — Attraeting Serfs and Settlers — Merry Toflen — Anna of
Tsnoohtitlan 1
CHAPTER II.
FBXPABATIOir lOR TUKTBER 0OKQUX8T.
1021-1522.
OeBtralisation and its Effect— A Fallen Athena— Reward of a Traitor—
Career of a Plneoocioos Prince — Ixtlilxochiti's Disappointment — Pol-
icy toward Katiye Princes — Tezcnco and Acolhuacan — ^Tlascala and
her Reward — ^New Conquest Projects — Search for Ammunition —
Climbing a Volcano— Descending into the Burning Crater — Casting
Cannon — ^Tochtepec Expedition — A Boaster's Discomfitore — Gold-
hontiDg in Xaltepec— Eaplrita Santo Founded — Zapotecapan and
Itiztecapan— The Mystic Prophet— Qrosco Invades Oajacsr-Ante-
qoera EBtabli8hed-^Cociyopu*s Dilemma— Alvarado OverrmiB Tntn-
tepeo — Segora Founded Anew *. 19
CHAPTER III.
RAIDS ALOVO THE SOUTH 8BA.
1521-1524.
King ZwaDga*s Wanung — First Entry into Michoaoan— -Montafio's Visit
to the Court of Tangazoan— A Narrow Escape — Tarascan Envoys —
(Nid Ittvades Michoaoan— Outrages at Tangimaroa and TzintEun-
tea---Caloniaatioi& Attempted— Visuna of the South Sea— Ship-
(▼)
▼i OONTENT&I
Imildiiig at Zaoatnl*— The Route to the Spioe LsUndft— Alvarei' Bfifl-
hap in Colima — Olid Avenges Him — Chimalhnacan Region — ^Isle of
the AmasonB— Oort^ Hastens to Appropriate a Rich Field— The
Queen of Jalisco— Tradition of a Shipwrecked Gross 4ft
CHAPTER IV.
tafia's DisooiaTruB&
1621-1522.
Velasqnes stiU Longing for Mexico— A Governor Sent from Spain— In-
trigues of Tapia — Ck>nnter-intrignes — Conference of Cempoala — The
Claimant Ousted — ^Bono de Qnejo's Mission — ^Revolt of the Aztecs —
A Terrible Lesson — Conspiracies against Cortes — ^Nanraes at his
Feet 66
CHAPTER Y.
AFFAIRS OF OORT^ IN SPAIN.
1622.
Cort^ Finds Fkvor with the Audienda — ^His Third Letter— Treasures for
the Emperor— An Ominous Loss — Chased by Corsairs — ^What King
Francis Said — ^The Curse of Montezuma — Cardinal Adrian Litei>
feres — Corfc6i' Case before the Sovereign — His Achievement] Re-
viewed— Refutation of Charges — Velazquez Crushed and Fonseca
HumUed-— Cort^ Appointed Governor and Captain-general 79
CHAPTER VI.
OOSTlfaS AND OARAT IN FANUCX).
1622-1623.
Rivalry for Pimuco— Cort^ Hastens to Occupy It — ^Battle at Ayotochti-
tlan — Operations at Chila — ^Native Tactics — ^Founding of San £st6-
van del Puerto— A Shipwreck Incident — Disappointing Results-
Campaign in Tututepec Mountains — Rejoicings on the Receipt of
Cortds' Commission — Alluring Projects for Southern Conquests-
Startling News — Gsray Prepares to Descend on P^uco— His Lack
of Ability and Firmness — ^March from Las Palmas — ^Negotiations
with VaUejo • M
CHAPTER VIL
THB PiNTTOO AFFAIR AND ITS BBQUBL.
1623-1624.
Alvarado Appears upon the Scene— Naval Strategy — ^Double Dealings-
How Cort6i Settled the Affiur— Garay's Sudden Death— General
Uprising in Pfauco—Msssacres— ^Desperate Efforts of the Settlers-^
Sandoval to the Rescue— His Ruse at the Pass— Terrible Retalia-
tion— ^Burning of the Patriots— Garayan Conspiiaoy— An T&ttSm^hU
OOHTJfiN'IH. Til
PAAS
Judge— His Shipwreek and Iilmd lif e— Alvando and OUd Depart
for SoatiwrnConqaeatB— Marin'fl Oampeign in Ghii^aa, and Rangel'a
fiQtry into Zi^otaoapan Ill
CHAPTER Vni.
OBDIMANCI8 AND 8TAT18lf AN8HIP OW OOBTtS.
1623-1624.
CortdB as Governor— Hia Ordinanoea— Armament of Settlera— Promoting
Agricoltiire — PaUaa and Demeter— Antillean Jealooay-— Social Be-
forma — Snmptnaiy Laws — Taking Wivea — Gort^a Shooldera kia
OroBB — Snapicioiu Death of Catalina^Local (Government— Efforta to
Exdnde Lawyers — Removal of YeraOraa — Marketa and Trade Reg*
ulatiomi — Royal Officials Arrive— Traits and Intrignea — Colcnial
Policy — Enslavement of Native Americans — Suppression of Reparti-
mientoa Opposed — Encomienda Regulations — ^Work and Pay of
Serb — Entrapping Slaves — ^Representations of the Council — Extort-
ing Tribute 1)0
CHAPTER IX,
APOSTOLIC LAB0B8.
162^1526.
Beligions Feeling among the Conquerors — The First Ministers-^uan
Dial and Friar Olmedo— Papal Interest Displayed— Francisco de
Los Angeles' Proposed Mission — Brother Gante and hia Companion»^
Father Valencia— Franciscan Rules and Privileges — The Twelve
Apostles — Indian Astonishment — Cort6i at the Feet of the Friars-^
Politic Self-abasement — First Synod — ^Monastic Discipline — Con-
vents and Hospitals — ^Methods of Conversion — Choirs and Orches-
tras— ^Tricks of Trade — Friars and Disciples — Stubbonmess of Prose-
lytes— ^Baptism en Masse and Bestowal of Names — Legality of the
Rite— The Marriage Question — ^Native Oateohists and Missionaries-*
Iconoclasts and Martyrs— Progress of Conversion and its Causes-*
Christian-like Rites among the Natives — ^Attractive Features of the
Roman Church— Festivals Character of the Friars 166
CHAPTER X,
niTBIOUSS AGAINST OOBfrtS*
1624.
Intrigues of Disappointed Officials — ^Insinuationa against CortJs — ^His
Fourth Letter — The Silver Cannon — Convoy System — Deferred Con-
tract with the Sovereign — Cortte under a Cloud — ^Prepares for the
March to Honduras — ^Acting (Governors Appointed — Machinations of
Salaar- The Hypocrite and the Tool— Attempt to Oust the Treas-
urer—Subtle Duplicity— Zuaao Made Prisoner— Oasas and Gonales
Appear on the Scene 19S
y» oomrarra.
CHAPTER XL
162(^1626.
Orertiunow of P^»— Hu Terrible Fat»— Penecoticm of tlie Fneodi of
Cortes— Alyando Gonsiden the Matter— Search for Cortes— Hie
Fimend Hoaon— Spoliatioii of hie Property— Lashing a Wife—
Tyrumical Prooeedinge of Salazar— It lieada to Revolt— General
Alarm— Ezpeditionfl against Bebela— Chirinoe' Fiasco— The Friam
Hurl Anathemas— The Governors Humbled— The Mysterioos Mes-
senger—Rising of the Men of Cortes— Election of Estrada and Al-
bomoB — Assanlt on the Govenmient House — Salaar Encaged—
Gonspiraoy to Release Him 215^
CHAPTER Xn.
THB FONGB DB UBON IFIBODB.
1526.
Altumrano Sent to Bring Cortes— His Arrival at Medellin— Demonstra-
tive Reception— Reform Measures — A Juez de Residencia Sent to
New Spain — ^Ponce de Leon and his InstmctiouB — How Cort^ Re-
ceived the Blow— The Banquet— A Scheming Friar— Ponce de Leon
Assumes the Government — ^The Residencia of CorUs — Death of Ponce
de Leon- Agnilar Succeeds him— His Unfitness and Death 238
CHAPTER XIII.
I8nUI>A*8 BULK — CORT^ DSIYXN TO SKXK JUSTICB IN SPAXV.
1527.
Campaign in Zapotecapan — Spice Island Plrojects — Loaisa's Expedition —
Guevara Finds the Way to Zacatnla— Saavedra's Voyage to the
Molucoas— Corfe^ Slighted— He is Exiled from the Capital— Recon-
ciliation with Estrada— Guzman Appointed Governor of Pinuoo—
Finding No Gold He Turns Oppressor — Encroachments on Mexico-—
Raid into Las Pftlmas Region — Slave-trade Horrors — Cortte to Plead
before the Sovereign — ^Fears that He will Revolt — Preparing for the
Voyage to Spain 2M
CHAPTER XIV.
THB vnurr audiekoia and its miskulb.
152&-1529.
Oidores Appointed — Stringent Measures Proposed against Cortes — Gua-
man Made President — ^Power and Jurisdiction of the Audienda— Its
InstmctioDs — Laws of Alfonso the Wise — ^Reception of the New
Rulers — Their Avarice Excited — Litrigue against Cortes — Robbery
and Extortion— Abuse of Friars and Cleigy— Residencia of Cortds —
The Bishop's Anathema Shameless Conduct of Oidores— Guanan'a
Palliative Schemfis of Conquest— Smuggling Despatches 27^
(xarnana. b
CHAPTER XV.
TieiflnlaaM of the FSnt See— Bishop Jnliaa Oero^t— The loonooUst
ZmnlbTaga— Lamentable Vandalum — Character of the Clergy — Ar-
rival of Dominicana — ^BiTalry of the Orden — ^IntrodnotioQ of Nona —
Meeting of Cort6i and Piarro— Death of an Ideal Soldier— Bxoite-
ment over Cort^' Arrival in Spain — Plajring the Gallant — ^Hia
Keception by the Emperor — ^Marka of Favor — He ia Made a Marqnia
witli Large Granta — ^Politic Soothinga of Diaoontent — ^Why He Loat
tiie Govemorahip — ^Hia Contract for South Sea Diaooveriea — Hia
Bride and Jewela — ^Bapal Conoeasiona — ^Betom to New Spain — Ova-
tion to the Hero— Hoatility of the Oidorea S96
CHAPTER XVI.
not flBcxnro audixncia and itb buobms.
1590-1532.
Hie New iPreaident and Oidorea— Their Lutmctiona — Meaaorea for Set-
tled uid Nativea^-Somptaary Lawa— Lnpreaaive Entry of the
Oidorea — ^The Government Honae — Swearing AUegianoe to the Sov-
ereign— Residenoia and Fate of Matiemo and DelgadiUo— Corregi-
miento System Introdnoed — A Check to Slavery — ^Advancement of
Nativea— Social Reforma — Founding of PaebU of the Angela — Secret
Order to Restrict Encomiendaa — General Clamor againat It — The
Oonqoeron and their Reward 930
CHAPTER XVII.
00NQUB8T OF NUEVA OAUdA.
1626-1534.
CondllkV Minion — Advance of the Croas— Entry of Gnzman into Michoa-
can — Hia Atrocitiea — ^Terrible Fate of King Tangaxoan — Campaign
in Cninaa, Caitaco, and along Chapala Lake — Battle of Tonali —
Raids from Nochistlan — £1 Gran Teul — Operations in Jalisco — ^In
Qaest of the Amazons — ^The Greater Spain — Crossing the Espirita
Santo— On to Etzatlan— Devastating Floods— Branding Slaves— The
Amaaon Myth — Change of Plans — Founding of Towns — Gnaman
Befiea the Andienda — Caatilla's Disoomfltnre — ^Nemesis — ^Bibliog-
niphy 341
CHAPTER XVIII.
nrABUSHJOENT OF A VICBBBGAL OOVXRNMBNT.
1536-1537.
AppoiBtment of Mendosa^— His Instmctiooa and Prerogativea— Arrival
and Reception of the First Viceroy— Inaugural Ceremoniea— Retire-
CONTENTS.
PAOB
ment of the Oidorai^BifficaltieB of the Adnunutratioii— City
ImprovementB — ^DefensiTe Measures — Apparent Weakness of the
Spaniards — Proclivities and Condition of Negroes — ^Their Conspiracy
and its Suppression — Muster of Spaniards in the CapitaL • 376
CHAPTER XIX.
▲ DBCADB OF CHURCH HATTEB8.
1530-1540.
Troubles of Bishop Zumihrraga — He Goes to Spain — His Consecration
and Return to Mexico — First Churches in the Capital — Uncertain
Priority and Sites — The First Cathedral — ^Necessity of More Bishop-
rics^Dioceses of Oajaca and Michoacan Established — Franciscan
Progress — Custodia of Santo Evangelic Raised to a Province — Labors
of the Padres — Dominican Provincia Established — ^Unseemly Strife —
Successful Propagandism — ^Arrival of Augustinians — ^Labors and
Hardships — Provincia Established — Miraculous Shrine at Chalma —
Dagon Overthrown — The Virgin of Guadalupe — A Glorious Vision —
A Modest Shrine and a Costly Church — ^A Wonderful Painting —
Multitudes of Converts — Secret Idolatry 386
CHAPTER XX.
FUTILE ATTEMPTS TOWABD DISCOVEBT.
1530-1540.
Authority of Cortes Curtailed — Indian Conspiracy Suppressed— Disturb-
ances in Oajaca — An Empty Title — Cortes and the Colonists of Ante-
quera — Further Disputes with the Audiencia — Cortes Persistent —
Baffled Efforts at Discovery — High Hopes and a Lowly Dwelling —
Misfortune Follows Misfortune — Guzman's Animosity — Cortes De-
fiant— He Sails Northward — Failure of the Enterprise — ^Rivalry of
Mendoza — Cort^ Disgusted — He Returns to Spain 410
CHAPTER XXI.
CONQUEST or YUCATAK.
1627-1549.
Aboriginal Yucatan — Francisco de Montejo Appointed Governor— Battle
of Ak^ — ^The Spaniards March on Chichen Itza — Alonso de ^vila and
his Band in Quest of Gold — His Message to the Lord of Chetumal —
The Chieftain's Reply — j(vila'B Command Besieged— Their Escape
and Departure for Honduras — Montejo Defeated — The Canine Bell-
ringer — ^Flight of the Spaniards — ^The Adelantado's Narrow Escape-
Gallantry of Bias Gbnzalez — ^The Governor Departs for Tabasco — The
Spaniards Driven into the Sea — ^Montejo Transfers his Rights to
his Son — ^The Spaniards Again Besieged — Torture of Diego and Juan
Cansino— Santillan Takes Montejo s Residencia — ^Missionary Labors. 428
CONTENTS. lA
CHAPTER XXIL
irUXVA OALIOIA AND mOHOAOAV.
1696-164^
WAOU
Tone Appointed Juei de RendendA— An UnploMant Meeting— Tlie
Voltiire Encaged — Onzman's Beleaae and Departare to Spain —
Clipped Wings— Guznuui'B Death and Character— Tone's Official
Inyestigationa — ^His Wise Administration — Indian Revolt — A Cataa-
trophe— Torre's Last Hours — His Character — Coronado Succeeds
Him as Oovemor — His Incompetency — ^Delusive Hopes — A Profitless
Expedition— Niza Revives Enthusiasm — ^Visions of Conquest and
Wealth — Troubles Foreshadowed— Coronado's Expedition North-
ward— His Disappointment and Return — Contemporary Progress in
Michoacan — A Useful Visitador — Reforms and Prosperity — QnirogA
Made Bishop of Michoacan — ^His Beneficent Rule. 467
CHAPTER XXIII.
DEATH OF OOBTiS.
1540-1547.
Departure of Cort^ for Spain— His Arrival and Reception— HoUow
Show — ^Vain Hopes — He Joins the Expedition to Algiers — And
Suffers Shipwreck — Loss of the Famous Emeralds — He is Slighted
at a Council of War — Return to Madrid — A Fruitless Petition —
More Indignities — ^Last Touching Appeal — ^Determination to Return
to Mexico— Last Illness and Death of the Conqueror — Disposition of
the Remains— His Last Will— The EsUte- The Descendants of Cor-
tes—R^sum^ of his Character 474
CHAPTER XXIV.
THX MIXTON WAR.
1541-1542.
Rule of Ofiate in Nueva Galicia— His Difficult Position— Rebellion
Rife — Departure of Coronado— Causes of Dissatisfaction— Beginning
of Hostilities— Defeat of Ibarra— Alvarado Arrives at Navidad—
And is Appealed to for Aid — He Receives a Summons from Mendoca^
and Departs for Tiripitfo — Agreement between Them— Alvarado
Returns to Oflate's Relief — Precipitous Attack on Nochistlan— De>
feat of the Spaniards— And Death of Alvarado— Arrival of Mendoza
with Reinforcements — His Successful Campaign — End of the Mixton
War — Expeditions of Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo and Ruy Lopez de Villa-
loboa— The Snrvivon of Soto's Florida Expedition Arrive at P^uco. 490
CHAPTER XXV.
THl nW LAWS.
1543-1546.
Causes for Enaetment of New Laws — Success of Las Casas — Provisions of
the New Code— They Cause Excitement among the Colonists —
PAes
Bffiorte to Introdnoe Thorn in New Spain— -VintadorFnnoiMO Tello de
Sandoval— He PabliBhes tiie New Lawa in Mexieo— Indignation of
the Enoomenderoa — ^They Send Proeniadon to Spain^-Who Obtain
the Revocation of a Portion of the New Lawa— The Brnperor'a Views
on the Subject— Ravages of Pestilence— Eraptioos of Volcanoea —
Redaction of Tribate — Small Coins— Interestedneas of the Clergy —
Land Grants — ^Ambignous Attxtade of Mendoia— Convention of Bish-
ops— ^Axrival of Las Casas — Mendosa Prohibits Discussion on Indian
Affiurs — Decision of Eodesia^cs Declaring Slavery Unlawful —
Return of the Visitador to Spain 515
CHAPTER XXVI.
KRB OF KUTDOZa's BULK.
1547>1860.
Oeneral Improvements — ^Agriculture, Industry, and Commerce— Enoour*
agemsnt of Marriages — Aid to Peru — Conspiracy and Revolt — Chi-
chimecs and Otomis — Conquest of Quer6taro — Removal of Guada-
lajara— Coronado Returns— His Resignation — Audiencia at Compoe-
tela — ^Removal to Guadalajara — Discovery of Mines — Settlement of
Zacatecas — ^The Archdiocese of Mexico — ^Death of Bishop Zum^uraga
—His Last Will— Character of the Prelate and the Man— A False
Visitador*s Audacity —Last Acts of the Viceroy — He is Appointed
to Peru and is Superseded by Luis de Velasoo — Mendoza's Departure
for Peru— And his Death 535
CHAPTER XXVII.
INDIAN POLICY.
1560-1660.
Luis de Velasco, Second Viceroy — Royal Instructions and Subsequent
Regulations — Enforcement of the New Laws — Consternation Caused
by their Execution — Slaves Set Free — ^Diego Ramirez' Commission —
Caciques' Abuses Checked — ^The Crown Assumes Full Jurisdiction —
Encomienda Entail — Opposition of the Audiencia — ^Bad Effects of
the New Laws on Mining and Revenue — Population and its Charac-
ter— Reform Measures — Powers of the Viceroy Restricted — ^Ilie
Audiencia Made his Council — Philip 11. Proclaimed King — He Begs
for Money 665
CHAPTER XXVHL
VICEROY VZLASOO'S BULB.
1661-1664.
Arrival of Martin Cort^, Second Marqu^ del Valle — ^Visitador Valder-
rama and his Relations with Cortes — New Policy Regarding Enoo-
miendas— Cortdi* Troubles— Threatened Revolt and Velasco's Wise
Course— Royal Orders Affecting the Audiencia— The Visitador'a
ooNmria
«cter of^Vdawxy—Hig De«th, Bariil, and Ocaflnl BagMi^Fnblk
Bdnaktioit--Flood»iii the MwrieMi Valtoy— PigMfcrmi gxyditiMita
jnoridft^-Setfleiii«nti in ZacatM— and Goanajnato Cong— at of ihm
North-weatem Ragjoar—Kingdoin o< If vara Tiaoaya— Bzpadttaon to
{he FbOippiiMo and iti BaanlU. 579
CHAPTER XXIX.
no iTILA-OOmTiS OOHflnBACT.
1M4-1668.
UHie Andinoia'a WaaklUilo— m Fooling toward tho Kanjoia dol Valla—
Bnoomienda Policy— Alonao do i^Tila'a Maoqnofado— Plot agaiaat tho
Crown— Yaldonrama Rotnnia to Spain— Conapiimoy Raported Qiaai
CSiristoning of tho Marqn6i' Twina — ^Anoot of tho Marqn^a and
Otheia— Trial and Ezociition of tho Bvothen i^Til*— MaiqoAi do
Fklceo, Third Viooroj— Marqn6i del Tallo Sent to Spain— lUoai
Depooed by Mnlloi and GarrillfH-Thoir Gniel Coana- Martin Gortii
Tortored — Hia Coarago— CompUinta Beadi tho Crown — Snmmaiy
Removal of Mnlloi and Canillo— Thoir Fate— Faloea Vindioatad-
Second Rule of tho Andiencia Sniieringa of tho Maiqntfa— KbbI
Acquittal — hon of Domain and Property — Hia Death — ^Retam of
Loia Cort^a-Later life of Martin Cort^ 002
CHAPTER XXX.
BULB OF VICBBOT ■NBIQinnL
1568-1580.
Temponury Ckyremmont of the Andiencia John Hawldna Invadea Vera
Oma— Hia Defeat and Expnlaion— ^Fate of the Bngliah Priionaia—
^ceroy Martin Enriqnea do Almaima Dtake'a Operations— Foreign
Raida — ^Yncatan, iti GoTomment and Indian Afbirs — Firat Aeti of
Enriqaez— Organimtion of Military Fomee rampaigni againat tho
Chichimece — Preaidioa and Morablo Block-honeei MetlaliahnaU
Bpidendc and iti Haroo — Famine— ^Innndation — ^Recall of Sariqnaa—
Hia Gtovemment Policy— Hia Death 637
CHAPTER XXXI.
OHUBOH CK>TBununrf«
1560-1600.
ArehUdiop Alonaoda Mantdfai^-Jealmuy between tho Seonlar and Reg-
nlar Clergy— Royal Support of the Friars— Diflaranoea between the
Mars and the Ciril Power— Father Gerdnimo do Mendieta Def enda
tiie Religiooa — Hii Woi^a— Poaition of tho Friars and their Infinenoo
with tiie Katirea— Persona Ezclndod from the Priesthood— Reli-
gioos Riot in Mezioo— The Sacramental Diapnte — ^First and Second
Eodenaatic Conndli of Mexico— Archbiihop Monttflar'a Death —
The Inqfdaitum— Its Establiahment^ Privileges» Objeets, and Acts-*
«T CONTENTS.
PAem
Jltttfaer laada's Treatment of Idolaten— Arobbuhop Moya y Con-
trerae — ^Third Ecclesiaatic CoancU aad its Acts — ^Archbishop Mon-
tH&r** Departure — Al<»ifio Femandez de Bonilla Suooeeda Him—
Other IHooeeee in the Country and their History *. 663
CHAPTER XXXII.
RKUGZOUS ORDSRS.
1560-1600.
The Society of Jesus in New Spain— ^Distinguished Patrons of the Order
and their Services — ^Importation of Holy Relics —Spread of the
Jesoits throagh the Country— Brothers of Charity and St Hyppo-
lytos — ^Porposes of the Association — ^The Carmelites — ^Their Labors
and Advancement — ^Benedictincte and their Priory in Mexico— The
IVanciscans and their Several Provinces — ^Their Work and Influ-
ence—Troubles with the Viceroys — Noted Franciscans in the Several
Provinces — Order of Barefooted Franciscans — ^Their Custodial and
Provincial Organisttion — The Dominicans and their Successes —
Their Distinguished Men — The Order of St Augustine — Strict
Boles — ^The Mercenaries, or Order of Mercy — ^Their Settiement in
Mexico — Religious Brotherhoods and the Objects of their Devo-
tion— ^Nunneries in Mexico, Oajaca, and Michoacan, and their Uses.. ^(0
CHAPTER XXXIII.
VIJTH, SIXTH, AND SEVXMTH YICKROTS.
1580-1589.
Snares de Mendoza, Count de la Corufia — A too Benignant Rule— Golden
Times for the Corrupt Officials — Snares well out of It— Archbishop
Moya y Contreras Made Visitador — ^Then Viceroy — A Stem Ruler —
He Makes Money for his Master— Hard Times for the Wicked Offi-
cials— ^Xhey Beg Deliverance from Moya — ^And Receive It — Ztifiiga,
Marqu^ de Villamanrique — A Just and Moderate Rule — Pirates on
the West Coast — Cavendish Captures a (Galleon — A Rare Prise —
California Coast Defences — Commerce on the Atlantic — ^Epidemic,
Sarthquakes, and Social Disruption — Villamanrique Deposed and
Homiliated. ^ 739
CHAPTER XXXIV.
OLOBX or THB GBNTUBT.
1589-1600.
Rumored Insorreetion — Fears of Velasco, the New Viceroy — ^Reception —
aty Improvements — ^The Chichimecs — ^The Mines of Guanajuato^
San Luis Potosi, and Zacatecas — ^Founding of Towns — ^Philip Wants
More Money — ^Velasco's Astute Measure— Conde de Monterey, Vice-
roy— ^Futile Efforts to Move the Indian — ,Race Intermixtures —
Nuevo Leon — Occupation of the Northern Country — Governor Cara-
bajal — Review of the Century — ^BiUiographicsl — ^Writers Subse-
quent to the Conquest— Torquemada among Others 757
91
^
Hu^axO^
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
CHAPTEK I.
EEBUILDING OF MEXICO,
1521-1523.
QlTABBELLINO OVER THE BOOTT^POOR BeSULTS — ^TORTUBK OF QCAUHTEMO-*
TZTK—TREAStTRE-HUNTINO — ADiSAPPOINTMENT— PaSQCTINADES— AnAH-
ciAL Measures— A Sabine Cafture— Looking for a Capital— Mex-
ico Selected— Mgnicipality Formed — Planning the City — ^Archi-
tectural Features — Cort^' Palaces — ^Building Material — Fort
AND Aqueduct— Attracting Serfs and Settlers- Merry Toilers —
Arms of Tenochtitlan.
Famed Tenochtitlan had fallen, its splendor buried
with the blood-stained altars that had so long been a
terror to Andhuac. And the proud Aztecs lay trodden
under foot, beaten back into their original abasement,
as serfs and refugees, to form with their emblazoned
prestige a pedestal for the victor's fame. The promise
of Cortes to the king, made two years before, was
fulfilled, and his prospects were very bright. Little
fear now of dungeons, of a traitor's fate; lie could
boldly face his arch-enemy and rival, and point to all-
justifying success as an advocate for the attainment
even of the coveted governorship of this empire, the
largest and richest so far acquired for his sovereign.
Proudly exultant, he hugged himself as his mind
dwelt upon the foremost conqueror in the Indies.
But his cup was not whollv free from bitterness
z%en now; whose is? His soldiers and companiona
expected also their reward, and that quickly and in
YoL. n. 1
2 BEBUILDING OF MEXICO.
tangible form; for this they had risked life, and had
acquired for him wealth and immortality. A demand
was made for an exhibition before royal oflScials of the
booty captured by the troops during the pillage, and
the captives were ordered to reveal and surrender
whatever treasures they knew of But those who
had secured valuable articles were by no means pre-
pared to give them up, particularly since the leaders
were justly suspected of wrongful appropriation. The
brigantine crews were supposed to have had the best
•chance of securing spoils. Of course they denied the
insinuations made, and sought to divert the outcry in
«,nother direction. The allies were the culprits, who
with their immense numbers and knowledge of lan-
guage and locality had penetrated into every corner
and carried off the great prizes while the soldiers
were fighting, leaving them the gleanings. There
might still be large treasures which the Aztecs had
hidden to spite their foes, as intimated more than once
during the siege. When threatened, the captives
revealed a certain amount, declaring that they pos-
sessed no more. As for the spoils lost during the
retreat of the Spaniards, they had been swallowed by
the lakes or scattered among the thousands of pur-
suers,^
When finally the royal officials gave their report, it
appeared that the total gold collected from the cap-
tives and sacking parties, and smelted into bars,
amounted to one hundred and thirty thousand caste-
llanos. Besides this there were a number of pieces
of too fine a workmanship to be broken up, and many
jewels and pearls, besides feather-work and fabrics,^ but
^Sahagun*B native record describes the conference with the captives to
have taken place on the day after the fall, in the quarter last captured. Cor-
t<^8 was seated in great state under a canopy, witn the kings and pnnces on
either side. Hist, CoTiq., 67-9. 'Huuo fama que lo (gold) mandd echar Gua-
temaz en la lagnna quatro dias antes.' Bemal Dwlz, Hist Verdad,, 158.
' Diez dias/ corrects Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. viii. According to Du-
ran, it was cast into a deep sacred well, and never discovered, Hist, Ind.,
MS., ii. 513-14, the devil assisting to shield it, so that no Christian should
enjoy the treasure. Peralta, Not. Hist.\ 118.
' CorUBf Cartas, 257-8. Oviedo» Gomara, and Herrera follow, and Foxunoft
WHERE IS THE GOLD? 3
altogether far below the expectation of even the most
moderate among the fortune-hunters. Talk of fraud
was heard, and many threatened to complain to the
king of the manner in which their services were re-
warded.
None would believe the statement of the captive
princes that they knew of no more treasures, and it
was demanded that torture should be applied to ex-
tort the secret from them. To the credit of Cortes
be it said that he remonstrated against this sugges-
tion, though chiefly because his word had been given
to respect the prisoners. Or, indeed, his opposition
may have been for effect. At all events this effort
to shield the princes directed the outburst of the sol-
diers against himself " He is conniving with Quauhte-
motzin," they said, " in order to secure possession of
the treasures." * Thus pressed, the general yielded a
perhaps not unwilling assent, and to his never ending
shame he surrendered the emperor and the king of
Tlacopan* to the executioners. Their method was
simple and effective : the roasting of the feet before
a slow fire, oil being applied to prevent a too rapid
charring of the flesh, for this might lessen the pain
and defeat the purpose.*
Quauhtemotzin is said to have borne his suffering
with the usual stoicism of an Indian, and when his
and Uimtia, Heal, Hoc,, i 5. The bar ffold was equivalent to * 19.200 oncie.'
Clavigero, Storia Mess.^ iii. 232. Bemal Diaz appears to estimate the bars
alone at 380,000 pesos de oro, yet subsequent lines indicate this to represent
all the treasure, loc. cit. 'ios mexicauos el sacaron todas las joyas que tenian
escondidas en una canoa llena.' Sakagun, ubi sup.
' The chief accuser, says Herrera, was the treasurer Alderete, a creature
of the bishop of Bdi^os, the enemy of Cort^. dec iii. lib. ii. cap. viii.
* Chimalpain enumerates Ck)huancoch, the ex-king of Tezcuco, the Cihua-
coatl, Aquici the prince of Azcapuzalco, the city of goldsmiths, and several
others. HisL Conq.y ii. 76. Oviedo, iii. 649, mentions the tripartite sover-
eigns, while Gomara, followed by >lm:era, allows merely the emperor and
his favorite courtier to be tortured, Bemal Diaz calling the latter king of
Tlacopan.
^'The feet and hands were burned.* Testimony of Doctor Ojeda, who
cared for the wounds. CorUs^ Residencia, i. 106, 126. ' Bruciargli a poco a
noca 1 piedi dopo avergli unti d*olio.' Clavi'jerC'y Storia Mess., iii. 233. * Por
10 que quedd casi impo8sibilita<lo de andar.' Bugtamcmte, in Sahagun, HisL
Conq. (ed. 1840), 237. ' Un vioiente ecsamen,' is the mild term used by
Panes, in MonumentOB IhmiTL Etp,^ MS., 58. Eobertson condemns the tor-
4 REBUILDING OP MEXICX).
fellow-victim turned in anguish as if appealing for
compassion, he exclaimed rebukingly: " Think you
that I enjoy it?"* Nevertheless Quauhtemotzin cud-
gelled his brain to bethink himself how to escape tor-
ment, and pointed out a number of places where
treasures might be found. Thereupon Cortes stepped
forward, thinking if possible to recover his name trom
foul dishonor, and said: "Such behavior to a king is
cruel, inhuman; I will have none of it." Nevertheless
Quauhtemotzin went on to tell how the, canoe of some
rich fugitives was upset by a brigantine, indicating
that and other spots where treasures might be found.
Search was made and divers employed, but with insig-
nificant results.
The king of Tlacopan offered himself to point out
the places where gold had been hidden some distance
from the city. Alvarado went with him and at their
heels a crowd of Spaniards. Arrived at the spot
the captive declared that his statement was but an in-
vention to save himself from further torture. He had
hoped to die on the way. But Alvarado permitted
the king to live, though in truth he was reserved for
a fate worse than immediate death.^ The search con-
tinued: houses were again ransacked, gardens up-
turned, cellars and passages examined, and graves were
opened and the lake was dragged.®
ture as * a deed which stained the glory of all his great actions.' Hist, Anu^
ii. 126. 'An indelible stain' on his honor. PrescoU^a Mex.^ iii. 234-5. Ala-
man expresses himself in a similar manner, while Bustamante charges the
deed fiercely to Cortes' extreme greed, ubi sup.
" This utterance has become famous in Robertson's free rendering : ' Am I
now reposinj^ on a bed of flowers?' Hist. Am.y ii. 127. Others substitute
'roses* for flowers. Herrera writes simply: ^Not am I in delight.' Herrera
also says that the companion of Quauhtemotzin died during the torture.
^See IJist. Cent. Am., i. 551-5, this series. Testimony in Cortes, Sen-
dencittf i. 167, declares that the prisoners revealed several rich deposits which
Cortes quietly appropriated; and Alvarado may have been suspected of a
similar act.
^In the reservoir of Quanhtemotzin's residence was found a sun disk of
gold, and a number of jewels. BemalDiaz, Hist, Verdad,, 158. A noble indi-
cated an idol in the same place as probably containing gold, but a long search
revealing nothing, Cort<Js ordered nim to be roasted alive and then cast half •
dead into the lake. Seeing this and other outrages the emperor in his fear
and despair attempted to bans himself. Sworn testimony of Zamora and
Ordufia, in Cortes, BesideTicia, ii. 203-4, nevertheless to be taken with aJlow-
RESULTS OF lORTURE. 6
A trifling amount was thus obtained, which was
gradually increased by presents and tributes from
neighboring provinces; but this proved little among so
many, reduced as it was by the royal fifth and the
assignment secured by the opportune manoeuvre on
Cortds' part of offering the choicest pieces of jewelry
as a present to the emperor.' The share of the horse-
men was about one hundred pesos de oro,^® and that of
others proportionately less. Indignation now burst
forth anew, and many scorned to accept their share.
The treasurer Alderete was included among those
suspected of fraud, and to exonerate himself, cast the
blame on Cortes. ^^
ance. Izdilxochitl claims to have secured the release of a tortured courtier
by ezpostulatiiig with Cortds, and representing that the Mexicans might
revolt if such measures continued. He also sought to procure the release of
his brother Cohuanacoch from prison. To this end he ransacked all Tezcuco
for treasures, and borrowed from his relatives, and then alone did he succeed.
•Shackles and confinement had reduced the prince to a pitiable condition.
Hot. Crueldades, 54-5. He was afterward baptized as Pedro Alvarado.
CMulOy 1551; Dice. Univ., iv. 165. The desecration of graves by treasure-
hunters had been practised before the fall, and when the central temple was
•captured a discovery of a grave therein with 1,500 castellanos served to direct
-cupidity in this direction. CotUm, CartaSf 243.
* 'Que valia dos vczes mas que la que aula sacado para repartir el Heal
^uinto.' Bernal Diaz, loc. cit Oviedo, iii. 424, estimates the total royal fifth
at over 50,000 pesos de oro, others at less; while a witness in Cort6s, ReMenda,
i. 124, 206, states that Ck>rt68 defrauded the crown of the fifth due on some
200,000 castellanos of valuables which came in from the provinces. In the
account of the royal officials of June, 1522, the total gold melted between
September 1521 and May 16, 1522, is given at 164,404 pesos (evidently de
oro) including all obtained since the fligfit from Mexico. The royal fifth on
this, on slaves, etc., but not on unbroken jewels, amounted to 48,000 and odd.
Pacheco and Odrdenas, Col. Doc,, xiL 260-8.
'^ 'Cabian loa de a cauallo a cien pesos.' Bernal Diaz, ubi sup. Jud^g
from former statements this should rc^ pesos de oro. A horse at tliis time
oost from 450 to 500 pesos, a firelock 100 pesos, etc. Probanza de Lejalde, in Icaz-
haiccta. Col. Doc., i. 417; Oomara, Hist. Mex., 243.
^' Among the secret charges brought out at the later residencia was that
Cortes had the custody of the official dies for marking gold, and by this means
defrauded the crown of some 70,000 castellanos. UorU/f, Retddenda, i. 1G5,
267. See also note 0. A little consideration would have shown the credulous
soldiers that their estimate of treasures was inordinate. During Montezuma's
time, when the treasury was fullest, the surrender of its entire contents,
together with contributions from provincial towns and rulers, brought about
600,000 pesos de oro to the expedition coffers. A considerable part of this was
carried away by the fleeing army, and a larger portion of it lost iu the lake.
The present spoil must be assumed to have come from what th- Aztecs recov-
ered of the lost portion, and from the contributions since received from the
provinces. These must have been meagre, since the towns and rulers had been
plundered of moet valuables, and ianc«) but few would contribute to the now
fumbled and isolated capital city. From these existing treasures the maraud-
6 REBUILDING OF MEXICX).
It was readily believed that he had secured for him-
self, besides the fifth granted to him by the ap;reement
at Villa Rica, and a sum to repay him for certain losses^
the richest treasures revealed by the tortured cap-
tives. The exaggerated estimate of Aztec wealth, based
on native testimony, and impressed by the bombast of
the adherents of Cortes, was too deeply rooted in the
minds of the soldiers to be eradicated by argument,
although a little reflection convinced a few of the
more thoughtful how unreasonable their expectations
had been.
The general occupied at this time a palace at Coyu-
huacan, and on its white coating the soldiers found an
outlet for their feelings which they dared not openly
express. Inscribed upon the wall, for several morn-
ings, in prose and verse, appeared honest complaints
and malicious attacks. Most of them were from the
men of Narvaez, to judge from the allusions to Cort^a
as an upstart and usurper, who had come to reap what
Velazquez had sown, and who would soon descend to
his proper low level. Priding himself both on his wit
and poetry, Cortes stooped to add his couplets of
retort, only to encourage the libellers to more out-
rageous utterances. Finally, at Father Olmedo's
suggestion, a notice was posted forbidding such pas-
quinades under heavy penalty.^*
The discontent was partly due to the inability of
ing allies must have secured a portion, and the fortunate white Backers another.
Hence the amount secured for the expedition cannot be considered much below
what should have been expected. Little could have been cast into the lake,
or purposely hidden by the Aztecs, although a contrary opinion is still widely
cherished even by staid historians. As for the amounts supposed to have beea
privately secured by Ck)rt<5s, chiefly from the treasures taken away during the
Sorrowful Night, no proof was ever brought to substantiate them. He no doubt
took care to obtain a certain share, but he also expended it freely, in sending
to the Islands for war stores, horses, and provisions, in supplying agents in
bribery, and what not. It is not likely that he could have secured any large
amounts for himself from the present spoils.
^* Bemal Diaz names several Velazquez men who led in this word skirmish
Alvarado, Olmedo, and others proposed that the total treasure should be set
apart for the wounded and dLsaDled, and it was hoped that this would induce
Cort^ to surrender a goodly share; but nothing was done. Bcmal Diaz, Hist*
Verdad., 158.
THE POOR ROBBERS. 7
the soldiers to pay for the clothes, arms, and other
supplies obtained on credit in Cuba and from sup-
ply vef'wels, or to satisfy doctors and other per-
sons clamoring for money. The remedy appUed by
Cortes was to appoint two able and esteemed ap-
praisers, who determined upon the validity and amount
of every claim, and on finding the debtor unable to
pay granted him a respite of two years. Another
measure to relieve the financial strait was to lower
the standard of gold by three carats, so as to counter-
act the rapacity of the traders; but the latter raised
their prices even more than enough to cover the dif-
ference, and the soldiers remained the losers. This
gold, known as tepuzqtte, the native name for copper,
fell more and more into discredit as unprincipled per-
sons added to the alloy, and some years later it was
withdrawn from circulation in payment of certain dues
and fines. The name of tepuzque lingered in the
vocabulary, however, and was applied also to persons
and things having a false gloss."
Further discontent was caused by an order for the
surrender of the wives and daughters of prominent
Aztecs seized by the soldiers. The demand had been
made by Quauhtemotzin and other leading captives,
in accordance with the promises extended at the
capitulation, and could hardly be ignored, though the
eflforts to carry out the order were reluctant enough.
Many of the fair captives were hidden; others had
already been reconciled to a change of lords with the
aid of baubles and blandishments, and the rest were
nearly all induced to declare their unwillingness to
'' In Guanajuato Bilyer of inferior standard is still called plata de tepuzeos.
AloTnan, Pisert,, i. 158. The municipality of Mexico on April 6, 1526,
ordered the coinage of tepuzque cold into pieces of 1, 2, and 4 tomines, and 1,
2, and 4 pesos. By August nearly 3,000 pesos had been issued. Libro de Ca-
bildo, MS. The remedies were extended also to the soldiers at Villa Rica and
other places, whose share in the spoils had been made equal to that of the
active besiegers, in order to keep them content with garrison life. Packeco
and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., xxyi. 5-10. In the following pages is given the text
of the contract between Cortds and the expedition forces, wherein he is
S suited one fifth in consideration for his duties and extra expenses. It is
ted August 6, 1519.
8 REBUILDING OF MEXICO.
return, chiefly under the shielding excuse that idola-
try had become unendurable after the revelations of
Christian doctrines and practices."
The question of paramount interest now was, what
to do with the captured city, and in order to settle it
a conference was held at Coyuhuacan. A stronghold
was certainly needed in the valley to assure its posses-
sion, and since this must evidently become the capital
of the new empire, the site required careful consider-
ation. The majority at once inclined toward Mexico,
endeared to their mind by the recollection of her
architectural beauties and by her striking situation,
all enhanced by the diflSculties and cost of life con-
nected with the capture. This bias was supported by
the undeniable strategic value of the position in being
protected on all sides by water, the primary induce-
ment, indeed, which had led the Aztecs to choose the
site. This also afforded free play to the movements
of the imposing fleet, both for defence and for con-
trolling the lake districts. There were several persons,
however, who objected to the site. In case of' revolt
the natives might cut the causeways, and by aid of
the besieging manoeuvres taught by the Spaniards
render their situation on the island most precarious.
Even if the fleet prevented this danger to a certain
extent, it would be diflScult to obtain supplies, and,
above all, the cavalry, the most effective instrument
for intimidation and control, would be rendered useless,
while allies would be less able to cooperate. A minor
objection was the prospect of inundations, which after-
ward became the most serious danger of the city.
This party preferred Coyuhuacan, or rather Tezcuco,
which, strengthened with a wall on the land side, and
open to the lake, offered equal facilities to fleet and
cavalry movements, and to intercourse with "allies,
"*Y d«s8xa manera no lleaaron sino tres.* Berncd DiaZf Hi«t. Verdad,,
lfj8. Duran assumes that most of those taken during the last days of the
tiege weres urrendered. Hist Ind.^ MS., ii. 510.
MUNICIPALITY CREATED. 9
while supplies would be cheaper and of ready access.^*
Cortes decided in favor of the majority, however, and
maintained that the prestige of the city throughout
the country was also a matter of consequence.^*
Mexico being accordingly chosen for the capital,
municipal oflScers were appointed by Cortes from
among the leading men, with Pedro de Alvarado as
leading alcalde.'^ Prompt measures were taken to open
the streets and remove the ruins. Before this a host
of natives had been sent in to take away the dead
and clean the houses, while large fires throughout the
infected quarters assisted to purify the atmosphere.
These sanitary measures were the more necessary in
view of the prospective diseases to follow in the wake
of dispersing denizens of the capital, and to arise from
^CcrtiSf Besidencia, i. 97. These objections were renewed at intervals,
uid in a letter to the king of Dec. 15, 1525, Contador Albomoz represented
that a number of the citizens desired a removal to either Coyuhuacan or Tez-
cuco, using in the main the arguments given. The removal could be effected
within six months, and the name of the city might be retained. Carta^ in Icaz-
balceta. Col. Doe., i 506-8. Later projects for remov^ were based on the
danger from inundations as will be seen, though the extent then acquired by
the city voade it more difficult. See Ctfpeda^ Jiel,^ i. 4-6.
'* This be adduces as a main reason in the letter to the kinff. Cartas, 262,
310. *Por tener alii sugetoe & los Yndios por que no se le rebelasen mudando
^tio,' is the additional reason of Duran. Uist, Jnd,, MS., ii. 513.
*' As such he figures already in Dec. 1521. Pachecosnd Cdrdejuu, Col,
Doc., xxvi 30-1, so that the rcbnilding must have begun in that year, and
not later, as many suppose. Owing to the loss of the first year's record in the
fire of 1^2, the names of the first regidores are unknown. At first no regular
book was kept, wherein to record their acts, 'sino papeles e memorias.' liibro
de C(d)Hdo, MS. , Dec. 20, 1527. The first of the preserved records is dated March
8, 1524, and gives the attending members of the council as: Francisco de las
Casas, alcalde mayor, Bachiller Ortej^^a, alcalde ordinario, Bemaldino Vazquez
de Tapia, Gonzalo de Ocampo, Bodrigo de Paz, Juan de Hinojosa, and Alonso
Xanimillo, regidores, Francisco de Chrdufia acting as secretary. The sessions
were for a long time held in Gort^' house. The most interesting are liiose
from 1524 to 1529 inclusive, which take up the history of Mexico, so to speak,
from the time Cort^ leaves it in his celebrated letters, recording the acts of
the eventful interregnum periods under Salazar, Ponce de Leon, Aguilu*, and
Estrada, and including the doings of the first audiencia. My copy, quoted as
lAbro de Cabildo, is a manuscript in 260 folio pages, taken from the volume
rescue<I by the savant Siguenza y Gongora from the fire of June 8, 1692,
fitarteu by a hungry rabble. Besides the notes from hia liand, it contains
autogiaph annotations by the learned Pichardo, and forms a gem in the col-
lection obtained by me from the Maximilian Library. By royal decree of
Octolw^r 22, 1523, Mexico was allowed 12 regidores, as a token of favor, and
two years Later the sovereign hmuielf appointed one in the person of Alonso
Perez. Mex., Exiracto9 de Cidulas, MS., 2, 3, all of which relates to the decrees
touching the city. Later, all leading cities were allowed 12 regidores. Recop.
de Indias, ii. 33.
10 REBUILliiNG OF MEXICX).
a scarcity of provisions in the valley, where the fields
had been ravaged to pome extent before the siege, and
since despoiled by army foragerft.*®
A plan was drawn for a Spanish quarter, centring
round the square already preeminent with imperiad
palaces and the leading temple in Andhuac, once con-
secrated to Christian worship. This was the aristo-
cratic Tenochtitlan, a name long preserved even in
oflScial records under the corrupt form of Temixtitan.
It was separated by a wide canal from the Indian
quarter, which centred chiefly round Tlatelulco, re-
garded as plebeian long before the conquest. Only a
small part was covered by the plan,^® beyond which
the houses afterward extended in striking irregularity
as compared with those in the older quarters. In
addition tq the three regular causeways two more
were added, the support along the aqueduct from
Chapultepec being enlarged to a road.^ The Tlaco-
pan road, or rather Tacuba, as it was henceforth
termed, soon became a sort of elongated suburb,
owing to the numerous vegetable gardens which
sprang up on either side of it. The famous levee
which protected the southern front of the city from
the waters of Xochimilco Lake, and had served as a
resort for traders and promenaders, was strengthened
and named San Ldzaro.^^
.The quarter was laid out in rectangular blocks, the
^" *La tercera plasa fa4 una muy gran hambre luego como fu^ tomada la
ciiidad/ is Motolmia^ strong description of it, and even the Spaniards wero
pressed for want of maize, hist, Ina., i. 17.
^' The limits appear to have been nearly, Calle de la Santlsima on the east^
San Ger6nimo or San Miguel on the south, Santo Domingo on the north, Santa
Isabel on the west. Alaman, Disert., ii. 108.
^Vetancurt writes toward the close of the 1 7th century: 'Entrase en la
Ciudad por seis calsadas, las tres antiguas de Guadalupe d el Norte, de Ta-
cuba al I'oniente, y la de S. Anton al Medio dia, y por otras trcs q hizieron
los Espafioles, por la de la Piedad, por la de la Chapultepec, y la de Santiago
asia el Poniente. * Trot. Mex. Cepeda, Rd. Mex, , i. 3, 4, half a century earlier,
gives the Santiago road a length of 5,500 varas and a width of 10; the San
Anton, 7,000 by 10; its Iztapaiapan extension 5,200 by 11; the Chapult«peo
3,000 by 7; the Tacuba 2,500 by 14. The latter is now known as San Cosme.
^^ It was 9,000 varas long, and 6 wide, and had 7 openings, corresponding
to 80 many canals which passed through to the lake. These canals were from
1,000 to 3,800 varas long. Id, See NaLive BuceSt ii. 560, et seq., for descrip-
PUBLIC AND PBIVATE HOUSES. 11
eastern extension being twice as lonff as the northern,^
and distributed among the intended settlers, with the
usual reservations for public buildings.'® In the cen-
tral part hardly any of the filled can^s were reopened,
but beyond the main channels were left intact, and
spanned by stone bridges." Of the two squares in
the Spanish quarter, by far the largest was the former
central temple court, serving now also for market-
place, round which were reserved sites for church, con-
vent, gubernatorial palace, town-hall, prison, and other
public buildings.^ The town-hall was begun in 1528,
only, and finished four years later, enlargements hav-
ing speedily to be made.^ Private houses were erected
on a scale proportionate to the means and aspirations
of the owner, both large in so far as an abundance of
free labor and material was concerned. The main
tion of old Mexico. Orozco y Berra incorrectly places the central temple
between the main southern and northern avenues instead of facing both. This
and some other minor errors are probably due to a misreading of Libro de
Cabildo. I must express my admiration for the researches of this scholar.
" The streets were but 14 varas wide, sufficient for the traffic of early
days, but uncomfortably narrow in later times, so much so that Revilla Gigedo,
in the eighteenth century, proposed to widen them, though the scheme was not
carried out. See Vetancvrt, loc. cit.; Alaman, ZHsert., ii. 199.
"Every conqueror received two lots, other settlers one, Cortis^ Cartas,
310, with the condition of building a house, and holding possession for 5 years.
By cedula of 1523 two caballerias of land were granted to each conqueror near
the town chosen for residence. The conditions were frequently evaded by
payine an indemnity. See Libro de CaJbildo^ MS., March 15, April 1, 8, 15,
June To, November 4, 1524, and passim; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. ii. The
term of residence was afterward reduced to 4 years. Jiecop. de Inaias, ii. 39;
see Hist. Cent. Am.,!. 496-9, for laws concerning the founding of settlements.
^ One reason for filling the smaller channels was the fetid odors which rose
from their shallow waters. Qomara^ Hist. Mex., 235-6. Cedar piles were
used in soft places,
** Torquemada's description in the beginning of the seventeenth century i»
interesting. The plazas are 3, all connected, the principal being in front of the
cathedral. The northern extension is the Flazuela del Marques, so named from
Cort^' houses, while the south-eastern is the plazuela del virey, formerly known
as el volador, and now also known as delas escuelas, from the schools, the first
name coming from the viceregal palace with its officers. The western side of
the main plaza was occupied by traders, the southern by the city-hall and
prison. Monarq. Ind., i. 299.
"The first reservation for it covered 6 lots. The nerfect to build caused
the lots to be occupied by citizens, but a decree of Decemoer 16, 1527, restored
them to the city. Building began April 17, 1528, and the council took posses-
sion May 10, 1532. Adjoining buildings were purchased at different times,
30 to 50 vears later, so as to contain also public granary and slaughter-house.
In 1692 the building was fired by a famine-stricken mob. See lAbrodeCabUdo^
MS.; also Mexican supplement to Dice. Univ., viiL 527.
12 REBUILDING OF MEXICO.
eflfort was to render the buildings strong in case of
an uprising, and with this view stone and masonry
work was the rule, and towers could be erected at each
corner, which assisted to give them an imposing
appearance. The pains bestowed on architectural
embellishments, wherein churches and convents after-
ward took the lead, proved a salutary example to the
community, to judge from Cortds' enthusiastic assur-
ance to the emperor that within a few years the city
would take the first rank in the world for population
and fine edifices.^
The general himself built two fine houses on the
sites of the old and new palaces of Montezuma, located
respectively in the western and south-eastern parts
of the ancient square.^ They were constructed with
great strength, particularly the south-eastern, which
contained more than one interior court, and was pro-
tected by a projecting tower at each comer, and liber-
ally provided with embrasures and loop-holes. Seven
thousand beams are said to have. been employed in the
construction.^ Strength was not the only object of
these centrally located houses, but also profit, the
lower story of one at least being divided into shops,
*^ * De hoy en cinco alios serd la mas noble y populosa ciudad que haya en
lo poblado del mundo, y de mejores edificios. ' Caricu, 310. ' Niuna cittk in
Spagnaper si gran tratto Ilia migliore ne piu gride.* Anon. Conqueror, in
Ramusio, Viagj/i, iii. 309. He extols particularly the later Dominican convent.
'®See voL i. chap. xvi. In the royal cedula of July 1529, granting to
Cortes these sites, the new palace is described as bounded by the square and
the Iztapalapan road, and (south and east) by the streets of Gonzalez de Tru-
jillo and Martin Lopez, the shipwright. Tlie old j)alace is bounded by the new
street of Tacuba, and that leading to San Francisco, and (westward) by the
houses of Rangel, Farfdn, Terrazas, and Zainudio. Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., iL
2S-9; Pttdieeo and Cdrdenaa, CoL Doc., xiii. 213-14. Tlie new palace-site was
sold by Cortes* son to the government on January 29, 1562, and the viceregal
palace rose upon it. The old palace, bounded to the side and rear by Sie
streets of Plateros and La Profesa, or San Jose el Real, served up to that time
for government purposes. Bamirtz, NoUcias de Jlex., in MonumcrUos Domin.
E«p., MS., No. 6, 309 et seq.; Carbajal Espinom, Hist. Mex., ii. 221-2. The
Iztapalapan road was afterward called del Keloj. Calle de la Celada, leading
to the rear of the new palace, southward, was so called from an ambush
during the siege. Alaman, DiserL, ii. 203-12, 257-8. Humboldt, Essai Pol., L
190, misleads Prescott and others about the location of the old palace, and
places the new where the old really stood.
^ ' Que vna viga de cedro tenga ciento y veynte pies de largo, y do^ de
gordo. . .quadrada.* Gomara, Hist. Mex., 235.
FURTHEK DESTRUCTION. 13
which yielded a considerable revenue.*' Very similar
to the houses of Cortes was that of Pedro de Alvarado,
situated in front of the arsenal. This proximity was
objected to by the royal officers, who suspended the
construction till potent reasons were produced to over-
rule the order.*^
A great proportion of the material was obtained
from the existing edifices and ruins, the incentive
for tearing them down being increased by the hope
of finding treasure. At this part of the work the
Spaniards were foremost, and in their vandalistic
strife monument after monument of Nahua art was
razed, particularly the finer edifices. Even the huge
pyramidal structures supporting the temples disap-
peared, for within them were graves of princes and
nobles, known to contain treasure. Materials, espe-
cially for facades, were also obtained from the many
quarries in the neighborhood, notably tetzonth, a red,
porous, yet hard stone, and a kind of porphyry.*^ Oak,
cedar, and cypress were abundant round the lake, and
in the surrounding hills. Although there was no lack
of carriers to fell and convey timber, the Spaniards,
with a disregard fostered by the nude and arid soil
of Castile, allowed the groves and forests near the
lake-shores to be ruthlessly cut down, thus increasing
the evaporation which soon left the lake ports high
and dry, bordered by salt-marshes.
The first and most important structure in the city
was the arsenal, with its fortified docks for sheltering
the fleet. It was situated north-east of the main
square, at the former terminus of the Calle de la
Perpetua,^^ round a basin which had been used for
"* Fifteen thousand casteUanos a year, says a witness during the later resi-
dencia. Another points to the strong construction, with towers, as a sign of
disloyal intentions on Cortes' part The two houses occupied 24 lots, and
were erected with aid of crown slaves — ^both exaggerated statements, as will
be shown afterward. CorUs, Residencies i. 47, 90, 111-12.
•*The marriage of Governor Estrada's daughter to Jorge de Alvarado. /rf.
»» * A feld-spath vitreux et d^pourvu de quartz.* Humboldt, EsacU Pol., i.
177. See also Native Races, ii. 557.
^ This was at first called the street of the atarazanas (arsenal). The direc-
tion is pretty clear in Libro de Cabildo, MS., 90, 101, 210, 221, 226, in con-
14
REBUILDING OF MEXICO.
a harbor by the Aztecs. Two battlemented towers
protected the entrance to the dock, and formed the
extremes of the strong walls leading to the arsenal,
which faced the street. The main feature of this
building was a large tower, known properly as the
fort, the strongest in the city. Pedro de Alvarado ap-
pears to have been the first commandant; and Rodri-
guez de Villafuerte took charge of the fleet" The
Mexico Rebuilt.
fort concluded, Cortes regarded the city as secure ; and
nection with grant of lots, yet Father Pichardo, one of the highest authorities
on the history of Mexico city, places it at the terminus of Santa Teresa street,
3 blocks below, wherein he is followed by many writers. The eastern location
was required to give the fleet free access to the lake, without hinderance from
causeways.
^ Oviedo, iii. 517. He went for a time to Zacatula as lieutenant. Herrera,
dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. viii., intimates that Villafuerte was also made command-
ant, but not so Bemal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 168, whose indication of Alvarado
is supported bv the fact that he erected his house in front of the fort. Pedro
de Salazar de la Pedradawas sent out in 1526, by the emperor, to take charge
of the fort, and secure it from the suspected partisans of Cortes. Samaniego
was lieutenant. PouJieco and Cdrderuu,' Col. Doc., xiii. 371; CorUs^ Eacritoa
SueUoSy 114-15. Cortes describes the reception place for the vessels as *un
cuerpo de casa de tres naves, . . . y tienen la puerta para salir y entrar entre
estas dos torres.' Cartcu, 310. The fleet was lone preserved for servioe, to
judffe by MotoUnia's statement, 'est&n hoy dia en las atarazanoe.' ffisL IruL,
KE^^' TASK-MASTERS. 15
took formal possession with the army. No effort
appears to have been made to erect a church, and for
several years a hall in Cortes' house served for chapeL**
This seems a strange neglect on the part of men who
came in the guise of crusaders. They were more
attentive to temporal comforts, as manifested in par-
ticular by the eagerness to introduce water. Indeed,
one of the first measures had been the restoration of
the aqueduct which in Aztec times brought water
fix)m Chapultepec, about two miles distant.*^
"Raze and tear down, ye slaves, but all must be
rebuilt with your own hands for the victor ! " Such
had been the taunting prophecy frequently thrown
into the teeth of the allies as they paved a way for
the Spaniards through the city of the Aztecs, and
truly was it fulfilled, for the task of rebuilding was
ruthlessly exacted from the lake allies, though the
Aztecs had to share in it. It was also necessary^
to populate the city to obtain hewers of wood and
drawers of water and othet purveyors for the com-
fort of the victors. As the best means to promote
'^Testimony of Tapia and Mejfa and others, in CorUs^ Hesidencia, i.
48, 91, 162, et seq. Vetancurt leaves the impression that this chapel was
dedicated to St Joseph : ' Parroquia vnica que era de Espafioles. ' Trot, Mex. , 6.
"^The original vas constmcted on a causeway ot solid masonry 5 feet
high and 5 feet broad, the water running through 2 pipes of masonry to
different reseryoirs and branch pipes, as described more fuUy in Native Racesy
ii. 565-6. The pipes were not wnoUy restored, so that the water flowed partly
in open canals. This proving objectionable from dust and refuse, portions
were ordered to be covered, and on August 26, 1524, Juan Garrido was em-
ployed at a salary of 50 pesos de oro to watch over it, additional men being
appointed as the need became apparent. Part of the beautiful grove of Cha-
p^tepec was actually cut down to prevent leaves from falling into the spring.
The aqueduct did not extend beyond the first houses on the Tacuba side of
the <nty, and it was proposed in 1527 to repair the aqueducts of Coyuhuacan
or Huichilobnsco, and extend them to the southern suburb. This appeared
too costly, and efforts were made to extend the Chapultepec aqueduct to the
centre of the city, as appears from contracts with the municipality, one
dated April 17, 1528. iMo de CMldo, MS., 17, 23, 193, 221, etc. Nothing
appears to have been done, however; for the procunulores in Spain demanded
special legislation, and by order of September 22, 1530, the extension to the
main plaa was decreed, the cost to be apportioned among Spanish and native
settlers. ' De lo (water) que se perdiere, se podre hiuer vn molino para
propios de la dicha dudad.' Pu^a, Cedulario, 64; Alaman, Diaert., ii.
287-91. This work was concluded onlv in 1537. The fine aqueduct Tlas-
pana was not in operation till the middle of the following century.
16 REBUILDING OF MEXICO.
the return of the inhabitants, and assure their good
conduct, at one time by no means submissive, the
cihuacoatl, or lieutenant, of Quauhtemotzin, whom
Cortes had known in Montezuma's time, was given a
similar position under Cortes, with instructions to
bring back and settle the people, and rule them
according to native laws, modified to some extent by
Spanish regulations. Some of these involved privi-
leges which tended greatly to reconcile the natives
to the new rule. Special districts, with certain fran-
chises, were also granted to different chiefs so as to
encourage them to introduce their tribes.*^ Other
natives were also allured by similar offers, while cer-
tain lords and towns were ordered to supply and
maintain during the rebuilding a number of laborers
and artisans, the largest force coming from Tezcuco,
in accordance with an agreement made by Ixtlilxo-
chitl on being raised to the long-desired throne of
his ancestors.** One of the wards, called Tlascalte-
capan in commemoration of its capture by Tlascal-
tecs, was granted to settlers of this people, who
rendered good service in maintaining order among
the Mexicans. ^^ While the latter settled throughout
the city, Tlateluco became the headquarters for the
Aztecs.
The rebuilding progressed rapidly, the natives
swarming in and relieving their work with songs and
witticisms, almost frivolous in their oblivion of past
troubles, and regardless of the fetters they were still
continuing to forge for themselves. Their great
number made the task-master's whip less needful, and
the only apprehension seemed to be about food, which
became so scarce as to give rise to diseases under
^ CortiSf Cartas, 908-9. Gomara associates Pedro, the son of Montezama^
-with the cihuacoatl, and ffives each a ward to populate and rebuild. Hiit.
ifex., 235; HerrerOy dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. viii.
*^His namesake magnifies the number of men supplied by him to 400,000.
Hot. Crueldadea, 60. *Haciendo & los Chalcos, Tezcucanos y Xuohimilcos y
fepanecas tragesen. . .materiales.' Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 512.
^ It is now called San Juan Bautista ward, says Panes. M<mumetUoa Do-
mm. E9p,f MS., 61. Neither name appears on present maps.
COAT OF AKMS. 17
which quite a number succumbed.^ The superintend-
ence of the different branches of the work was in-
trusted to Spanish artisans and officers, who instructed
the natives in the use of iron tools, in transporting
and lifting material, and in building, the native Amer-
icans everywhere proving apt learners.
So rapid was the growth of the city** that, from
representations made in 1522, the sovereign was
pleased to award it official recognition bv conferring
a coat of arms, representing a water-blue field, in
allusion to the lake of Mexico, having in the centre
a gilt castle to which three paved causeways led.
At the end of the two lateral, not connected with
the castle, stand two lions rampant, each grasping
the castle with its paws, in token of Spanish victory.
A gilt border surrounds the field, containing ten
maguey leaves, and a crown surmounts the shield.**
The native arms represented a maguey plant in the
middle of a lake, and thereon an eagle with a snake
in its bill. This was also permitted to be used in
certain connections,*^ though with some changes, in
accordance with the more or less bigoted ideas of the
authorities in Mexico. At times all allusion to the
native eagle and maguey was forbidden as of demo-
niacal influence.** Seven years later the city was ac-
^Herrertif dec. iii lib. iv. cap. TiiL 'Era tanta la gente que andaba en
las obrae que apenaa podia hoinbre romper por algnnas calles.* MoUAinui,
Hist. Jnd,, 1. 18.
^ In hia letter of October 1524, Cortte indicates 30,000 settlers (vecinoe),
Cartas^ 309, which most include many temporary dwellers, for about 80 years
later Torquemada, L 299, assumes as a high estimate 7,000 Spanish and 8,000
native settlers or families. Qomara, who wrote about 1550, mentions 2,000
Spanish settlers. UtU, Mex,, 236. Some 20 years before this the anonymous
conqueror speaks of 400 leading Spanish houses. Bamtuio, Viaggi, iii. 309.
^This was granted July 4, 1523, in consideration of the city being 'tan
inside y Koble, y el mas principal Pueblo, que hasta ahora, en la dicha tierra,
porNos se ha hallado.' 6rdenu de la Corona, MS., ii. 67-8; Jfez., Extr, de
Cidulas, MS., 3, 13.
^OalUf Mem. y Not., 43. In recognition of the city havinff been the
capital of the country. Vetancurt describes this coat of arms with the addi-
tion of a castle with 3 towers, and 2 lions supporting the shield, which is
sazmoiinted by a crown. TrcU. Afex,, 5, 6.
** Archbishop and Viceroy Palafox caused the eagle to be replaced with a
caroas. The clumges and mixtures thus introduced in the course of three cen-
turies of colonial rule, as represented on ooios, standard, and seals, are almost
Bbt. Kbl. Tol. XL a
18 REBUILDINO OP MEXICO,
corded the same preeminence in New Spain as that
enjoyed by Biirgos in old Spain,*^ and m 1548, the
title of ''very noble, great, and very loyal city."**
iimuinerable, and this aoconnts for the cut in Chmalez DdvUa, TeairoEeUs. , i. 1,
which accords with none of the above descriptionB. In view of these changes
the crown issned a decree in 1596, ordering preference to be given to anna
granted by the sovereigns. Recop, de ItuUos, ii. 25.
tf The first vote in national council, 'y el primer luffar, despnes de la Jus-
ticia, en los Congresos.' Id. This decree was dated June 25, 1530. The
regidores by this time numbered 12, in accordance with a decree of October
22, 1523, granting this number to 'Ciudades principales' in the Indies, other
towns to have only six. Id., 33. By decree of 1539 the municipality was
granted jurisdiction within a circuit of 15 leagues. Secop. de ItuUos, ii. 25.
*«0n July 4. CcUle, Mem, y Not., 43; Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 544.
A much esteemed distinction. The city was fortunate enough to obtain a
big bone of Saint Hippolytus, which enjoyed great veneration, adds Calle.
In addition to the standard authorities quoted, the following works bear
more or less fully upon the subject of the chapter: IcazbaJLceta, Col. Doc., i.
17, 358-67, 389-97, 506-8; Siguenza y Q<ing<yra, Anotaciones Grit., MS., 1
et seq.; Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 23^-47; Monumentoa Domin. Esp., MS., 58-61 »
73-5, 83-5; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 76 et seq.; Cort4s, Hist. N. EgpcuHa,
374-8; Archivo Mex., Doc.,i. 61 etseq.; ii. 218-21, 257-79, 303-4; Temaux-
Compans, Voy., s^rie i. tom. x. 49 et seq.; Pacheco and Udrdenas, Col. Doc.,
xiii. 76-80, 293-5; Kingsborough^a Mex. Antiq., ix. 391, 429; Motolinia, Hiat,
Ind., 17; Concilioa Prov., 1555-65, p. vL; Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., ii. 375-81;
iii. 166-7, 544; Id., MS., 86, 263; Gonzalez DdvUa, Teatro, i. 1, 7; Caoo,
Trea Siglos, i. 15, 16, 23-6, 60, 65, 73; Aa, Naaukeurige Veraameling, x. 155
et seq.; Nueva Espafla, Bespuesta, MS.; Recop. de Indids^ ii. 25; 6rdenes de
la Corona, MS., ii. 4, 67; Monumentoa Hiat. y Pol., MS., 1 etseq.; Mex.^
Estractoa de C^dulaa, MS., 3, 13, 14; Leyea, Fariaa Anot., MS., 111-12;
Sedazar y Olarte, Conq. Mex., 6-9; Calle, Mem. y Not., 43; Fonaeca, Hiai.
Hacienda, i. 5; Robertaon*a Hiat. Am.,iL 125-7; Ramirez, Proceao contra At'
varado, 5, 6, 40, 71-2; PreacoU'a Mex., iii. 208-59; Id. (Mex. ed.), notes,
passim; Helpa* Cort6a, n. 118-22, 132-5; Buatamanie, Neceaidad, 41-4;
Alaman, Diaert., 1. 149-98, ii. 197-322; Cepeda, Relacion, i. 3-6; Samndung
cUler Reiaebeach., xiii. 453 et seq. ; Laeunza, Diacuraoa, 453-4; Humboldt, Esaai
Pol., i. 193 et seq.; Holmea* Annala, i. 53; Armin, Alte Mex., 339-56; Liceo
Mex., i. 68-72; Aim. Calend., 1839, 26; Zafnacoia, Hist. M^j., iv. 51-65,
93-101, 137--50, 472; Pimeniel, Mem. lAt., 94-6; Solis, Hiat. Mex. (Mad.
1843), 457-60, 492, 509-12; Soe. Mex. Geog., Bcleiin, ii. 121-2; PoinaeWa
Notea, L 65; Pap. Var,, v. no. ii. 8; xlvi. no. viil. 31-44; Mayer'a Mex. Aztec,
i. 80-5; Dice. Univ., i. 300-5; Cander'a Mex. and Guat., 80; Album Mex,,
ii. 466; Abiapa de Chil., 59^^; Zerecero, Rev. Mex., 4-8; Domenech, HisL
Max., 1. 241-2.
CHAPTER II.
PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST.
1521-1522.
CSKTRAUZATION AND ITS EFFECT — A FaLLKN AtHENS — REWARD OF A
Traitor— Career of a Precocious Prince— Ixtlilxochitl's Dmap-
poiNTMENT — Policy toward Native Princes — ^Tezcuco and Aoolhua-
CAN — ^TlaSCALA and HER REWARD — NeW CoNQUEST PROJECTS — SeARCU
JOR Ammunition — Climbing a Volcano — Descending into the Burn-
ing Crater— Casting Cannon — Tochtepec Expedition — A Boaster's
DlSCOMFrrTRE — Ck)LD- HUNTING IN XaLTEPEC— ESPIRITU SaNTO FoUNDED
— Zapotecapan and Miztecapan— The Mystic Prophet — Orozco In-
vades Oajaca — Antequera Established — Cocuyopu's Dilemma — Alva-
RADO Overruns Tututepec — Seoura Founded Anew.
The exaltation of Mexico tended to eclipse the
other native towns in the valley even more than her
rise under Aztec supremacy. There was no longer a
series of capitals, to be sustained by kings and minor
lords, all prepared to rival one another in pomp and
embellishments. The only capital now was Tenocli-
titlan, which the Spaniards felt obliged, for the safety
and interest of themselves and the crown, to make
the main stronghold and point of concentration. The
revenues of the native rulers could no longer be em-
ployed according to the dictates of their fancy for
palaces and similar works, since the greater part
passed into the hands of the encomenderos and the
treasury officials. New diseases, enslavement, and dif-
ferent methods for employing the natives, all added
to the causes for decline among their lately flourish-
ing towns, only too many of which have entirely
disappeared from the maps or dwindled to petty
hamlets. Mexico also declined, for that matter, in
extent and population, according to the admission of
(19)
20 PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST.
the conquerors, and the evidence of ruins.^ She was
no longer the centre of a vast continental trade, or
the residence of a brilliant court, whose despotic sov-
ereign obliged provincial lords to congregate there
with vast retinues, and expend their income for the
benefit of Aztec jailers. Trade drifted into other
channels, and the humbled caciques hid from oppres-
sion and indignities in remote villages, where they
might still exact a semblance of respect from equally
oppressed vassals.
Among the sufiering towns, though it dwindled
hardly so fast, was Tezcuco, renowned not alone for
ancient glories, but for the beauty of its buildings,
and for being the chief seat of native learning, the
Athens of the continent.^ Like savagism, aborigi-
nal civilization declined when brought into contact
with foreign culture, whose exponents both despised
it and looked upon the embodying records as de-
moniacal, fit only to be destroyed. As for the popu-
lation, a large proportion was drafted for the rebuild-
ing of the queen city, particularly of artisans, there
to perish or remain. The obsequious Ixtlilxochitl
was only too eager to ayiticipate the wishes of the
patronizing and graspiDg Spaniards. He who had not
hesitated the sacrifice of his country and rehgion to
personal ambition, as modem Mexicans not unjustly
term his Spanish alliance, did not scruple to aid in
enslaving his subjects. Resistance on his part would
not have saved them; still the role he had volun-
tarily assumed, and been obliged to sustain, must
ever brand his memory in the minds of patriots. The
reward for his long devotion was now to come. His
brother. King Fernando, died from wounds received
during the siege, it seems,^ to the deep regret of the
^ See Hist. Mex.^ i. 276, tliis series.
^ See description in Hisi. Mex., i. 425-7, this series. Within a few years
the population is said to have dwindled to one third, and 60 years later to
one ninth. The Spanish population in 1858 numbered 100 (families) only.
Ponce, Sei, in Cd. Doc IrUd., Mi. 111.
' * Despues que se tomd la ciudad de Tenuxtitan, eetando en esta de Ouyoa-
can, laleciid don Fernando.' CorU*, CarlM, 270. This passage has evidently
IXXIILXOCHITL. 21
Spaniards, to whom he had become endeared by his
gentle manners, his fine, fair presence, resembling that
of a Castilian rather than of a native American, and
by his devotion to their interests. The Tezcucans
hastened to elect for successor Ahuaxpitzactzin, after-
ward baptized as Cdrlos, a not fully legitimate son of
XezahuaJpilli ; for the scheming ana unpatriotic Ixtlil-
xochitl does not appear to have been liked in the
Acolhua capital, whatever his influence in the northern
provinces which he had wrested from the rest. This
independent conduct of the electors did not please
Cortes, who might have approved their choice if sub-
mitted with due hmnility, and so he persuaded them
to reconsider the selection in favor of his well-deserv-
ing prot^g^ Ixtlilxochitl, baptized as Fernando Pi-
mentel, though generally referred to under the former
name, now the cognomen of his family.*
Although but twenty-one years of age, Ixtlilxochitl
could point to a career almost unparalleled for one
so young, and one that might, under difierent cir-
cumstances, have placed his name among the most
illustrious in Nahua annals. At his birth already
astrologers drew strange portents from the stars. The
child would in the course of time become the friend of
strangers, turn against his own blood, change laws and
institutions, and even rise against the gods. He should
be killed. " Nay! " replied the king, " have not the gods
willed his birth, and this as the time approaches for
escaped both Prescott, Jfex., iii. 46, and Brasaeor de Bonrbonrg, ffiae. NcU.
Civ., iv. 465, who, following a confused .statement in Ixtlilxochitl, plaoe thib
rather prominent event before the beginning of the actual siege.
^See Hist, Mex., i. 572, this series, wherein is explained the confusion of
the other writers on this point, some misled by the careless wording in CoriiSy
Cartas, 270, which appears to give him the name of Cdrlos. The name Fer-
nando is, however, too clearly fixed by the family records and archives used
by IxtlilxochitL See Jlor, Cruekladta, 13, 74, and Beladonen, 390, 410, 414,
433-4, and above note on p. 572. Gomara and Uerrera confirm the error by
copying Oort^. Duran, Uke many another, overlooks the intermediate kines
since Cohuanacoch*s time. Jfigt, Ind,, MS., ii. 493. Cavo assumes with much
probablity that the appointee offered the inducement of sending large forces
to aid in rebuilding Mexico. Tres Siqloa, L 15, 16. Garcfa de Pilar asserts
tiiat the appointment was procured by heavy bribes to Cortes, some 80,000
pesos, besides other presents, Iztlibcochitl selling his subjects both to slave-
aealers and butcher-stallB to obtain the money. CorU$, RtmdeneUit ii. 218-19.
22 PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST.
the fulfilment of the ancient prophecies!*' These re-
ferred to the coming of the children of fair Quetzalcoatl
from the region of the rising sun/ The boy displayed
a remarkable precocity united to a cruel disposition.
Out of pure mischief, or because his nurse happened to
offend him, he pushed her into a deep well as she bent
for water for him, and then attempted to quiet her
drowning shrieks by casting stones upon her. When
called before the king to answer, he pleaded that the
deceased had broken the law which forbade female
attendants at the palace to speak with a man. He
had merely punished her for the transgression.* This
seemed just, and the wondering judge bade him go.
At the age of seven he organized a company of boy
soldiers, and sent his tutors to collect weapons where-
with to spread terror among the citizens, his plea
being that he was training warriors for the common-
wealth. Two counsellors objected to these dangerous
pranks, and expressed the conviction that su<jh mis-
chievous spirits as the prince and his companions
should be killed ere they created more serious trouble.
Some of his associates expressing fears for their safety,
young Ixtlilxochitl marched to the dwelling of the
counsellors and caused them to be strangled. He there-
upon presented himself before the king and assumed
the responsiblity of the deed, which was simply an
anticipation of the fate meditated by the counsellors
against himself, who had never injured them. Neza-
hualpilli wished to be just, even if the life of a son
depended upon it, but in his admiration for the prom-
ising qualities of* the boy as a leader and advocate, he
could find no reasons for condemning him; nor did
any of the ordinary judges venture to raise their voice
against the imp. When fourteen years of age he
joined in the Tlascala campaign, and three years later
his gallant behavior had secured for him the insignia of
* great captain/
^ See Hist. Mex., voL L chap, vii., for a full account of the myths and omens.
'He waa then but three yean old, says Ixtlilxochitl. Hist. Chkh,^ 275-6.
Certainly a remarkable child.
TEZCUOO AFFAIRS. 28
Meanwhile Nezahaalpilli had died without naming
a successor, and the council, influenced by Monte-
zuma, set aside the claims of an elder brother and
declared Cacama king. Actuated both by personal
ambition and patriotic resentment against Aztec in-
terference, Ixtlilxochitl denounced the electors as tools
of the imperial intriguer. Finding his protests un-
heeded, he began to interest the interior provinces in
his own behalf, by applying patriotic arguments, and
in 1517 he descended from Meztitlan with a force
estimated at a hundred thousand men. Everything
yielded before him, and one of the foremost Aztec
generals was defeated and captured. More than one
adjoining principality now pronounced in favor of the
^reat captain, while the Aztec monarch neglected to
sustain Cacama, under the pressure of troubles in his
own provinces, and of ominous incidents supported^ by
the arrival off the eastern coast of mysterious water-
houses with white-bearded occupants — the expeditions
of C6rdoba and Grijalva. Thus abandoned, Cacama
hastened to make terms with his brother, who declared
that the campaign was directed wholly against Monte-
zuma, but nevertheless exacted the northern half of
the kingdom for himself. The terms may be regarded
as moderate on the part of an irresistible general.
Ixtlilxochitl must have had strong motives for con-
tenting himself with a half, for he dreamed no longer
of regal power alone, but of overthrowing the hated
Aztecs, whose strength seemed already waning, and
thus achieving immortal renown as the savior of his
country, a project which afterward would have ex-
panded into the more ambitious one of founding a
new Chichimec empire. The present moderation was
intended to extend his influence to the furtherance
of these schemes, and to assure them by a more
steady growth, unhampered by jealous intrigue. The
appearance of the Spaniards, while afibrding him the
much desired assistance, brought him in contact with
schemers equally ambitious, but stronger and more
24 PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST.
subtle. In their hands he became a tool, whose devo-
tion became stamped as obsequiousness, whose patri*
otic efforts assumed a traitorous guise, and whose
grand plans turned into hateful plottings. Bitter irony
of fate I^
While investing him with the sovereignty of Acol-
huacan, although without the title of king, Cortes
also conferred the perpetual grant, for himself and
descendants, of three districts, among them Otumba
and Tziauhcohuac, each with about thirty-three vil-
lages.® This concession served only to open the eyes
of Ixtlilxochitl to the intention of Cortes with regard
to Tezcuco, whose prince was evidently to bear the
name only of ruler. His important services to the
Spaniards, which he had estihaated as indispensable,
were thus to be rewarded : by the shadow of the sub-
stantial power which he could so many times have
acquired for himself, and worse than this, by the
insulting grant of a small portion of what he had all
this time enjoyed as his own. And this grant was
conferred by men to whom he had- dispensed so many
favors, in treasures, vassals, and deeds, and whom he
had saved from destruction, as he flattered himself, by
tendering his alliance when inaction alone would have
procured him untold favors from the Aztecs. The
thought was humiliating. Forgetting his usual defer-
ence, the prince ventured to observe that what had
^ Ixtlilxochitl, his namesake, rose as biographer to ennoble his efforts and
ma^f y his deeds with unsparing generosity. X^evertheless, his pases reveal
at intervals a bitter sarcasm upon his misguided zeal, which can hardly be
accidental. The writer, indeed, was actuated chiefly by a desire to advocate
the claims of his family on the ^pratitude of the crown, from which he demanded
grants and other favors, and his main reliance was on the services of his name-
sake, of whose role he must otherwise have been ashamed. He was also
afraid to express anything but praise of acts connected with the advancement
of the Spaniards. -In describing the career of his hero he yields to the com-
mon fault of exaggeration, yet we acquisition of a kingdom by a mere youth,
wrested as it were from the dreaded Montezuma, gives probability to almost
any tales about him. See HitL Chick,, Tib-1, 282-4; KeL, 410; Torquemadc^
i. 221-7; VetancvH, Teairo, pt. ii. 43-4; Veiftia, UisL Ant. MeJ., ul 367-75;
Herreray dec. iii. lib. i. cap. i.; Clavigero, Storia Mesa., i. 297-«9.
^ * Otumba con treinta y tres pueblos, Itziuhcohuao con otros tantoe, que
cae icia la parte de Pinuco, y Cholula con dertoa pueblos.' IxtiilxockUly Jior,
Crueidadee, 61.
REWARD FOR SERVICBS. 2$
been given was his own, since i#had never been taken
from him. After the services he had rendered, and
the hardship he and hi^ people had undergone for the
Spaniards, it was but right that he and his successors
should be left in undisturbed possession of the king-
dom.* Cortes recognized the justice of the claim, but
he remembered Ixtlilxochitl's tardy extension of aid
after the flight from Mexico, and was probably fully
aware of the motives which prompted his alliance. All
this afforded strong reasons for not yielding to the de-
mands of this and other allies. To acknowledge every
such claim would materially reduce his own credit
and the value of the conquest. The native rulers had
served his purpose, and being no longer indispensable
they must gradually learn to recognize their true posi-
tion as nothing more than leading personages among
the half- civilized race he had conquered. In the
present instance he gave no definite answer, and Ix-
tlilxochitl was left nominally in possession of what
he claimed, till circumstances revealed the shadowy
nature of his title and possessions.
On returning to his kingdom, after being released
from further attendance at Mexico, he availed himself
of his position to reward with grants and other hon-
ors the most deserving adherents, and others whom
policy commended to his notice. He also employed
the captive slaves^^ that had fallen to his share to aid
in repairing the damage inflicted on Tezcuco during
its recent occupation as Spanish head-quarters, notably
the destruction of the royal palace and other edifices
by the TlascaJtecs on first entering the city and on
passing through it after the fall of Mexico. All these
efforts, however, failed to reconcile the inhabitants of
the capital and lake districts, whosfe treatment by
the Spaniards had made them more than ever averse
•In the version of Ixtlilxochiil*ii Rdadon^ 429, etc., published by Buate^
mante under the title of Horribles Crueldades, 60-1, the editor hu misundtvr-
■tood the meaning of the text, and ventured to lubstitate Cortte where \%
■hoald read Ixtlilxochitl, thus changing the sense.
'* Two thousand in number, says IxtlibcochitL
86 PREPABATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST.
to a prince hateful to them from boyhood. The
return from captivity of the deposed Cohuanacoch
had created a sympathy which soon turned the
current of popularity in favor of one who had
suffered so much for the national cause. Aware of
the feeling with respect to himself, Ixtlilxochitl felt
it almost a matter of necessity to leave his brother
at Tezcuco in enjoyment of the regal honors accorded
him before his very face. He even thought it politic
to assign him a certain portion of the revenue. He
withdrew to his former northern domains, establishing
his capital at Otumba, where a new palace was
erected."
Not unlike, the rewards of Ixtlilxochitl were those
of the Tlascaltecs, to whom the Spaniards owed a
vast debt — their lives, and the moral and physical aid
which sustained them in adversity, and in the initia-
tory operations which led to ultimate success. In this
act of forging fetters for adjoining peoples, fetters
which were also to shackle themselves, they had been
impelled not alone by a hatred of the Aztecs, more
intense and exalted than that of the Tezcucan prince,
but by a friendship based on admiration, and cemented
by Cortes' politic favors. At the opening of the
Tepeaca campaign they had certainly been led to form
great expectations,^* and promises flowed freely when
^^ According to Ixtlilxochitl, Hw, Crueldadea^ 61, he agreed with Cohua-
nacoch, out of brotherly love it seems, to divide the kingdom with him; the
brother to rule as king at Tezcuco, and control Chalco, Quauhnahuac, Itzucon,
Tlahuac, and other provinces as far as the South Sea, while Ixtlilxochitl
retained the northern provinces, and those extending toward the North Sea.
This assumed division is based on the former limits of tne Chichimec empire. It
is not likely that a Tezcucan monarch received even nominal honors in half the
provinces named. See Native Baoes, v. 395-6, for boundaries assigned by the
terms of the tripartite alliance in 1431, which had become practically obso-
lete before the Spaniards arrived. Ixtlilxochitl seeks to magnify the power
of his ancestry to promote bis claims. He allows his namesake to take pos-
session of the northern kingdom on March 19, 1523, and to build Dalaces also
at Teotihuacan and at Tecpitpac, a site given him by his father. Hor. Cruel-
dadeSf 53. Brasseur de Bourbourg, UvbL Nat. Civ,, iv. 563-4, assumes that
while Cohuanacoch received the tribute and nominal sovereignty of all the
kingdom, the brother controlled the general administration and the armies,
to prevent any revolt.
13 By a craftily worded document issued to them by Cort^, wherein flow*
TLASCALAS QUESTIONABLE GAIN. 27
they were dismissed to their homes after the fall of
Mexico The first instalment thereof was exemption
from the tribute exacted in all other provinces,* and
from being given in encomiendas ;^^ then came certain
titles which somided so well, but were worth little
more than their cost to the crown. Thus their capi-
tal was made the seat of the first diocese, honored by
the name of Carolense, and their alcalde mayor,
elected from among themselves, was permitted to call
himself governor." Huexotzinco shared slightly in
these privileges, and the cacique received a coat of
arms for assisting the fugitive Spaniards in 1520."
And this was about all. The fault lay greatly with
Cortes, who for the sake of his own credit never
admitted the real extent of his obligation to these
faithfrd alUes.^* Their very devotion and prowess were
to assist in destroying them, since nearly every expedi-
tion in early times tor opening new regions, or sup-
pressing revolts, took away a number, of whom many
ing words fed their hopes without committing himself. Hie only substantial
promise recorded, aside from the share in booty, appears to have been the con-
servation to them of lands and local government. Several modem writem
harp on the contract made with them, but their only authority is Camargo,
who is doubtful. See Hitt, Mex., i. 525, this series.
^^Even to the crown. This exemption was confirmed through Cortes
-when in Spain, so that grasping officials miffht not prevent it. By decree of
1535 the province was as a special mark of favor declared an inalienable part
4A the crown of Castile. Urdenes de la Corona^ iL 4. Torque parezca que
tienen. alguna mas libertad,' is Cort^' significant allusion to the nimsiness of
the favors. Cartas, 332.
^* Diego Maxizcatsin was governor in 1534. Motolinia describes fully the
elaborate festivities in 1538, when the new arms of the city were first dis-
played. HisL Ind.f 81. The laws in Beoop. de Indias^ ii. 199-200, confirm
to them certain customs, exempt them from the obligation to serve beyond
their province, and from monopoliea in wines and meats, which must be let
at public auction as in Spain. The viceroy is enjoined to honor them and
their towns in every way, and they are further given the touching privilege
of freely making representations and complaints — the royal waste-basket
was cwpocious enough.
^ The cedula, dated 1534, calls him Aquiahuateuliti, baptized as Francisco
<ie Sandoval y Moreno. Panes, in Monumentos Domin. Enp., MS., 73-5. Tliey
were for a time civen in encomienda to Cort^ians. Temaux-Comipans, Voy.,
aerie ii torn. v. IG/. Father Juarez obtained their incorporation under the
erown. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. x. cap. viL
^*This is intimated in the openinff c6dula concerning them, Id., 199,
w^herein their prompt submission to church and king is indicated as their
chief merit, in another cedula, however, they are commended for ' services
Tendered during the pacification of the country. '
28 PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CJONQXJEST.
perished, while others were distributed as settlers to
support the Spaniards in controlUng different districts.
Diseases and other adjuncts of ttie new civilization
made inroads upon them as they did on all the
natives, and so they dwindled to a handful, impotent
even to raise their voice against the abuses to which
unscrupulous officials submitted them.^^ Their only
real friends were the friars, who did what they could
to protect their rights, and confirm them in their
devout and loyal disposition.
While the rebuilding of Mexico served to occupy
the more contented spirits who had decided to settle
there, supported by the encomiendas granted them in
the valley, Cortds found the better remedy for the
rest to be expeditions, which would not only advance
the common interest, but enable them to achieve their
own rewards and at the same time remove turbulent
characters to a safe distance. Actual campaigns were
little called for, since the mere report of the fall of
Mexico sufficed to summon neutral or even hostile
caciques to render homage to the victors. Neverthe-
less it was necessary to actually occupy the surrounding^
provinces, ascertain their condition and wealth, and,
above all, to extort tribute and presents on the strength
of the ridiculous requirement issued by the sovereign
in the name of the pope, and to be used in demanding
submission from the natives. ^^ To this end the tribute-
rolls of Montezuma proved of value, by indicating the
kind and amount of taxes exacted by the rapacious.
Aztec collectors. An exhibition of the rolls with
^^ The king foand it necessary, at the instance of the friars, to repeat more
than once the order against their compulsory service beyond the limits of their
province. 'Tambien los hizo esclavos; di|^;na recompensa por cierto de unos
hombres viles, verdugoa de su misma p&tna,' is the patriotic outburst against
them by Bustamante. Abispa de Ckilpandngo, 59. See also his Necesidad,
in Pap. Var., xlvi. MS., 8, and his Tracts, 41-2. He overlooks that they
acted with a motive which to them was pure. They were made tools bv a
superior mind. By a viceregal decree issued at their request in December
1537, no slaves were allowed within their territory. Packeco and Cdruenas,
Col. Doc, ii. 202.
^^See HigL CenL Am,, i. 397-9, this series.
SULPHUR FROM POPOCATEPETL. 29
the alluring facts was enough to bring forward the
needed volunteers for any of the proposed expeditions.
A primary measure, however, was to replenish the
ammunition, for hardly any powder remained. In this
dilemma Cortes bethought himself of the smoking
Popocatepetl, where Ordaz had discovered sulphur in
1519. Encouraged by the fame of his ascent, Fran-
cisco Montano offered himself for the venture.^® Four
Spaniards and a number of natives accompanied them,
and as they approached the volcano their train^had
swelled to thousands of sight-seers, aglow with excite-
ment at this second storming of the infernal regions,
which promised to be far more daring than the first.
Many built huts near the foot, there to await the
result of the battle. The ascent began about noon,
several attendants following with the necessary ropes,
bags, and blankets When night came on they dug a
<»vity in which to shelter themselves from the pierc-
ing cold, but the sulphurous exhalations became so
unendurable as to drive them forth. While groping
about in the dark, half benumbed, one of the Span-
iards fell into a crevice, and but for a friendly icicle
ho would have been dashed into an abyss several
thousand feet below. Finding the locality unsafe they
halted until dawn,"despite the chilling blast, and then
hastened forward. Half an hour later an eruption
shook the mountains, and sent them scampering for
the friendly shelter of some crags. The shock proved
not wholly unwelcome, however, for a heated stone
rolled toward them, by which they were enabled to
warm their stiffened limbs. Soon afterward one of
the men became so exhausted that he had to be left
behind to await their return. They were already
approaching the goal, when a fresh eruption took place
^Francuco Mesa» an artillerist, is named aa one of the companions, and
Juan de Larios appears to have been another. In the petition of MontaAo's
heirs the event is placed daring the siege, and Solis, Jligt. Mex,, iL 251-2,
dates it while Cortes iras at Se^ira; but both are too early. In his relation
of May 1522, Cort^B states that he sent the men from Ooynhuacan, so that
it most have been shortiy after the siege, while preparing new expeditions.
30 PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST.
with a shower of stones and ashes that caused them
to drop their burdens and rush for shelter.^
After a while they ventured forward again, and
reached the summit, and as they gazed apprehensively
into the crater, nearly half a league in width, the
clearing smoke occasionally disclosed seething masses
hundreds of feet below,*^ while the oppressive fumes
sent a shiver almost of horror through their frames,
mingled with unspoken regrets for having undertaken
the evil adventure. Their reputation was at stake,
however, and among the four who had persevered so
far, none wished to show cowardice. The difficulty
was to descend into the crater to collect the sulphur
which was lyin^ there in abundance. At last a spot
was found, and Tots being drawn, it fell to Montano to
take the initiatory step. With a rope around his waist
he descended into the abyss for a distance of several
hundred feet,^ according to his o^ii statement, with
swimming brain, oppressed by deadly fumes, and in
danger from eruptive substances. It seemed indeed a
slender support and one which at any moment might
part and abandon him to the glowing fire beneath.
After delivering a bagful of brimstone seven times,
he was relieved by one of his companions, who made
six trips,® increasing the output to three hundred
pounds. This was deemed sufficient; and eager to
escape from their threatening position, they began the
return journey, which proved not a little difficult,
burdened as they were. At times they were threading
a deep crevice, at times sliding down a snow-covered
surface, stumbling against some sharp projection, or
sinking into a treacherous aperture. The abandoned
^ CorUa, Cartas, 270. Herrera ignores this aJlusion to a flight and reasoent^
and states that the party reached the summit at 10 A. m. dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. ii.
'^ * Q estaua ardiendo a manera de fuego natural, cosa hie espantosa de
ver.' Id. 'Tan gran hondura, que no pudieron ver el cabo.' CorUsj Cartas^
270.
" ' Setenta 6 ochenta brazas.' Id., 312. Herrera makes it only 14.
^ So runs tiie statement in Herrera; and Cort^ also writes that the men
were ' lowered ' 70 fathoms into the crater; but it is more probable that their
colored story reduces itself to a mere descent along the incline of a creyice.
Juan de Larioe is said to have made the last descents.
MANUFACTURE OF CANNON. 31
comrade was picked up, though he could render no
aid in conveying the burden. As they approached
the camp at the foot the natives came forth with
enthusiastic cheers to bear the doughty adventurers
on their shoulders. Their journey to Coyuhuacan
was a triumphal march, and Cortes himself came to
welcome them with an embrace, wreathed in abun-
dant promises. Montafto was too humble an individ-
ual, however, to receive the same attention as Ordaz,
who used his less valuable performance, magnified by
influence and position, to obtain a coat of arms and
grants. An encomienda, scanty even for his ordinary
services as participant in the conquest, and a brief
term of office as corregidor, was all that his repeated
appeals could secure.^ The sulphur proved most
acceptable, but no attempts were made to obtain
more from the volcano, because of the danger.^
Another want was cannon, both for expeditions
and for the different strongholds to be established in
their wake. Iron was unknown to the natives, but
copper could be obtained in abundance, and an alloy
was alone needed to produce a serviceable metal. The
rich possessed a little tin in the shape of dishes, esti-
mated indeed equal to sUver,*® and small pieces circu-
lated as money. By following this clew it was found
that at Taxco, some distance south-west of Quauhna-
huac, mines of this metal existed. Use was at once
><The encomienda comprised half the village of Zapotitlan, altogether
inmfficient for the maintenance of his lar^e family of 10 sons and 7 dauffhters.
Hia appeals prodnced an order to the viceroy, years later, to reward him,
and he received the office of corregidor of Tooald in Miztecapan, with a salary
of 200 pesos. His term expired after 2 years, and, although his residencia
proved good, no other office was given, lie now fell into want, and had to
mortgage his hoose. His appeals appear to have received little attention, for
his descendants continued to clamor as late as 1593. A son-in-law then
obtained an allowance of 200 pesos, which was exchanged for better rewards.
MoniaOo, Peiicion, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col, Doc, xiiL 480-3; Alaman,
IHsert, L app. 14S-M.
^ 'Que nos provean de "Km-^nt, y V. M. ha sido servido que no haya ya
Obispo que noe lo impida.' Vort^, Cartas, 312. Good saltpetre had already
been found. For later ascents, see voL L 257, this series.
>* ' Compro los platos dello a pesos de plata.' Oomara, HisL Mex., 237. See
Natwe Races, ii. 38^ 473.
a? PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQXTEff£,
made of the discovery, which led also to finding rich
silver and iron deposits. Casting at once began under
the direction of an experienced gunner, and with the
artillery already on hand, they had soon, a hundred
cannon.*'
During the general uprising that followed the ex-
pulsion of Spaniards from Mexico in the previous
year, some fourscore adventurers had been surprised
and slaughtered in Tochtepec,*^ a mountainous region
on the upper waters of Rio Papalbapan. No meas-
ures being taken to chastise the perpetrators of the
deed, the inhabitants grew confident in their strong-
holds. After the fall of Mexico a number of Aztec
fugitives sought refuge there to keep alive the spirit
of freedom. With no la,ck of men at his command,
Cortes now resolved to uproot this hot-bed of sedi-
tion, located as it was in a country reputed rich in
gold. A force of thirty-five horse, two hundred foot,
and some thirty thousand allies, was accordingly de-
spatched at the end of October 1521, under Sandoval,
attended by Captain Luis Marin and others, with
orders to reduce the whole region, and secure posses-
sion by founding the necessary colonies.® The first
demand for submission by so formidable an army,
flushed with recent victories, brought forth the na-
tives in humble supplication. All that remained to
be done was to pursue the hostile refugees and chief
^ Thirty of these were brass, the rest iron, and they had been obtained
chiefly from Narvaez, Ponce de Leon, and others. ' De falconete arriba, treinta
y cinco piezas, y de hierro, entre lombaras y pasavolantes y versos y otras
maneras de tiros de hierro colado, hasta setenta piezas. ' The casting began
early in the autumn of 1524. In his letter of October 15th, he writes uiat five
ffuns had so far been cast. CarUu, 312. Oviedo, iii. 465, differs in the num-
ber. The casting of ^ns was produced by his many jealous accusers as a
proof of rebellious projects, several of the pieces being declared suspiciously
different from those needed for Indian fighting. CorUs, Mesidencui, L 64,
>236-7. He was driven to the measure by Fonseca's prohibition against allow-
ing war material to reach New Spain. CortdSf Cartcutf 311.
" Also called Totepec, preserved in the present Tuxtepec Mercator, 1569,
has Tochtepec town; on map of 1574^ OosMa lies north of it; West-IncL Sue-
ghel, 1624, Tochtepec; Kiepert, TwOepec; Cartog. Pac Coast, MS., i 510. The
massacre has been described in HiH. Mex., i. 511.
** GortSs names the provinces Tatacteteloo^ Tuxtepeque, Guatnzoo^ Anli-
cabo. Goatozco was the first entered. Cartas a6a
6RI0NE8 AND THE TILTEPECS.
S3
who had led in the slaughter of the Spaniards, and
who had fled on finding the people intimidated They
were soon brought in, and the leading cacique was
summarily burned in the main square of Tochtepec as
a warning to his assembled vassals. The rest were
pardoned after a salutary suspense.
While examining the mineral resources of the new
conquest, Sandoval despatched Captain Briones with
a hundred infantry and some allies to subdue Tiltepec
and other towns in the adjoining Zapotec territory.
Briones was a voluble fellow, as we have seen, lately
c K i X
MrrZTBCAPAN AND GOAZAOOALCX).
commander of one of the lake brigantines, who had
made a good impression on the officers by a boastful
exhibition of scars from the wars in Italy.*^ The Za-
potecs were made of sterner stuff than the Tochte-
pecans, inured as they were to danger among their
** ' La jactancia gnele vivir miiy oerca de la oobardfa,' hints Salasar, aome-
vbai mijiutly. Hiai. Conq,, 83. He fignrea even more prominently in Hon-
B. See biiL Cent Am,, i. 626 et eeq.
Hunr. Max., Vol. n. 8
34 PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST.
ru^ed cliffs, and reliant on their formidable pikes and
stout cotton armor; and when Briones approached
with easy confidence, they fell upon him in a narrow
pass with a fury that compelled him to retreat, with
one third of his force wounded,*^ including himself.
Sandoval was not a little disgusted on learning the
miserable failure of the boaster, and asked him iron-
ically how he used to fight in Italy.^ Briones swore
that he would sooner meet large armies of Moors
than the Zapotecs, who seemed to spring from the
very ground in ever-increasing numbers. It would
not answer to let the repulse go unavenged, and San-
doval hurried with nearly all the force to restore the
Spanish prestige. The* previous struggle had been
sufficiently obstinate to cause the enemy to hesitate,
and the cacique of Tiltepec threw open his gates,
which example was followed by the Xaltepecs.
The latter district bordered on that of the warlike
Mijes, who were constantly making raids on their ter-
ritory, and it was chiefly with a view to obtain pro-
tection that envoys came with humble mien, though
attired in beautifiil embroidered robes, to tender sub-
mission, and to soften the hearts of the conquerors
with presents. Among the gifts were ten tubes filled
with gold-dust, which at once aroused an interest
in their affairs. While unwilling to give them the
soldiers with whom they hoped to terrify their foe,
a small party was sent to examine the mines under
the pretence of reconnoitring for a speedy descent on
the Mijes. So good were the reports that Sandoval
immediately secured for himself a town near the mines,
from which he obtained a large sum in gold. The
other towns and tracts of the conquest were distrib-
uted among the members of the expedition,^ and to
'^ One died of wounds, and several were earned off soon after by <
Bemal Diaz, Hist, Verdad,, 165.
'' ' Parece le sefior Capitan, que son estas tieiraa otras que las donde aa«
duQO militando ? ' Id.
*> Sandoval took Ouazpaltepec, which yielded 15,000 nesos de ore from
the mines; Marin received Xiatepec, ' quite a dukedom; Ojedas received
ESPtBITU SANTO. 35
assure control he founded a villa which was named
Medellin, in honor of the birthplace of himself and
Cort^s.»*
From this point the army proceeded southward to
the Goazacoaico country, whose advantages with its
port and its fertility had been demonstrated by special
expeditions during the time of Montezuma. On reach-
ing the Goazacoaico, Sandoval summoned to hiui the
leading caciques. Several days passed without an
answer, and preparations were made for warlike meas-
ures. Guided by certain natives, he one night fell upon
a town and captured a female chief of great influence.
This stroke proved effective, and the rest of the country
submitted, with offers of rich presents.** In accordance
with the instructions received, a town was now founded
on the southern bank of the river, four leagues from
the mouth, and named Espiritu Santo, from the day
on which they had crossed the stream and received
the allegiance of the people.** The prospects of the
town as the future entrep6t for trade between New
Spain and the Islands and home coimtry, as well as
the resources of the district, gave it a strong attrac-
tion, and a number of both leaders and soldiers offered
to settle, notably Luis Marin, Francisco de Medina,
who afterward met so terrible a fate, Diego de Godoy,
to whom, instead of Marin, historians have wrongly
given the credit of conquering Chiapas, and Francisco
Tiltepec, while Bemal Diaz writes that he refused to his later regret Matia*
tlan and Orizaba. Hist. Verdnd., 165-6.
•**Veiute leguas la tierra adentro, en la provincia de Tatalptetelco.*
QorUs, Cartas, 313. The founding and the installation of the municipality
-were hastened by the arrival of Onstdbal de Tapia, who intended to supersede
Cort^ as governor, as will be told elsewhere. It was soon after moved near
to Vera Cruz.
^ Herrera^ dec iii. liU iiL cap. zi. The pcHople came with a large niim«
ber of canoes to ferry the army across, Cacique Tochel remaining as hostage.
Bemal Diaz, Hist, Verdad., 166. They paid two years' arrears of taxes, says
IxUilxochitL Hor. Crueldades, 57. Cortes writes 1520, JHo de Totuqualt/no;
Oroatius, 1531, B, de qualq"; Colon, 1527, B. de gasamlcos; Bibero, 1529,
JZL de gwuacaico; Munich Atlas, x. 1511, B* de guaqaqa; Uood, 1592, B de
Chtaca; Ogilby, 1671, B, de Qvazaeoalco; Dampier, 1699, B, Ouaeacoalco or
Omaehigtcalp; Laet, 1633, B. Ouaeacoaloo: Jefferys, 1776, B. GuaeaccUco, with.
the town of Cayhoca, QoldscJtmidt's Cartog. Pac Coast, M8., i. 359.
** And because on the former anniyersary Nanraez had been defeated, adds
JBernalDiaz.
30 PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST.
de Lugo. Sandoval, Grado, Briones, Bernal Diaz,
and others, also took up either residence or grants
here, the latter extending from the Zapotec country
to the sea, and from the southern limits of Medellin
district into Tabasco."^
Hardly had the repartition been made before San-
doval was called away, and when the settlers began
to levy tribute, nearly all the districts revolted, sev-
eral of them being killed. They were pacified after
considerable trouble, only to rise again at intervals in
different Quarters.*® More settlers came, however,
and with fertile and populous grants they prospered
so well that the towns to the north grew jealous and
obtained a curtailment of the district; later settle-
ments in Tabasco, Chiapas, and Oajaca, laid claim to
other portions, and Espfritu Santo soon dwindled.^
At the time that Sandoval set forth on the Goaza-
coalco campaign, another expedition was despatched
against Zapotecapan and Miztecapan, a region alter-
nating in fertile valleys and rugged mountains, and
covering the modem state of Oajaca; the former lying
to the east, round the sources of Goazacoalco, and
stretching to Tehuantepec; the latter divided into
Upper and lower Miztecapan, covering respectively
the lofty Cohuaixtlahuacan and the sea-bathed Tutu-
tepec. Although distinct in language from the inhab-
itants of Andhuac, the people possessed the culture
of the Nahuas, and have been hastily classed as an
>7 Bemal Diaz, Hisi. Verdad,, 165-7, names a nnmber of the settlers, sey--
end of whom did not remain as residents; he also gives the native names of
provinces, as Copilco, Cimatan, Tauasco, QLchahi, Zoqueschas, Tacheapac,
Cinacantan, Quifenes, Papanachasta, Citla, Chontalpa, Pinulii, Chinanta,
Xaltepec, Tepeca. Cort^ names Chimaclan, Quizaltepec, Cimaclan, and
others. Cartas, 261.
** Bemal Diaz relates his narrow escape from death daring a parley with
rebels. Two of his companions were killed in a sudden attack, and he was
wounded in the throat. After hiding a while he was aided by his sole sur-
viving comrade to escape. Nist. Verdad., 177.
"* At the present day the district has revived, the population centring in
Mfaiatitlan, on the northern bank of the river, and about 20 miles from the
mouth. Alvarado sought in 1535 to have the port annexed to Guatemala, as a
base for supplies. Cartas, MS., zix. 35-6; Herrtra, dec. iii lib. iiL cap. xi.
ZAPOTECAPAN AND MlZTECAPAN. 37
oftshoot of this great race, descended according to
one tradition from the mighty Quetzalcoatl, since in
Miztecapan, the 'region of clouds/ lay Tlalocan, the
terrestrial paradise. Another account traces to the
Apoala Mountains the source of Toltec culture. The
more favored province of the mystic prophet was
Zapotecapan, where he left tokens of his presence
on Mount Cempoaltepec, and on the enchanted island
of Monapostiac, and where his disciples founded the
sacred city of Mitla, revered even now in its grand
ruins. Miztecapan claimed a founder hardly leas illus-
trious in the person of a dryad-sprung youth, who,
challenging the sun, compelled him, after a day's hard
combat, to retreat in confusion beneath the western
waters, while he remained triumphant on the field
of clouds. The earlier glimpses reveal two hierarchic
powers in the provinces, seated respectively at Achi-
uhtla and Mitla, out of which emerge in the clearer
history of the fourteenth century three kingdoms,
one centred at Teotzapotlan, and equalling in power
and extent the two Mistec monarchies of Tilantongo
and Tututepec. Attracted by the wealth of the
latter, which stretched for sixty leagues along the
shores of the southern sea, and encouraged by jeal-
ousies between the three powers, the Aztecs absorbed
in the following century the more accessible districts,
and entered soon after into sacred Mitla itself, while
in 1 506 Montezuma's armies added the last free state
of Tilantongo to his domains.***
Attracted by the golden sands of the rivers, Span-
ish explorers had early entered the province, and met
with a friendly reception, Cohuaixtlahuacan among
others sending submissive embassies to the chief of
i» The nuun ftuthorities for these myths and events, fully given in Native
RatxAt ii. iii. v., are Burgoo, Geog. Deacrip., Oajaca, pts. i. ii.; MoioUniOf lI'iHt.
Jnd.; Sahagun, HitiL Oen,, iiL lib. x. et seq.; Garcia, Origen de loe Ind., 327-
8; Veytia, HisL AnL Mej., i.-iii.; Torqtttmada, and others. Laet, 1633,
writes Zapoiecas; Ogilby, 1671, has ZapotUlan and Zapotecas, on page and
map respectively; Mereator has Zepoiecas east of Michoacan; Jefiferys, Zapo-
ieeasj S. Udffon90 de ha ZavoUeoB: Kiepert, LapoUan, Cartog, Pac Coast,
MS., ii. 464.
38 PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST.
the strangers. Subsequent reverses at Mexico, how-
ever, changed their minds: the old love for liberty
re\4ved, and after killing isolated parties,*^ the hardy
mountaineers began to harass even the provinces re-
conquered by Spaniards, The sufferers appealed to
Orozco, the lieutenant at Segura, and with a score or
two of soldiers he sought to repel the invaders. His
force was wholly inadequate, and the mountaineers
grew bolder. The fall of Mexico accomplished, Cor-
tds was able to give attention to the subject, and since
the conquest of the region was a needful preliminary
to an advance southward, he reenforced Orozco with a
dozen cavalry, fourscore infantry, and a large number
of experienced allies.*^
Observing the strength of the army, the Miztecs,
against whom the campaign was directed, retired from
their several rocky strongholds, and concentrated at
Itzquintepec, the strongest of them all, some six
leagues from the present Oajaca. Protected by heavy
stone walls, fully two miles in circumference, they
held forth defiantly for several days, repelling every
attack. Water began to fail, however, and under
promise of good treatment they surrendered.** This,
together with the successful operations of a detach-
ment under Juan Nufiez de Mercado,** completed the
subjugation of the province. The lieutenant sent so
glowing a report of the fertility and the products, in-
^ A number were driven into a yard and prodded to death with long
poles. Herrera, dec. ill. lib. iii. cap. xi.
^^CorUSf CarUUf 261. Herrera increases the cavalry to 30, and assume*
that Alvarado took command, as does Beaumont, Crdn, Mich., iii. 150-1.
The force left in October 1521, in company with Sandoval, who turned south-
eastward at Tepeaca, or Segura.
^ After 8 days it seems. Herrera assumes that Mexican garrisons were
the main cause of the resistance, and that they yielded only Stter receiving
an answer from Cort^ to their demands. Buran confounds the operations
witii those of Cortes during his march to Quauhnahuac in the previous spring.
Bist. Ind., MS., ii. 518-19. Iztlilxochitl alludes to three hard battles.
Hor, Crueldades, 57; Chmudpain, Hist, CoTiq., ii. 84.
^Involving the capture of Tecomovaca, says Herrera. So much promi-
nence has been given to Mercado's operations as to lead several writers to
attribute to him the subjugation of CSeijaca. Medina, Chr6n. 8, Diego, 245;
Villa- Seilor, Theatro, ii. 112; Alcetio, Dice.; and Tematus-Compana, Voy.,
86r. i. tom. X., 287.
COCIYOPU OF OAJACA. 30
dading gold, that Cortes was induced to reserve for
himself quite a large tract, while a number of con-
querors sought minor encomiendas,** and took up their
residence in Antequera, a town founded not long
after, close to Oajaca.^
To Oajaca, as {>art of the Zapotec possessions, be-
longed the coast city of Tehuantepec, for a period the
seat of its kings, and at this time the capital of a
branch kingdom, recently bestowed upon Cociyopu,
the son of the valiant Cociyoeza and the Aztec prin-
-cess Pelaxilla.*^ Singular omens attended his birth,
wherein soothsayers could see naught but disaster.
On the coming of the Spaniards, these omens were
connected with the ancient prophecies of conquest by
a white race, and when the fall of Mexico brought
confirmation of the wide-spread fear, Cociyopu be-
sought the oracles for guidance, and was directed to
^ TetellttQ and Haey&pon being given to a woman who accompanied the
expedition, and fought bravelv, says Duran, IlUft, Ind., MS., li. 619-20.
Orozco remained in char^ till the spring of 1622, when he was recalled to
Segoia, his command bemg smnnendered to Alvanulo. CorUs, Cartas, 267;
Ov'udo, iii. 426-7, 433-4.
^ Mercator, 1674, has Goazaca, too far dbrth-west; OgUby, 1671, has
-Quaxaea near ATUtouera city, also Nixapa; Laet, 1633, is similar, Nixapa
being south- west of the former; Jefferys, Owaxaea or Antiquera. OM-
Schmidts Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., iL 360. 'De la lengoa Mcxicana, y pnesto
por vn Arbol crecido de vna f ruta de mal olor, Uamado Guaxe. ' Burgoa, Oeog,
J)escrip.f i. 6. The fruit grows freely on the Ghapultepec range above the
town. Founded by Nunez del Mercedo, Sedefio, Badajoz, and others. Alcedo,
i. 116; Medina, Chrdn. S, Diego, 2i5; In Carta del Ayunt, de Anteqiiera, 1631;
in Fachfcco and Cdrdenas, Col, Doc., ziiL 182, Sede&o signs as if he were
^calde. The founding appears to have been a jneasure effected in 1628 by
the hostile oidores, to encroach on Cort^' estates. Id., zii. 646. Sahneron
recommended its removal in 1631. Id., xiii 203. During the conquest of
Tututepeo in 1621-2, the town of Segura there founded by Alvarado was
removed to Oajaca by Badajoz and other tumultuous settlers, thuft reorganizing
a settlement already formed at Oajaca, thoneh not approved by Cort^, be-
cause he desired this district for himself. This second settlement appears
also to have been disallowed by Gortte. See CorUa, Re^dencia, ii. 167, 266;
Oomara, Hist. Hex., 219.
^For a history of the kingdom, its inhabitants, and its vicissitudes, see
Nalivt Races, v. 426, 430-7, 634r^. In the Munich AOoa, vi., 1532-40. is
written la eomisco and Tequante paqtte; Bamusio, 1666, Tecoantepech; Mer-
cator, 1674, Tecoantepee, as province, town, and gulf; Ogilby, 1671, has R.
-Qttisatlan and R. CotaUe, in tliis locality; Dampier, 1699; Tecoantepee; Jj^et,
1633, Tecoantepeque; Jefferys, Bay of Tecoantepee, Bar of TecotU^^^, 2V-
eoatUepec province. Ooldsekmidt*s Cartog. Pae, Coast. MS., ii. 340-1.
40 PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST:
conciliate the mighty strangers with voluntary suIk
mission and rich presents.*^
The ready submission of Tehuantepec was not a.
little aggravating to Tututepec, a rich province which
extended beyond it, northward for some sixty leaguest
along the Pacific/* The two had frequently been at
variance, and the least pretext suflBced to kindle anew
the strife. The lord of Tututepec had no desire to
surrender his wealth to rapacious invaders, and since
spoliation was the order, he resolved to seek at least
a share of his neighbor's choice belongings before
Spaniards came to seize them all. The adjoining
mountaineers of the Oajaca ranges were readily in-
duced to join in so tempting an adventure, and to-
gether they pounced upon their neighbor, who slowly
fell back to protect his capital until an appeal to
Cortes should bring him aid. The appeal came most
opportunely, and early in 1522^ Alvarado hastened
to the coast with two hundred infantry, two score cav-
alry, and a large force of auxiliaries.^^
The intermediate districts were quickly overawed,*
and within a few weeks he stood before Tututepec,*^*
after having subduecl some towns on his way. This
prompt and irresistible progress disconcerted every
plan of the pugnacious lord, and with great humility
he led his nobles forth to welcome the Spaniards,
conducting them amid protestations of friendship to
^ * Cast al fin deste mismo afio.* Bemesal, Hist, Chyapa, 2, meaning 1522»
which should read 1521. CorUs, Cartas, 262; Bemal Diaz, Hist. Verdad.^
159, 167. One version assumes that the king's father, who ruled Zapote-
oapan, advised the submission. Cociyopn afterwards accepted baptism as Juan
Cortes de Montezuma and proved a generous patron.
*^Burgoa, Oeog. Dencrip., ii. pt. i. 181. On Munich Atlae, vi., 1532-40,
TtUalipcg; Ogilby, 1671, Tututepec; Laet, 1633, Tululepeque; Jefferys, Tnte-
pec; Kiepert, Tututepec, near ii?. Atoyac.
M Gomara, JJifiL Mex., 219, followed by Galvano and others, says 1523;.
but he is confused. Cort^ states that he left Mexico in January.
" From Mexico he took 120 foot and 30 horse, which were reenforced by a
part of the Oajaca expedition. Cort^a, Cartas, 267. Bemal Diaz places the
force at 200, including 35 horse; Gomara increases it to 200 foot and 40 horse*
with 2 guns.
^* It has been said that the ruler of Tehuantepec was on this occasion bap-
tized, but this seems to rest on the mere statement of Bemal Diaz., Hist. Ver-
dad., 167, that Olmedo accompanied the expedition. Both circumstances
belong to the later movement against Guatemala.
TEHUANTEPEC AND TUTUTEPEC. 41
the fine buildings round the central square. The space
here afforded for movements was rather narrow, and
the roofs were heavily covered with inflammable leaves,
altogether dangerous in case of a concerted attack
from the densely inhabited houses around. It was-
also hinted that the lord had formed a plot to surprise
them with torch and sword." On the plea that the
horses required different accommodation, the army
thereupon moved to the outskirts of the town, accom-
panied by the lord and his son, who were detained
as prisoners to answer the charge of plotting the
destruction of his visitors. After vainly protesting
against the accusation as invented by enemies, they
sought to appease their captor with rich presents.
The sight of gold only inflamed the appetite of Alva-
rado, and he oegan to press his prisoners for more^
demanding among other things a pair of stirrups to
be made of pure gold. This extortion, together with
the terrors of his unjust imprisonment, so preyed upon
the lord that he died soon after."
Much of the gold was in dust and grains, giving
evidence of rich mines; and informed of this, Cortes
ordered a settlement to be formed, or rather the re-
moval there, with a part of its settlers, of Segura de
la Frontera, established during the opening campaign
against Mexico to secure the Tepeaca frontier, but no
longer needed, since Mexico was henceforth to form the
dominating stronghold of the country." The apparent
wealth of the country caused a ready enlistment of ad-
ditional settlers, among whom the country was divided
in repartimientos as usual, Alvarado being appointed
chief encomendero and lieutenant for his chief.^ The
^^Bemal Diaz states that Olmedo prevailed on Alvarado to leave so dan-
gerous a quarter. Afterward the natives of Tehaantepec revealed the plot.
** * Dixeron que por sacalle mucho oro, e sin justicia, murio en his priijiones. *
Alvarado obtained 30,000 pesos from him. BemaiDiaz, Hut, Verdad., 108.
Cortes admits the gift of 25,000 caBtellanos. Carto^ 2G8.
^Cortes intimates that all settlers of Segura were removed with it. Id.^
27d-7. Remesal applies the name anew with the reasons given for the origi-
nal settlement. Jlit/t. Chyapa, 2.
^ By a grant dated August 2/i, 1522, Alvarado received in repartimiento
42 PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST.
appointment, issued at his own request, under the al-
luring influence of the mines, was obtained at Mexico,
whither he hastened with all the treasures so far
extorted, leaving to the clamorinff soldiers the flimsy
excuse that Cortes had written for the gold to send
as a present to the emperor. This was the more ex-
asperating since the repartimientos proved far from
equal to the expectations formed, while the climate was
hot and most unhealthy. So strong became the feel-
ing that even before Alvarado's departure to Mexico
a conspiracy was formed to kill him. Olmedo learned
the particulars, and the plotters were arrested, two of
them being hanged. After Alvarado had gone, the
settlers elected alcaldes and other officers of their own,
and thereupon removed the town to Oajaca, regardless
of the protestations of the captain in charge. Informed
of the proceeding, Cortt5s sent Alcalde Mayor Diego
de Ocampo to arraign the ofienders, who thereupon
took to flight. The principal men were arrested, how-
ever, notably Badajoz and Juan Nunez de Sedeno, and
sentenced to death, a penalty commuted by Cortes to
banishment. '^^
In addition to this trouble, the natives took advan-
tage of the removal of the town to revolt against their
extortionate masters, and Alvarado had to lead another
expedition against them. They were readily subdued,
however,** and severely chastised for the murders com-
mitted, whereupon the son of the deceased lord was
installed as ruler. Although the repartimientos were
confirmed, Segura was not reestablished; nor did it
prove necessary, for the natives never attempted
another uprising.
Tutntepec, with six townB subject to it, besides Jalapa. See document in
Itamirez, ProceaOt 177.
^^ Even this appears to have been set aside by the emperor. See testimony
of Ocampo and others in CorUs^Residencia, ii. 25U, etc. Oottiara, Hist. Mex.,
219; fferrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xvii. 0>campo was the first to open the
flea route to Peru. Lorenz/jmOt in CorUs, Hist, N. Eap.
^A number being blown &t>m the mouth of cannon. Ramirez, Proceto, 15.
CHAPTER III.
RAIDS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA-
1521-1524.
Kino Zwahoa's Warning — ^Fntsr Entby into Michoaoan— MontaSo'b
Visit to the Court of Tanqaxoan — ^A Narrow Escapb — ^Tarascan
Envoys — Olid Invabbs Michoacan— Outrages at Tangimaroa and
TZINTZUNTZAN — COLONIZATION AtTEWPTED — VISIONS OF THE SoUTH SSA
— SmP-BUILDING AT ZaCATULA — ^ThE RoUTE TO THE SpICE ISLANDS —
jCltarbz' Mishap in Colima — Olid Avenges Him — Chimalhuacan
Ejsoion — Isle of the Amazons — CoRTis Hastens to Appropriate a
Rich Field — The Queen of Jalisco — Tradition of a Shipwrecked
Cross.
It has already been told how the Aztecs in their
sore distress appealed for aid to King Zwanga of
Michoacan, representing to him the danger of letting
ruthless strangers obtain a foothold in the country.
Brief as had been their stay, they had revealed their
avowed intentions by rapacious extortion and enslave-
ment, by overthrowing the cherished religion of their
forefathers, and by slaughtering those who attempted
to defend their homes and institutions, going even so
far as to shackle the sacred person of the emperor,
and finaDy to murder him. Zwanga was naturally
roused, especially at the probable fete awaiting him -
self, and he hastened to send envoys to Mexico to gain
farther information and advice before he should trust
himself to a people who had ever been hostile to his
race, or should, venture to face the wrath of the chil-
dren of the sun. He resolved, nevertheless, to arm
for any emergency, and quickly a hundred thousand
men stood prepared, to join, perhaps, in an overwhelm-
ing avalanche that should sweep the Spaniards from
(43)
44 RAIDS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA.
the face of Andhuac. At this juncture the spirit of
his dead sister is said to have appeared and warned
him against resisting the God-sent strangers, pointing
in support of her words to a bright figure in the sky,
representing a young CastiUan soldier with drawn
sword. Several other omens were observed, suffi-
ciently portentous to prevail on the council to join
the king in rejecting the Aztec alliance.*
Whether this persuasion availed or not, certain it
is that another was at hand which could hardly have
been disregarded. When Zwanga's envoys reached
Mexico they found it stricken desolate under the rav-
ages of the small-pox, which had carried off the em-
peror himself Unable to achieve anything, they
hastened back in fear, only to bring with them the
germ of the terrible scourge from which they were
flying; and desolation found another field. Among
the vast number of dead was Zwanga. The sceptre
was seized by his eldest son Tangaxoan II., whose
vacillating character was wholly unfit to cope with the
exigencies of so critical a period. His first act, the
assassination of his brothers on a flimsy charge of
conspiracy, in order to secure the throne, served but
to bring odium upon himself and defeat the proposed
object by sowing the seeds of disloyalty.* Again
came envoys from Mexico to urge alliance, but before
the king could recover from the pressure of other
afffiirs, or bring his mind to a determination, the crush-
ing intelUgence of the fall of Mexico solved all doubt.
Among the men sent forth by Cortes to gather
information about the countries adjoining his con-
quest, and to open the path for invasion, was a soldier
named Parrillas, a good talker, and full of fun, who
had become a favorite among the natives, and was
rapidly acquiring their language. Accompanied by
some of them, lor the purpose of foraging, he had
^ IxtUlxocbitl aasumes that Zwanga had before this decided on avoiding
ihe Aztecs. See Native Baces, v. 525^.
'Beaumont, Crdn. Mich.y iii. 132-3, belieyes that the youngest brother was
spared. La Bea, CrdMcOt MS.
MICHOACAK. 45
entered Matlalt2dnco, a province lying north-west of
the lakes. He was induced to go farther, however,
and reached the border of Michoacan, where the
natives gathered in crowds to gaze upon the pale-fa.ced
hero who had achieved such wonders in Mexico.* His
stories, magnified by the interpreters, increased their
astonishment, and on his return two Tarascans ac-
companied him to feast their eyes on Spanish great-
ness, and to substantiate the accounts of the wealth
of Michoacan with specimens of precious metal.
Cortes was delighted, and sought to impress them
with parades and sham fights, wherein horse and
cannon played an imposing role, and with other evi-
dences of his irresistible power.
Cortes wished to know more about their country,
and on going they were followed by Montano, the
volcano explorer, with three comrades, a number of
Mexican and Tlascaltec nobles, and interpretera He
carried a number of gewgaws for presents, and was
instructed to make his way to the presence of the
king, and carefully observe the political and economi-
<5al features. Impressed by the report of the two
Tarascans, the governor of the frontier fortress of
Tangimaroa came forth with a large retinue to wel-
come the embassy,* on its way to Tzintzuntzan, the
capital. All along the route natives thronged to
behold the strangers, who were everywhere treated
with distinction. On approaching the capital they
were met by an immense procession, headed by several
hundred leading nobles, and by them conducted, after
the usual tender of flowers and speeches, to large and
> Heirera rekttes that a aoldier named Villadiego had already penetrated
to thiB kinj^om shortly before, by order of Cort^, but was never heard of
a^;ain. His goides were supposed to have killed him for his trinkets, dec.
ill. lib. iiL cap. iii Mercator, 1569, Meehoaean; Laet, 1633, Mechoacan,
province and city, with QuatyangaTeOy MaUepeque^ Taximaroa; West-Ind.
Spieghtlj 1624, Meehoacha; Jefferys, MechoacoMj state and city, with Zurzonza^
etc; OoId9chmkU*8 Cartog. Pae. Coast, MS., ii 476.
* The governor even offered his submission, according to Herrera, ' y que
crehia q aquel gran seflor (his king) embiaria presto sns embazadoree a Cort!^,
oCreciendoIe sn persona, oasa y Reyno.' Id. He leaves the intimation that
Montailo went after the TarMoana had left; ofthen make him join their party.
46
RAIDS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA.
strangely built quarters, where a banquet was served
amid great clash of instruments. The king, who had
lookeaf on for a moment, came soon after, and, waving
Expedition of Montako.
them back, demanded with a stem voice who thejr
were, and what they sought.^ Though startled at
^ ' Perchauoe yoar awn land yields not enough snbeistence, and so you oodmi
ADVENTURES OF MONTASO. 47
first by this change of tone, Montafio recovered him-
self, and proceeded to dilate on the peaceful mission of
his countrymen, their power, and the advantages to
accrue to Michoacan from intercourse with them.
The Mexicans were destroyed because of their treach-
ery. None could withstand the Spaniards, aided as
they were by their God. To this the Mexican nobles
with him could bear witness. The king seemed im-
pressed, no less by the words than by the fearless
attitude which the Spaniards had made an effort to
maintain, and he retired with softened mien.
The envoys found themselves closely watched, and
restricted by the guard to certain narrow limits within
the quarter. For eighteen days no notice appeared to
be taken of them by the king or courtiers, who were
all this time occupied in celebrating a religious fes-
tival. Referring to their own customs, the Mexicans
expressed the fear that at the close of it all the party
would be sacrificed to the idols, and this was con-
firmed by more than one hint. On the last day four
of the Mexican nobles were summoned to the pres-
ence of the king, and suspecting that he was in doubt
about the course to pursue, and wished to sound these
men, Montano sent the most intelligent, and im-
pressed upon them the necessity, for their own safety,
to dwell on the invincible prowess of the Spaniards ;
their generosity to friends, and the terrible retaliation
that would be exacted if any harm came to the en-
voys, though even the four soldiers of their party
sufficed to brave a whole army, controlling as they
did the lightning itself So well did the nobles act
their part that the court was thoroughly awed, and
after being entertained with the honor due their rank,
they returned and reassured their comrades. The
leader of the council* had not failed to represent it a
to seek it here. What did the Mexicans that you should destroy them?
Think you perhaps to do so with me ? But know that my arms were never
conqoerod ! ' BeaumoiU, CnhL Mkh., iii 16.
fPirowaa-Queacandari, as BraBseur de Bonrbourg assumes him to be. Hist^
UqL Cbxt It. 621.
48 BAmS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA.
dishonor to kill an envoy who had come on a peaceful
mission, and it certainly might prove most dangerous.
The consequence was that the king appeared soon
after before the Spaniards with a large retinue, all
adorned with flowers, yet armed and gesticulating as
if about to charge the envoy. A large quantity of
game food was brought, and thereupon the monarch
addressed the Spaniards. He apologized for detain-
ing them so long, and pleaded the exigencies of the
festival. Since it would be unsafe for them to ad-
vance farther into the interior, they should return to
their leader with the offer of his allegiance,. which he
would soon present in person.
The following day twenty carriers appeared with
parting gifts of curiously wrought stools, embroidered
fabrics and robes, and gold and silver ware. The latter,
valued at a hundred thousand castellanos,^ was placed
in the middle of the room, and declared to be for Cor-
t«^s ; the other presents piled in four lots, in the different
corners of the room, were for the four envoys. The
king extended a farewell, and recommended to Mon-
tano's care eight prominent nobles whom he wished to
accompany him. Soon afterward he sent to demand
from the Spaniards the greyhound owned by Pefia-
losa, for it had taken the royal fancy. None wished
to lose the faithful animal, but it was thought prudent
to yield, without accepting the compensation offered.
Fearing that the royal fancy might seek wider in-
dulgence, the envoys hastened to depart, attended by
several hundred carriers to convey their presents and
provisions. Two days later they learned that the
hound had been sacrificed amid solemn festivities, as
one possessed of human intelligence, thus to appease
the wrath of the idols, whose appetite for Christian
blood had evidently been whetted.
Cortes gave the party a demonstrative welcome/
^ For a descriptiGn of the presentB see Herrera^ dec. iii. lib. iU. oap. vi.
"Among others the intei^reter was rewarded with the caciqueahip ol
Xoootitlan.
C0RT£S and the TAILASCAN KOBUS. 49
and in order to duly impress the Tarascan nobles he
received them in fuU state, richly dressed and seated
in an arm-chair, with his oflScers standing on either
side. They delivered the message of their king, who
would soon personally place himself and his kingdom
at the disposal of the white chief. Cortes assured
them that it was well, for he would war upon all who
failed to submit.^ After entertaining them for a few
days with sham fights and similar impressive scenes,
he distributed some presents and sent them home,
accompanied by two Spaniards, who were instructed
to penetrate to the shores of the great sea that was
said to extend beyond Michoacan.
So alluring seemed the report of the nobles to their
sovereign that he felt inclined to hasten and behold
for himself the wonderful stranger; but his fears
being roused by the council, with allusions to the fate
of killed or captive princes of Mexico, he was induced
to send instead his surviving brother Huiziltzin,^^
well provided with presents, and attended by a large
retinue, including more than a thousand servants."
Cortes received him with great pomp, and seated him
by his side, although but half content with the assur-
ance of the king's early visit;" nor were the presents
«qual to those tendered before." This induced him
* Cartas, 258. He as well as Oomara, Bigt. Mex., 217, writes as if this
were the first notice of Michoacan.
'^Herrera says Vchichilzt According to the Rdadon de hs Ritoa, MS.,
the Tarascan form of this Mexican name was Cuini-Aguangari. Brasseur de
Boorboorg assumes that his consin Agniga was sent, but his account varies so
much from the explicit statements of Cortes, and from other sources, that his
entire version becomes doubtful. In another place he calls Agniga the brother.
He ia too ready to give credit to obscure manuscripts, rather than to Spanish
standard authorities. Prescott, Mex,, iii. 236; Cavo, Trea Siglos, i. 11; and
Zamacois, Jiist. Mex,, iv. e6S, 71-2, are all loose or confused with regard to
the different embassies to and from Michoacan. Ixtlilxochitl alludes only to
one, and assumes a share in the offers for his namesake. Hor, Crueldades, 55.
*^ * Y machoe caballeros que llevaron otras tantas.' Beaumont, Crdn, Mich,
iii. 40.
" Brasseur, who allows Olid to invade Michoacan before this, causes the
prince to invent a story of the king's death, and procures from Ck>rt^8 a
promise of the appointment of another brother as successor. Hut, Nat, Civ.,
iv.633.
^'Qf alloyed gold, 6,000 pesos de oro; alloyed silver, 1,000 marks, all in
jewelry and plate; and fabrics, feathers, etc Herrtra, dec. iiL lib. iii. cap.
Hnx. Max., Yol. n. 4
60 RAIDS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA.
probably to make the display of Spanish strength
more impressive than usual, and during the cannonad-
ing a tower was demolished to prove the efficiency of
the lightning-boxes, although the ruins of the capital
spoke volumes in themselves, impregnable as the city
had ever been regarded. The prince, indeed, shed
tears of compassion as he beheld the desolate capital.
On hearing from his brother what he had seen, and
how well he had been treated, the king concluded to
redeem his promise and visit Cortds as had been de-
sired. To this end he prepared a large amount of
presents, for Huiziltzin had oeen made to understand
that by these would be measured the attentions he
might receive, and the concessions for his kingdom,
now menaced by an expedition already preparing at
Mexico. The latter, indeed, proved the main impulse
for the visit, by which the conqueror was to be con-
ciUated. His retinue and march befitted those of a
king, and couriers were sent daily to report at Mex-
ico his advance. Cortds came forth with a brilliant
escort, and as they met, the clash of music celebrated
the meeting, wherein Tangaxoan offered himself as
vassal to the Spanish sovereign, and won admiration
by the brilliancy of his gifts. While his suite ap-
peared in rich attu'e, he himself was clad in humble
garments, in token of submission.^* He was lodged
in the palace at Coyuhuacan, and feasted with Spanish
dishes, the wine greatly delighting him. In addi-
tion to the usual military spectacles, a brigantine was
launched in his presence, followed by an excursion on
the lake, no less novel to him than it had been to
Montezuma. Before leaving, he promised to open his
kingdom to any colonists who might wish to settle,
and to extend his protection to them.
viiL Gomara, HisL Mex,^ 217, allows Olid afterward to reoeiYe these or
similarpresents.
^* * De dode los Mexioanoe. . .le Uamaron Cazonzm, qne Bagnifica alpargate
viego.* Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. viii. But this name was a title, aa
fully explained in Native HaceSy v. 616, 525; Akgrt, HisL Ccmp, Jesus, i. 91;
Chwmipam^ HisL Conq,, ii. 78.
OLID'S MISSION. 51
Cortes would before this have sent troops to secure
possession of so promising a country, but pressing
affairs intervened, such as the arrival of Tapia, and it
was not till the middle of 1522" that he despatched
Olid with seventy cavalry, two hundred infantry, and
a number of allies, who also assisted in conveying the
artillery." If the country proved as desirable as rep-
resented, he was to form a settlement at Tzintzun-
tzan,^' and investigate the resources.
On arriving at Tangimaroa, the troops found the
people occupied with a religious celebration, arrayed
in their finest dresses and adornments. The display
proved too tempting for the greedy soldiers, and jew-
elry and other valuables were extorted and stolen, in
addition to other outrages, wherein the allies took a
prominent part. The people actually rose to hostile
demonstrations, but a volley from the arquebusiers,
followed by a charge from the no less dreaded horses,
put them to flight, the leaders being captured.^*
These were reassured by Olid, who pretended to de-
plore the outrage, and now sent them to the king
with peaceful protestations. Tangaxoan was not a
little startled by the reports, and with the vision of
the smoking ruins of Mexico before his eyes, dark
forebodings crept upon him. His council was equally
perplexed. Some of the members, headed by Timag^,
the king's uncle, urged resistance to the last rather
"No account is given of an expedition in the letter of May 1522, only
of the visit of the king's brother; bat in the relation of October 1524 ho
speaks of it, and so early therein as to indicate that it was sent not long after
tne despatch of the previous letter. Cartas^ 275. 'Algunos meses despues de
AHielto el Rey/ says Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 49; but it is probable that
the king did not come nntil the expedition had entered Michoacan. Alegre
assumes that it accompanied the king's brother, but this is too early, /list,
Comp. JesuSj i. 92, although according well with Bemal Diaz' loose intima-
tion. Nisi, Verdad., 159.
^* Gromara reduces the force to 40 horse and 100 foot. Hist. Mex. , 2^ 7, and
Ixtlilxochitl adds 5,000 Tezcucans. Jlor. Cmeldades, 55.
'^ It i% frequently referred to by the Mexican name of Huitzitzitia, and its.
corrupt forms of Chincicila, etc.
^'Brasseur de Bourbourg places this occurrence wrongly before the king's
brother is sent to Mexico, and assumes that as soon as news arrives of their
ftpproach a regular anny is sent by the king to repel the invaders. HiaL NcU^
<hv,y iv. 526.
52 RAIDS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA.
than to yield their liberty to the destroyers of Tenoch-
titlan; others counselled a retreat to some stronghold
till circumstances should indicate the proper course,
for after the submission tendered, and the peaceful
assurances of the invaders, resistance might stir these
demons to desolate the whole country. Concerned
chiefly for his own safety, the irresolute Tangaxoan
hastened with a portion of his family to seek refuge
at Uruapan, instructing his confidants to spread the
rumor that he had been drowned.
Meanwhile Olid advanced on the capital, and al-
though Timagd had sought to rouse the people to
defence by bloody sacrifices to the idols, and other
measures, yet their hearts failed, and a delegation was
sent to welcome the army, and conduct it to the palace.
Encouraged by the success at Tangimaroa, the soldiers
and allies were not slow to again follow their rapacious
bent, and, a good pretext being found in the idolatrous
practices to be seen on every side, they began with a
raid on the temples; a number of these edifices were
fired, while in others a destruction of idols completed
the pillage. These excesses were promoted by the
flight of a large proportion of the inhabitants, particu-
larly the women and children, after looking in vain for
any manifestations of the divine wrath which such
desecration seemed to challenge. Private dwellings
were now broken into, and while some of the burglars
turned into ghouls, to increase their spoils with pres-
ents consecrated to the dead, others spread over the
neighborhood to continue the raid in fresh fields.^*
While not unwilling to permit a certain amount of
^*In the Relation de loB Ritos, MS., the spoils of gold and silver aad orna-
ments are estimated at forty cofferfuU in one place, at twenty in another,
etc. As for Cortes, he mentions merely a gift of 3,000 marks in silver, and
5,000 pesos de oro. CartcUy 275. The army naturally kept the larger part,
and the leaders did not think it advisable to expose the excesses of their
men, even Cortds being content to share with them and keep quiet. Qomara
lowers even Cort^' estmiate of the treasure received. Hist mex.^ 217. Her-
rera and Beaumont abstain from mentioning any figures. Brasseur de Bonr-
bourg, Hist, Nat. Civ., iv. 532, assumes that the king's brother, or cousin,
as he at times calls him, is sent with a portion of the spoils to Mexico, on tiie
first visit, which Cortes dates long before Olid is despatched to that region.
OLID AT ZACATUUL 53
pillage, whereiu he might share, Olid thought it both
dangerous and impolitic to go too far, and accordingly
took strict measures to check the disorder. The sol-
diers considered this rather an unwarrantable inter-
ference, and rose in open mutiny. This was quelled,
and the ringleaders received due punishment; but
harmony could not be restored, and the majority
loudly protested against remaining in garrison duty
supported only by repartimientos, while their com-
rades at Mexico were preparing to invade the rich
regions to the south. Their minds were still too
much occupied with the acquisition of treasures to
rest content with the quiet life of encomenderos, and
since the gold and silver in the Tzintzuntzan district
had been well-nigh exhausted, the country possessed
no further attraction. So energetic were the protests
that Cortds gave orders to abandon the colony, those
desiring to return to Mexico being permitted to do
so ; the rest were ordered to Zacatula.^ It was not
his intention, however, to abandon^ so promising a
region, or to lose control of a powerful monarch, and
some time later he sent Olid again to reestablish the
settlement, though not to remain in charge, since
more trouble might arise with the colonists. The
control was assigned to Andres de Tapia, assisted by
a municipality appointed by Cortes himself, and while
Olid passed on to install a similar body at Zacatula,
that oflScer proceeded to reconcile the Tarascans to
the return of the white men, promising that no out-
rages should again mar their intercourse. The promises
brought from Cortds reassured Tangaxoan, and under
^CorUs, Oarta8,^6, ' Pacificamete se fue entreteniedo por algii tiepo,'
sajs Iferrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xi., adding that Olid sought to introduce
intercoorse and culture. This vagueness assists Brasseur ue Bourbourg to
aasume that the colony remained, Hi^. Nat. Ch., iv. 538, contrary to Oor-
tea' positive statement, supported also by Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iiL 49,
though the latter adds, ' sin tener lugar de poblar. * Cortes would never ac-
knowled^ the abandonment of the only colony in a rich kingdom, unless
obliged by truth to do so. 2jamacoi8 goes so far as to appoint a municipalitv
which remains in the country, Hiftt. M^j., iv. 74; but he anticipates, as will
be seen. Bemal Diaz assumes that Olid was anxious to return to his uewly
wedded wife at Mexico, ifirt. Verdad,, 161, 164.
54 RAIDS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA.
his protection the colonists began actively to engage
in mining. With Cortes' departure for Honduras,
and the consequent disorders at Mexico, the king
again took alarm, and sought to restrict the coming
of the settlers, though no serious difficulties occurred.**
One of the most alluring pieces of information
brought by the many embassies which tendered hom-
age at the feet of the victor was the existence of a
great sea to the south-west. The report thereof
roused* in Cortes a series of tumultuous feelings,
intensified by the dazzling result of Vasco Nunez*
famous discovery. Visions arose of pearl and spice
islands, of long extended shores cut by Pactolean
streams, of the veiled Indies, of a strait to the south
or north through which the fleets of Spain should
bear away the prize of Oriental trade, and enrich her
people — this and more dreamt the great conqueror
as he figured himself the laurel-crowned hero of the
age.^
The first attempt to gather information about the
sea appears to have been through the two Spaniards
who accompanied the Michoacan envoys to their coun-
try. Immediately after, two small parties were de-
spatched to the south and south-west, one of them
reaching the sea of Tehuantepec,each taking possession
for the king and church, planting there the cross. The
rumor had preceded them of the achievements of
white men in overthrowing the feared Aztecs, and
everywhere the explorers received marked attention,
proof of the same being brought to Mexico in costly
presents of gold and pearls, and in specimens of choice
*^ Alluding to these objections, Contador Albomoz urges the arrest of the
king and 'his supporters. Carta, in Pacheco and CdrdencM^ Col. Doc., xiiL
71-2; Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 502-3. This restriction is probably at the
bottom of the statement in Alegre, Hist. Camp, Jesus, i. 89, tha.t all traces of
a rich mine discovered in 1525 were soon after lost. This may be identical
with the * sierra de plata ' of the royal c^dula in Puga, Cedulario, 24. • Y
siem^re quedaron amigos,* is Herrera*s concluding allusion to Tangaxoaau
dec. lii. lib. iii. cap. xviL
^' * Y estaba muy ufano, porque me parecia que en la descubrir se hacia 4
V. M. muy grande y sefLalado servicio. CorUs, Cartas^ 259.
SHIP-BUILDIKO AT ZACATUUL 65
products from the provinces through which they
passed.® To Cortes these valuables served to stimu-
late the desire for exploration by which a strait might
be disclosed, and a route found to the Orient, and with
this object he sent another party to examine the coast
for a suitable harbor with timber for ship-building con-
venient^ This was found at the mouth of Rio ZacMula,
in the province of ZacatoUan,*^ and Villafuerte ^ was
thereupon sent with fully forty Spaniards, chiefly
shipwrights, carpenters, sawyers, blacksmiths, and sail-
ors, to form a settlement, and build two caravels and
two brigantines, the former for sea expeditions, the
others for coast exploration. A large number of allies
joined, especially such as had been trained in work con-
nected with the building of the first fleet." Some were
employed in carrying spikes, cordage, sails, and other
material from Vera Cruz and Mexico. The colon}"
was reenforced from the abandoned settlement at
Tzintzuntzan, and became now the headquarters for
^In HerTtrOy dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. ii., Juan del Valle ia mentioned aa the
discoverer of Tehoantepec, for whicn he obtained a coat of arms. In dec. iii.
lib. iii. cap. xvii., a discovery expedition to Tehuan tepee under Guillen de ia
Loa, CastOlo, Alferez Roman Lc^ez, and two others, is spoken of as if sub-
sequent to the above, their route oeing through Zapotecapan, along Chiapas,
and through Soconusco, a distance o( 400 leagues. Chico and three others are
aaid to have explored the coast from Tehuantepec to Zacatula, but this is
doubtful, since the intermediate Tutupec was hostile. Others sent through
Jalisco never returned. Cortes states that his two parties numbered two
Spaniards each, but they may have been leaders, and were certainly accom-
panied by Indians. They appear to have returned before the end of 0ctol)er.
4Jart(Uy 259, 262. In Cwiis, Besidenda, ii. llS-19, Juan de Umbria is said
to have been leader of one party. On his return he was imprisoned for two
years on the charge of having omitted Cortes' name in takmg possession of
the sea. OoTnara, Hist. Mex., 219, assumes that two parties went tlirougli
Michoacan, and Prescott hastily amplifies the achievements of one party,
although the ^chroniclers never mention even what became of it. ife,r., iii.
237.
^ According to Herrera this should have been the Chico party, but it is
doubtful. ^
^Native Bcuxs, ii." 109. Mercator, 1574, has CcuxUula; Munich Atbm,
vi., CacalolOy same name a little farther north; Ogilby, 1671, Zncahila; Laet,
1633, R. Zaeatula and Zaeatula city; Jefferys, 1/76; ZcuxUela, province and
city; Kiepert, Sacatula, Cartog. Foe. Coast, SiS., ii. 384.
** Evidently Juan Rodriguez, the leading brigantine captain, vol. L 615,
though Bemaf Diaz alludes to him as if he were a different man. Panes, in
MonumerUos Donrnu Esp,, MS., 59.
^ Chiefly Tezcucans, says Ixtlilxochitl, BeL, 429. Zurita speaks of oppres-
sion and hardships to which these allies were subjected. Padieco and Cdrde-
nas, CoL Doc., xiv. 414.
^ RAIDS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA.
Spanish forces in the south-west Additional men
were brought by Olid in connection with his second
expedition to Michoacan,*® including the municipal
officers appointed by Coitds, and the town was now
formally established on the site already chosen, a league
and a half from the sea,^ and named Zacatula, after
the river. One reason for Olid's coming was to aid in
reducing to obedience the Indians who had been ap-
propriated in repartimientos, but who had revised
to pay tribute, and even killed several collectors.
The emperor had expressed great interest in the
projects opened by the discovery of the South Sea
bevond new Spain, and by c^dula of June 1523 he
enjoined Cortes to hasten the search for a strait.*^
The latter needed no prompting, but the building of
the vessels progressed slowlv, owing to the difficultv
and delay attending the furnishing of certain material.
Finally, when this was obtained, a fire reduced nearly
everything to ashes. ^^ Without being in the least dis-
couraged, Cortes hastened to repair the loss, and toward
the end of 1524 such progress had been made that he
expressed the hope of despatching the vessels in the
middle of the following year. "With them, Grod
willing, I shall make your Majesty lord of more
kingdoms and seignories than are as yet known to our
nation."'^ The search for the strait should receive the
first attention, however, since the sovereign so de-
sired it, for by it the route to the Spice Islands would
'"'Mas de cie Espafioles, y quarenta de caaallo, y Mechuaoaneses.' Oo-^
mara, HisL Mex., 220. Bemal IKaz reduces the force to 45 men. HuL Ver-
dad. f 1C7. On the way he was attacked and sufifered a loss of two killed and 15
wounded. Herrera makes the force larger than Gomara, and allows Villa-
fuerte to come at the same time. dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xvii.
*• Herrera, /(/., cap. xviii., associates Simon de Cuenca with Villafuerte as
a leading man.
"In Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col Doc., xxiii. 366-7.
'^ / Me cuestan hoy los navios, sin haberlos echado al asna, mas de ocho
mil pesos de oro, sin otras cosas eztraordinarias, ' says Cortes in his letter of
October 1524. Cartas, 308. Testimony in CorUs, Beaidencia, i. 27, etc.,
assumes that the delays were on purpose, since Cortes had built the ships as
a means to escape from the country with his embezzled millions.
'' ' No le quedaril d V. EUcels. mas que hacer para ser monarca del mundo.'
Cartas, 306.
THE PROVINCE OP OOUMA. 57
be greatly shortened." While hopeful that it would
be foundy he suggested that the trade might in any
case be secured by this western route, if New Spain
were made the entrepot, goods being readily conveyed
overland by the aid of the natives. The departure
,of Cortds for Honduras, in pursuit both of Olid and
the strait, delayed the proposed expeditions by sea,
although the smallest vessel was sent by one of the
officials on a short vain search for certain islands
which aboriginal tradition placed to the south.*^ It
was but the delay of bitter disappointment.
On the disbandment of the first colonists in Micho-
acan, those destined for Zacatula set forth in that
direction under Alvarez Chico," to the number of a
hundred foot and forty horse, and a force of Mexican
and Tarascan auxiliaries. On the way they received
confirmatory accounts of the wealth of Colima, a
province extending along the South Sea to the north
of Zacatula, and of which glowing rumors had reached
them at Tzintzuntzan. They were in search of treas-
ures, not of garrison life at Zacatula, and so without
permission they turned aside to enter the coveted
province.*^ A dispute arising, a portion of the forces
^The interesting speculations concerning the strait, its position and value,
and the expeditions to which the search gave rise, are fully treated in Jlint.
Sorth Mex. States, See also Husi, Northiotat Cocutt, this series.
**Corte«, CartaSf 315. The means and desirability are more fully entered
into by Albomoz, Carta, in Pacheco and Cdnleiuia, CoL Doc., xiii. 02-3, and
Oviedo, iiL 466. The route would present less difficulties than that used by
the Venetians.
^ Albomoz, ubi sup., intimates that had he been ffiven the power to sond
the vessek forth, the route to the Spice Islands, and perhaps richer land.s,
wonld by this time have been discovered. Besides the brigantine, two larger
vessels lay prepared before the close of 1525.
'^A man who figured prominently on the first arrival of the Spaniards at
Villa Rica. See vol i. chap. ix. So Bcmal Diaz calls him in one place, wliilo
in another he applies the name Juan Velazquez Chico. Hist. Verdad., 159-(>0,
166-7, which Panes transforms into el Chico. MontimerUoSf Domin. Exp., MS.,
59. Beaumont adopts the Velazquez form. Cr6n. Mich., iii. 502; anil Chi, iii
Soc Mex, Oeog. BokttTiy viii. 475-6, attempts to show that no Alvarez
Ctiico exists, though Mota Padilla adopts the name. HisL N. Gal, 69. Soc
also Hernandez, in 8oc. Mex. Oeog. Boletin, 2daep. ii. 478; iii. 187.
^ Mota Padilla assumes that Alvarez was 6|>ecially commissioned by Cor ten
to undertake the conquest Several follow him, though they place the date
earlier than his 1526 But Cortes clearly mdicates the veniion of my text.
58 RAIDS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA.
separated from the main body, and, proceeding by a
different route under Avalos, they obtained the coop-
eration of several caciques,^ who were dissatisfied
with the king of Colima, and extended their raid
over a large tract, notably the northern region which
in honor of the leader obtained the name of Avalos'
province.^ Alvarez had meanwhile, with more ambi-
tious views, advanced by a southern route on the
capital, only to be waylaid in a ravine by the allied
forces under Zoma and Capaya, caciques of Jicotlan
and Autlan, and to be driven back with considerable
loss;*^ whereupon he hurried crestfallen upon his
original mission to Zacatula.*^
Informed of the disaster, as well as of the hostility
of Impilcingo, a province between Zacatula and Co-
lima, which had probably been stirred by the Spanisli
defeat, Cortes sent the able Olid with twenty-five
horsemen and about eighty foot-soldiers,** to chas-
tise this province, restore order in Zacatula, and,
reenforced by a part of its troops, to subjugate
Colima. The rugged nature of the country, which
made cavalry useless, and the warlike spirit of the
without nammg tho officer. Cartas, 276. Bemal Diaz gives the name, and
agrees upon tho time. The main cause for the general confusion of writers
is Herrera. An analysis of the main historians reveals his errors, dec. iii.
lib. iii. cap. zi xvii.; FrneSy Hist, Breve, 29-31. Mercator, 1569, Colima;
Munich Atlas, zii., 1571, Uollima, repeated northward; OgUby, 16*^1, CoUma;
Dampier, 1679, K. Colima; Laet, 1633, Colima; same in We^Irid. Spieghel^
Colom, Jefferys; Kiepert writes volcano and city. Cartog. Pae, Coast, MS.,
ii. 472.
" Such as those of Zapotlan and Sayula.
^Mota Padilla, loc. cit.; Gil, ubi sup. Jacotepec, Zacoaloo, and Axixic,
appear among the subjected districts. The chief inducement for joining the
Spaniards was to escape the heavy tribute to the king, one third of all produce.
^° Throe Spaniards and many aUies. Cortes, Cartas, 276. Gomara, foUowed
by Herrera and Beaumont, throw on Olid the blame for this operation,
'releo muchos dias. Al cabo quedo vecido,* etc. Hist, Mex., 220. Tello
names the allies who supported the king, all of which Mota PadilU reoro-
<luces. Conq, N. Gal., 69. Beaumont differs somewhat in reg9J^ to the aUies.
Crdn, Mich,, iii. 502. Owing to their confusion about early events little reli-
■ance can be placed on the names connected with the invasion.
*^Not to Mexico as the above writers assume. *Sabido r-jr mi, mandd
traer preso al capitan, y le castigu^.' Cort4i, Cartas, 276. Success would
have obtained reward for the disobedience. A\'alos is said to have held out in
hii district, but this is uncertain.
*^ Herrera, followed by Beaumont and others, gives the same force tm
Cortes, but places it under Sandoval, d .c. iii. lib. iii. cap. xvii.
NUEVA GAUCIA. 99
mountaineers, prevented success in Impilcingo,** and
he passed on to Zacatula. Increasing his force to
about twice its original strength, he thereupon marched
on Colima. After a hotly contested battle at Alima,
he compelled the king and his allies to retire to the
mountains,^ with heavy loss. The rest of the country
hastened to submit,^ and to assure possession he founded
a town named Coliman after the country, for which
Cortes appointed a municipality. Olid thereupon
returned with a rich booty, including some pearls,
Avalos being left in charge of the colony, numbering
about one hundred and fifty Spaniards, and a force of
allies.** As in Michoacan, the settlers speedily grew
discontented at the rapid dwindling of the much
lauded wealth of the countrj', and many deserted.
This encouraged the still hostile royalists in the moun-
tains, and when the remaining colonists demanded
their tribute from the repartimientos they found most
of the natives united in a general revolt.*^ An ap-
peal for aid was made to Cortes, and this time he
despatched Sandoval, who so effectually suppressed
the revolt that none was ever again attempted.*^
This conquest opened the gate to the fertile regions
northward, since known as Nueva Galicia, extending
from the east in a succession of green plains and smiling
^ ' Le mataron dos Boldados, y le hirieron qiiinze, e todauia lea vencid, ' says
Bemal Diaz. Higt. Verdad,, 167, contrary to Cortes, Cartas, ?87.
** Bemal Diaz believes that Alvarez perishecl during the campaign, per-
haps in the battle, and Beaumont assumes heavy losses for the iSpaniards.
CVt^n. Mich., iii. 158. Cortes acknowledges only wounded Miiiotlacoya, lord
4>f Zapotlan, appears to have fallen whue aiding the Spaniards.
^Including Aliman, Colimonte, Ceguatan, says Cortes. Herrera gives
varied spellmg, and adds Impilcingo.
^Herrera, dec iii. lib. iii. cap. xviL
^j ' Y loa pocos soldados que estaban . . . tomaron rehigiarse en las proviuciaa
ae Avalos,' adds Mota Padilla. Ilutt. iST. OaL, 69.
** Bemal Diaz places this expedition in the autumn of 1522, and Ijoasti
that Sandoval took with him a mere handful of veterans. JiUt. VerdcuL^ 167;
AletfrEj Hist., Camp. Jesus,!. 93. Salazar, Hist. Com/.f 95, swells the number
a little. Herrera's final episode under Olid and Villafuerte is entirely out of
place, and has helped to increase the general confusion among later writers.
Villafuerte does not apjiear to have approached Colima. His knowledge of
flhipa and ship-building caused him to be sent in command of the first ciuouy
to 2acatnla, some time before the disbanded colony from Michoacan made the
first entry into Colima.
150 RAIDS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA.
valleys, watered by nuiAerous streams which expand
at intervals into a series the finest lakes in aU these
parallels. On the west the Sierra Madre rises in pic-
turesque outlines to form a sheltering barrier, and
beyond it the more rugged region of Chimalhuacan
descends to meet the southern sea. Avalos was grad-
ually extending his limits into this country, allured by
its natural beauty and resources, and when Olid re-
turned to Mexico from his campaign he brought a
most glowing report, confirmed by a glittering display
of pearls. A little beyond Cohma, he said, were sev-
eral rich provinces, and ten days' journey to the north-
west an island rich in gold and pearls, inhabited solely
by women, who permitted only occasional visits from
men, and ruthlessly cast forth all male children born
among them.*^ He also reported that there was a
fine port in this region, doubtless the later Navidad.
Tales so interesting must be investigated, and in the
middle of 1524,^ when he found his hands some-
what free, Cortes resolved to seize so promising a
region, and to this end commissioned a kinsmen,
Francisco Cortes ^^ as one trustworthy, to overrun and
subdue it. In view of the importance of the expe-
dition, minute instructions were issued. No attack
was to be made, save in extreme cases, peaceful sub-
mission having to be sought with promises and gifts ;
a general disregard for pearls and gold should be
affected, so as the more readily to acquire information
about the condition and riches of the country,^^ and
^ 'Kelacion de los sefilores de la pro^'incia de Ceguatan,' adds Cortes to
excuse his evident belief in the Amazon story. Cartas, 288. Gomara suggests,
that it may have originated from the name of a district there, Cihuatlaii,
meaning place of women. Hist. Mex.^ 220-1; OviedOf iii. 447-8.
**Mota Padilla, JliH. N. Gal.f 70, followed by Gil and Hernandez, in Soc.
Mex, Oeog. BoleUn, viu. 470, 2da ep. ii. 479, give the date 1526-7, but the
instructions of Cortes arc dated 1524, and he alludes to such an expedition
two months before his departure for Honduras. Cartas^ 491; Pacheco and
Cardenas^ Col. Doc., xxvi. 149-53. Francisco Cortes figured besides during
1525-6 as representative for this north-west region, as will be seen later.
" *De San Buenaventura.' BeaumoiU, Crdfi. Mich., iii 480. Some sort of
cousin, no doubt, though Gil hastily calls him nephew.
*« * Porque no lo escondieren creyendo que lo temeis en poca* Pacheco and
Cardenas f Col Doe., xxvi. 157.
EXtEBrnON OF FRANCISCO CORTES. 61
finally, when the mask "was thrown aside, the treas-
tires disclosed by this artifice should be secured.** In-
vested with the power and rank of alcalde mayor of
Colima, and of governor's lieutenant, Francisco Cortes
set out with about eighty men, twenty-five having
horses," and, after passing through Colima and Autlan,
he crossed the Sierra Madre range to Ameca and
!Etzatlan, after defeating the natives in one or two
encounters, and intimidating the rest into submis*
fiion."
The main object being exploration, Francisco ad-
vanced north-westward through Istlan and Ahuaca-
tlan.^ A little further at Tetitlan a numerous army was
met under Hujicar and easily vanquished, though with
the loss of one Spaniard. This had a salutary effect on
the districts beyond, notably Jalisco, well known for
its opulence and beauty, which was ruled at the time
by a queen, during the minority of her son. She has-
tened to send an invitation to the powerful strangers,
and came forth herself in state to welcome them at an
arbor embellished with flowers, half a league from the
town. Her warriors here formed a circle, and game
being driven in from the neighborhood, they exhibited
their skill in bringing it down, and tendered the result
to the guests. This performance was followed by
"The instractiQns are giyen in fall in PacheeOt ubi anp., and Cortis, Eeeri"
4o»SueUo8.
^ P<xcheeo and Cdrdeiuu, loc. cit. Mota PadUla makes it a round 100, and
^owa friars Padilla and Bolofia and Br. Villadiego to join. Hist, N. Oal., 70.
But they had not yet arrived in New Spain.
* ' Hobo ciertoe recuentroe, y apaciga6 muchoe dellos/says Cort^ briefly.
Cartas, 492. One version, followed by l^avarrete, hisi, Jod,, 24, assumes that
Capaya was defeated at Autbui, but Mota PadUla writes that ruggedness of
ooontrv offered the sole obstacle. Btzatlan, he adds, was given in encomienda to
Joan de Escarcena, the second in command, it seems. A report of 1579
ascribes the conquest of Amecan, or more probably the encomiendaship, to
Juan de Afiesta, who is said to have arrived about 1528, and lived four or five
years at Colima, enjo^g there hia tributes from Amecan. HemandeZy in Soc.
Mex, Oeog., 2da to., ii. 465-6. Among those who submitted is named Gua-
zicar, cacioue of Aochitepec, later Magdalena.
^ ' Donde anedd por enoomendero Alonso Lopez,' says Mota Padilla; but
this leaving of isolated men in semi-hostile countries is doubtfuL He also
assumes that Cortte committed so hazardous an act as to divide his forces the
better to explore th# country, and adds Mexpa and Zoatlan to the places vis-
ited. Gil assumes adetoor back to Amecan before Istlan was reached, but this
is scarcely possible.
62 RAIDS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA.
religious ceremonies at the temple in the town, a
pyramidal structure some sixty steps high, dedicated to
PiltzinteoUi, the ' child god,' to whom sacrifice was
offered in simple fruit and flowers/" The army was
lodged in the palace and its gardens, and welcomed
by as many women as there were Spaniards. This
thoughtful consideration on the part of the aueen
was not appreciated, for Francisco, after beholding
the women, sent them back, and enjoined his men to
observe good conduct. Assisted by a young neophyte
from Father Gante's school, he thereupon sought
to convert the queen, who professed great interest.
Whether she was actually converted is not clear, but
she certainly tendered an ofler of allegiance.
Francisco Cortes did not find so much gold as he
had expected, and although the provinces of Centiz-
pac and Acaponeta, to the north of Tololotlan River,^
were reported rich, he resolved to return along the
coast.^ After two days' march southward, he came
upon an army of some twenty thousand warriors
drawn up in battle-array, their bows adorned with
little flags of cotton of difierent colors, though chiefly
purple, a dye obtained from a shell-fish left by the
retiring tide on the rocks. This appearance caused the
Spaniards to name the locality Valle de Banderas.**
^^ A description of this curious temple, and the subject sacrifices, are given
in NcvUve liaceny iii. 447-^.
^Rio Tololotlan, Santiago, or St Jago. Ogilby writes, 1671, B. Baranica;
Dampier, 1699, B. St Jago, near its mouth St Pecaque; Laet, 1633, S. laqo;
Jefferys, B, Barania^ or St Jago, near by SirUiquipcupie, GuaxaccUlan; K[ie-
pert, 1852, Bio St Jago Tololotlan. It is also known as Bio Grande, and de
Lerma. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 632.
^Cortes had ordered him to proceed up the coast 150 to 200 leagues, but
he went only 130, owing to insumciency oi force and erass. Ten days* jour-
ney beyond flowed a lar^e river, probably a strait, of which curious things
were said. Ports also existed. Cartas, 492. This distance covered no doubt
the turnings of the route, and a stretch of imagination, and gives no idea of the
point attained. Beaumont assumes that the army did go as far as Acaponeta^
where Caci(][ue Xonacatl peacefully submitted, convinced by oracles of the
heavenly mission of the stranffers. Crdtu Mich., iii. 480-1. Mota Padilla
allows Cort^ to turn back, but ne leaves at Jalisco the neophyte Juan Fran-
cisco, to carry on the conversion till friars should be sent. Juan Aznar, of
the party, offered to return with friars if the place were granted him in en-
comienda. This was done, but Aznar failed to come back. Hist. N, Oal., 72.
^Munich Atlas, 1532-40, Banderas; Dampier, 1699, *VaJderas; Jefferys^
1776, Banderaa Bay, VaUe de Banderas; Kiepert, 1852, B, Ameca,
FRANCISCO C0RT£S AT COUMA. ea
As they prepared for the encounter, with no little
misgiving, in view of the number before them, bright
lights are said to have emanated from the cross and
the virgin image on the standard, whereupon the
astonished natives became instantly quiet, and even
followed the example of the soldiers, who knelt to
render thanks for the miracle.'*
At Tuito, to the south, they were met by a pro-
cession of natives bearing crosses in their hands. At
their head marched the chief, dressed like a Domini-
can, while his followers wore a kind of scapulary, and
had the hair cut like that of friars. As he approached,
the chief kissed his cross, and thus reassured the
soldiers, who at first held back on seeing that the
Indians carried bows. All thereupon kissed the cross
and fraternized ; and questioned about the Christian-
like ceremonies, the chief related that according to
a tradition of their forefathers a water-house from
across the sea had stranded on their shore. Fifty
men landed from the wreck, and were hospitably re-
ceived, introducing in return the dress and ceremonies
observed. Finally their authoritative manner became
unbearable, and one night all were surprised and
slaughtered by the oppressed natives. Nevertheless
the worship of the cross had proved so comforting and
effective in time of trouble as to be retained."^ After
a brief stay, Francisco continued his march to Colima,
there to maintain possession as lieutenant during the
absence of his chief in Honduras.^ On the return of
the latter, preparations were made to resume the ex-
ploration, but obstacles interfered with the project,'*
* Jfoto Padilla, Hist. N. OaL, 73. Another version substitutes musketry,
fire, and smoke for lights with which to startle the Indians into obedience.
** A rusted anchor, some nails, and a wooden cross were pointed out in
proof of the story. Id., 73-4. This authority believes the shipwrecked crew
to have been Englishmen. Navarrete, Hist. Jal, 27, gives the preference to
n>erianfl. The reader may choose to regard the whole as a pious hoax.
** He attended the session of deputies at Mexico in 1525, as will be shown,
during which time Avalos, or perhaps Chavez, as Beaumont, Crdru Mich.,
MS., 245, asserts, held control See also Tello, Fragmentoe, in IctjahcUceUi,
CoL Doe,^ IL 35^-60. Francisco was still in charge in 1527. C7or^, Escritoa
Su€Uo€, 149^^.
••Letter of Cort^ September 1526. CarioB, 492.
M RAIDS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA.
and nothing more is heard of this region for several
years.*^
^Supplementaiy list of anihorities oontaining additional matter of more
or less ^ue relating to preceding chapters: Puga, Cedulario, S, 20, 2i, 43,
86; Oviedo, in. 424-39, 44^-8, 461-7; Pacheco and Cdrdemu, Col Doe., xiii.
62, passim; xxvi. 149-69; Cortis, EacrUos Sueltos, 23-6, 42-51, 149-50;
Arehivo Mex., Does,, i. 53, 157-8, 236-7, 417; u. 118-19, 255-6; Icasbalceta^
Col, Doc., i. 464-9; Ramirez, Proceao, 15; Temattx-Compafu, Voy., s4rie i.
torn. ix. 287-8; s6rie ii. tom. v. 187; iii. 182; Sguier's MS., xix. 35-6; Chi-
nudpain, Hist. Canq., ii. 78-107; Las Coma, Hist. Apdog., MS., 30-2;
Duran, Hist. Jnd., MS., ii. 518-21 ; Ixtlilxochiti, Pdaciones, in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., ix. 427-9; Monardes, Hist. Medic. Ocdd., 23 et seq.; Moreno^
Fragmentos, 27-30; Cort6a, Hist. N. Esp., 330-6, 347-50, 373-4, 382^; Chn-
sola DdvUa, Teatro Ecles., i. 4-6; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 1, 2; PreseoU's
Mex., ii. 48-9; iii. 237-9, 270-2; also notes in Mex. editions; Humboldt,
Essai Pol., ii 673-4, 691 ; Helps* CorUs, ii. 154-7; Monumentos Domin. Esp.,
MS., 59; Vetanevrt, Menologia, 105; Salaear y Olarte, Conq. Mex., 43-101;
Alaman, DiserL, L 161-3, 191-3, imp. 148-54; Rivera, Gob. Mex., 16, 17;
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Hat. Civ., iv. 380-5, 516-72; Kerr's CoL Voy.,
78-101; VUlorSefior y Sanchez, Theatro, iL 112; Barda, Hist. Prim., i.
171-3; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 80-1; Jalisco, Mem. Hist., 20-3, 168; Medina,
<jhr6n. de San Diego deMex., 245-6; Rivero, Mex. in 1842, 7-11; RusseWs
Hist. Am., i. 251 ; Gavo, Tres Sighs, i. 11-15; Voyages, Selection qf Curious,
31-2; West-IndischeSpieghel, 268-73,315-19; Oalvano's Discov. , 151-2; Santos,
Chronologia Hospitalaria, ii. 489-^; Soc. Mex. Qeog., Boletin, it 468, 478-9;
iv. 640-2; vi. 197-204; vii. 160-1, 187-8; viii. 475, 477, 532; SOth Cong., £d
Sess., H. Com. Rept. 145, pp. 128-32; Nic. Municip. Independ., 8; Orieco y
Berra, Geog., 276; Steven^ iTotes, 45; Overland Monthly, xiii. 365-7; Find-
lay's Directory, i. 259-60; ii. 132-3; Cortesii, von dem Neutn Hispanien, ii.
46-5; Aa, Ncuiukeurige Versameling, x. 253-83; Spaggiari, Libel Bimest,
zxxix.-xlviii.; Dice. Univ., viii. 702-4; Bumey's Hist. Voy., i. 119; Zamacois,
Hist. Mtj., u. 733-5; iv. 65-90, 177-8, 307-8, 383-5, 507; Carriedo, Eetudios
Hist. , 92 ; Oreenhow's Or. and Cod., 49 ; March y Labores, Marina Espa^iola^
iL 195; Harris, Col. Voy., i. 272-3; Giordan^ L'Isthme Tehuan., 12-14; Bu^
Merre, L'Emp. Mex., 331-49.
CHAPTER IV.
TAPIA'S DISCOMFITURE.
1521-1522.
Vklazquxz still Longing for Mxxioo— A Qovkbnob Sknt from Spain— In*
TBIGUSS OF TAFIA--0oiTNTEB-INTBIOnXS — CONFERENCB OF CeMPOALA—
TheClahcant Ousted — Bono de Quejo's Mission — Rxvolt of the Az-
tecs—A Tebkible Lesson— Oonspibacies against Cobt^s— Narvasz
AT HIS Feet.
In the midst of these operations, tending to the
increase of Spanish dominion, and as Cortes was
about to despatch a force to take possession of that
bone of contention, Pdnuco,^ in the beginning* of
December 1521, startling information arrived from
Villa Kica which caused the postponement of the
expedition, and any other movements involving a
diminution of available forces. Velazquez had never
for an instant relaxed his efforts to overthrow the
ambitious lieutenant who had robbed him of the gain
and glory connected with the conquest of New Spain,
and as reports grew eloquent on its immense extent
and resources, his efforts increased, as did the num-
ber and zeal of his party, stimulated by shares in all
these riches. It is even said that he projected a de-
scent in person on New Spain, with a fleet of seven
or eight vessels. He must have been encouraged by
the assurances of malcontents who had been allowed
to return to Cuba, after the Tepeaca campaign, and
who affirmed that the presence of the governor of
Cuba, supported by profuse promises of favors and
1 For this, 25 horsemen and 150 foot-eoldiers stood prepared. CorUs, Car-
icu, 264.
Btts. Mbl, Vol. U. 9 (66)
66 TAPIA'S DISCOMFITURE.
grants, would be sufficient to win back to his standard
the troops of. Narvaez, which formed the majority of
tlie army of Cortes. These would swell his forces to
irresistible proportions, and taught by the mistakes
of Narvaez, he would have no difficulty in defeating
Cortes, and reaping the results of his intrigues and
campaigns. While all this was alluring, the governor
had too great a regard for his portly form to will-
ingly expose it to the skill of Cortes, and yet it
woidd be useless to intrust a lieutenant with the
expedition. Whether this prudent consideration was
sufficient to cause the abandonment of the project is
not clear, but it certainly was abandoned.^
The friends of Cortes had not failed to point out to
tlie emperor the necessity of sustaining so energetic
and able a captain in his efforts to extend the domains
and revenue of the crown, and since the argument
was supported by the eloquent plea of golden treas-
ures, his Majesty felt induced to take a lenient view
of the offence committed. While not exactly approv-
ing it, he left the case in the hands of his council, to
be decided by future circumstances.* Occupied with
the affairs of his German empire, he gave compara-
tively little attention to discoveries in the remote
west, and the India Council managed these interests
according to its pleasure. While this body was con-
trolled by the regency, Cardinal Adrian was too much
distracted by nuncial affairs, particularly the comu-
nidad troubles, to exercise fully his authority. Dur-
ing the varying course of Cortes* suit, therefore,
Fonseca, as president of the council, managed to
direct the inflowing testimony to his own advantage,
identical with that of his proteg^, and prevailed on
his associates not to let the unscrupulous Cortes pro-
^OviedOi iii. 540, states that the expedition did start, but on oominff in
sight of Yucatan the timid counsels of licentiate Parada so alarmed Velaz-
quez that he turned back, 'con infamia suya y con mucho gasto y {|^rdida.*
Herrera also intimates that the fleet sailed, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xviiL But
the afi^ur is nevertheless involved in doubt.
'See HisL ifez., i, 173, this series.
APPOINTMENT AS GOVEKNOR. 67
ceed wholly unchecked in a career which, so dis-
honestly begun, might lead to disloyal acts. The
previous efforts of the president to obtain the ap-
pointment of an agent to assume at least partial con-
trol of the new region, and investigate the question,
had failed on the ground that such interference might
endanger the progress of conquest, or even drive
the leader to desperate measures prejudicial tj the
crown. Now the emperor was absent, however, and
Fonseca carried his point by issuing a commission to
his adherent, Crist6bal de Tapia, inspector of smelting
works in Espaiiola,^ to proceed at once to New Spain,
and take charge of the government of the countries
granted to Adelantado Velazquez, without prejudice
to his claims; and further, to investigate the conduct
of Cortes toward Velazquez and Narvaez, and his
usurpation of office as governor and captain-generaL
To this end he was empowered to arrest him and
any accomplices, and attach their property, refraining,
however, from passing sentence, which would be pro-
nounced by the crown in accordance with the evi-
dence sent in.*^ He was also provided with letters for
Cortds and leading officers, wherein the president of
the council urged them to aid Tapia in his duties as
governor and judge, promising favors and intercession
with the sovereign if faithful, otherwise the royal dis-
pleasure should fall heavily upon them. A large
« 'En Santo Domingo.' Some taj he was commandant of the fort there.
Bemal Diaz, Hist, Verdad,, 159.
^This document, dated April 11, 1521, waa signed by Cardinal Adrian,
who ruled for the absent emperor, and countersigned by the bishop of Bikgos.
It begins by relating how Cortes had assumed for himself the fleet with wMch
Velazquez had sent him to trade and settle in the countries discovered by thia
governor, and alludes also to Narvaez' maltreatment of Oidor Aillon which
must be investigated. Cort^, Velazquez, and other captions are instructed
to aid Tapia in his duty, under penalty of 1,000 ducats for each neglect. PrO'
frieion de TapiOy in Pacheeo and Cdrdenas, Col, Doc., xzvi. 36-42. Although
this was not signed by the emperor, later c^dulas confirmed Tapia indirectly
aa governor of the lands discovered bv Velazquez. See for instance that
iflsned to Garay in the same year, wherem he is informed that Tapia had been
instructed to settle the boundaries of the respective grants of Velazquez,
PoQoe de Leon« and his own. Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 148. This order
to Tapia must have followed him to New Spiun, though Herrera> dec. iii. lib.
In. cap. xvl., includes it in the other inatructions.
68 TAPIA'S DISCOMFITURE.
number of similar letters, unaddressed, were issued to
enable Tapia to select useful adherents.
Elated by the possession of these dignities, Tapia
hastened on his mission, in one small vessel, and almost
unattended, regardless of the warnings imparted by
the audiencia of Espafiola, which had declared that the
sovereign should be informed of what had happened in
New Spain since last advices, before a step was taken
that might create an uprising, and injure the royal in-
terests.^ On arriving at Villa Rica, Tapia exhibited his
credentials to Gonzalo de Alvarado, who had replaced
Rangel as lieutenant,^ and demanded recognition.
Gonzalo appears to have been somewhat intimidated
by the documents, and accorded no Uttle deference to
their possessor.® He would undoubtedly be obeyed,
but it was necessary that he should address himself
to Cortes. Tapia sought with promises and threats
to draw the officials and settlers on the coast to his
side, but, warned by former occurrences, the general
had taken the precaution to intrust the guardianship
of the coast to loyal persons, and, although a few
malcontents appeared, yet bribery failed with the con-
trolling majority.* Under these circumstances the
commissioner deemed it unsafe to penetrate the inte-
rior, whose occupants were still more devoted to his
rival, and thus place himself entirely at his mercy.
Narvaez, still a prisoner at Villa Rica, appears to
have increased his fears by pointing out that if he,
a general of repute with a strong army, had been
* 'Le quisierd quitar el oficio laandiencia y govemador, porqnefaera a reb-
olner la nueva Espafia, auiedo le m&dado que no fuesse so gravissimas penas.*
Chmara, Hist. Mex., 221. Till the sovereign should have been informed of
what had occurred in New Spain. Cort49j Cartas, 267. It is not likely that
this body ventured to do more than warn him. Bemal Diaz writes that he
came with two vessels.
' Rangel, the former alcalde mayor> having been removed throtigh some
disagreement, says Bemal Diaz.
^ So much so that his brothers accused him of willingness to comply with
Tapia's demand, and Cort^ dismissed him from office. CcrUs, Besideneia, L
252, 326, ii. 15, 66-7.
* By the time of the residencia in 1529 different grievances had increased
the malcontents, who then pretended, perhaps for prudential reasons, that
they had been compelled to ignore Tapia.
THE ARTFUL ESTREMADUKAN. 60
ignored and attacked, the unattended agent could ex-
pect little consideration.^® Tapia accordingly con-
tented himself, with writing a carefully worded letter
to Cortes, informing him of his mission and leaving it
to his decision whether their meeting for the exhibi-
tion of credentials should take place at Mexico cr on
the coast.
Already informed of the arrival, the general had
instructed the authorities at Villa Rica to entertain
the claimant till he should meet him, always courte-
ously and peaceably, so that the royal service should
not suffer. He now wrote to Tapia, whose polite letter
was whoUjr eclipsed by the neatly turned sentences
and flattering assurances of the king-maker at Tenoch-
titlan. Nothing could exceed his joy in welcoming so
esteemed a friend; and there was none whom he would
rather see installed as governor. Unable for the
moment to leave the capital, he had commissioned the
bearer of the letter, Friar Melgarejo, the highly re-
spectable comisario de la cruzada, to inform him of
the condition of affairs, and confer with him on the
necessary measures for carrying out the royal wishes.
For greater effect, Cortds impressed the friar, in pres-
ence of the royal treasurer, who was regarded as an
unfriendly spy, with the most loyal commendations
for the entertainment of Tapia."
This preliminary farce arranged, Cortes prepared
to take more efficient measures for the management
of an affair too delicate and important to be intrusted
to any but the most skilful hands. It is scarcely nec-
essary to say that he had no intention to surrender
the results of his achievements, the aim and hope of
his life, at the first bidding of this interloper. Nor
>® The liberty accorded Tapia freely to commune "vtith such men as Narvaez^
and to exert his persuasion, must have been the main cause for dissatisfaction
with Cronzalo de Alvarado. The desire to obtain his release must have strug-
gled in Narvaez' breast with jealousy of success on the part of an inferior
man like Tapia.
" To whatever phioe he might go appropriate treatment should be accorded;
'fnesse tratado coroo cduenia,' is Uerrera's significant expression, dec. ill.
lib. ilL cap. xvi.
70 TAFIA'S DISCOMFITURE.
were his many adherents willinj to leave to the friends
of Velazquez the distribution of rew'v-::'3, now swell-
ing to vast proportions under inflowing tributes, and
rumors of rich developments in different quarters.
Indeed, they would probably be deprived evci of
what they had acquired, as abetters of an usurp or.
Cortes took occasion to increase this feeling, and to
dispel the fears and doubts of less determined persons,
by letting it be known that the commissions of Tapia
were not signed by the king, but by Fonse :^, the
Satron of Velazquez, and consequently issued without
ue authority. This revelation made his plan the
more simple. At first he thought it better to meet
the commissioner himself, but finally he concluded that
it was not advisable to let him display his imposing
credentials at Mexico, where so many malcontents
would muster in his favor under the leadership of
Treasurer Alderete. He would direct operations
against the claimant at a distance, where his own
hand would be less apparent. Who could question his
loyalty if he left the disposal of Tapia to a council of
delegates representing apparently the whole country I
The first step was to announce his intention to go
and receive Tapia, and to cause a number of delegates
to formally protest against his departure. The un-
consolidated government would be imperilled by his
absence and encouragement given to the scarcely
subdued natives to create trouble." Deceived by the
manoeuvre, Alderete joined in the protest and the
recommendation that deputies be selected to confer
with the new governor. Cortes yielded, and appointed
Diego de Soto and Diego de Valdenebro to act for
him in unison with a council of delegates from the
" This reqnerimiento, made in the name of Pedro de Alvarado, alcalde of
TeDOcl- titlan, Bernardo Vazquez do Tapia, regidor of Villa Rica, and soon after
the enemy of Cortds, and Cristobal Corral, re&:idor of Scgura, was dated De-
cember 12, 1521, before the notary at Cojruhuacan. P checo and Cdrdauu^
Col. Ifjc.t Xxvi, 30-5. Cortds magnifies the danger o* a native revolt in ex-
plainmsr the motive to the emx)Gror. Jtrtas, 265. Herrera does not perceive
the trick of Cort^, but assumes that .. really wished to treat personally with
Tapia, rather than trust the afi&ir to others.
MEETING WITH SANDOVAL. 71
^iifferent Spanish settlements. Sandoval, then paci-
fying and settling the Groazacoalco region, was told to
attend the conference to be held at Villa Rica in his
character of alguacil mayor. He was also secretly
instructed to take a respectable force, and further, to
immediately install a municipality at MedelUn, so as
to increase the number of trustworthy delegates and
render the issue more sure."
Accompanied by Andrds de Tapia and a consider-
able force, Sandoval met the commissioner and Father
Mclgarejo at Jalapa, on the wsLy to Mexico, whither
the prospect of a strong support from Alderete and
his party seems to have called him. The latter
spared no argument or threat to induce Sandoval
to join him ; but the loyal lieutenant replied bluntly
that he would never stoop to treason against his
leader," who for that matter did not oppose his claims,
but had summoned the different local authorities to
examine them and accord due obedience. From what
he had heard of Cortes' summary way of treating
opponents, Tapia was pleased with having to deal only
with his representatives. In any case there was too
much persuasion in Sandoval's tone, with bristling
accompaniment, for Tapia to do aught but return to
Villa Rica. The lieutenant's first step was to appease
with appropriate favors those of the settlers wlio ap-
peared to have greeted the new-comer with too much
cordialitv. Further, in order to withdraw the council
from all pernicious influence, he caused it to assemble
at Cempoala.*^ The members consisted of Francisco
Alvarez Chico, alcalde of Villa Rica; Jorge de Al-
varado, and Simon de Cuenca, regidores; Bernardo
^ While mentioning this, Herrera aasumes that Cortes instructed Andres
de Tapia to leave Villa Rica for the purpose of establishing the town. Mejia
agrees with Bernal Diaz that Sandoval founded it, thou^ he states tliat it
was done now, to give authority to the alcaldes and regidores appointed by
Cort^. CotUh, Refulenaa, i. 83-4.
^* * Que loe Gouemadorea de CastiUa, que lo auian embiado estauan mal
informados. . .y no toniauan el camino necessario.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii.
«ap. xvi. But Sandoval was too prudent to make so meddlesome a reply.
**Some believe it to have l»een held at Villa Rica; others, like Oviedo, iii.
517, at Jalapa; but its lately published records mention Cempoala.
72 TAPiA'S DISCOMFITTJBJE.
Vazquez de Tapia, factor; Pedro de Alvarado, alcalde
and delegate for Tenochtitlan; Crist6bal Corral, regi-
dor and delegate for Segura de la Frontera; Andrds.
de Monjaraz, alcalde and delegate for Medellin; Sota
and Valdenebro, agents for Cortds, and Sandoval."
On the 12th of December Tapia presented before
this assembly his credentials and orders, which were
received with the customary respect, but he was noti-
fied that they would have to be examined and discussed
before the nature and manner of the compliance could
be determined. Four days later he was informed that
petitions had been sent to Spain by the representa-
tives of the country concerning the very governorship
claimed by Tapia, and pending the reply, which would
settle several other important questions, the interests
of the sovereign demanded that the credentials be left
in abeyance. This was the more imperative since the
documents were not signed by his Majesty, or his sec-
retary, a defect which implied that the Council of the
Indies had not acted in accord with their royal master^
whom it was their duty as loyal subjects to obey
above all. There were besides certain misstatements
in the documents which made it evident that they had
been issued under false representations. This mode of
avoiding compliance with royal orders may be regarded
as flimsy when it is considered that Cardinal Adrian^
who signed them, was the appointed representative
of the king of Spain; yet a plausible reason existed
in the fact that representations affecting the ques-
tion at issue had been addressed directly to the king,
and this made it undesirable to act on the orders of
his agent before the answer came. The present non-
compliance was far less flagrant than many other in-
stances of disobedience to royal decrees, so frequent in
the Indies, owing to the distance from Spain, and to
"Cuenca is called Bamon in Pacheco and Cdrdenca^ Col, Doc,, xxvi. 36-7,
a misprint evidently for Simon. Sse Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., 1. 452. Some of
the first-named members were probably a little doubtful in their adhesion, so
that the appointment of a delegate for Medellin became rather a necessity for
swelling the majority of Cortes.
0X7TWITTED AND DRIVEN FORTH. 73
the neglect or difficulty of punishing the culprits.
The delegates no doubt felt greatly sustained by the
report that the audiencia of Santo Domingo had
objected to the decree.*^
Tapia lodged a formal protest against the decision^
which made them liable to the heavy penalty named
in his commission.^® The delegates replied by repeat-
ing their objections, which they would submit to the
sovereign, together with a petition. His reasons were
invalid, and they did not recognize his power to impose
any penalty.^* They further declared his presence
dangerous to the tranquillity of the country, and
ordered him peremptorily to depart. The latter mes-
sage was delivered by Sandoval, with the blunt inti-
mation that if he did not, he would be mounted on
an ass and made to leave. He still lingered, however^
breathing defiance, and giving rise to no little anxiety
among the friends of Cortds, who feared that a delay
might enable a faction to take up his cause and create
trouble. Some, indeed, counselled that a bribe be given
him, but this would have been a needless expenditure
of treasure; still, it was thought expedient to offer a
liberal price for the horses, negroes, and some other
effects,** so that no reasons should exist for further
delay. This succeeded, and with a sigh of relief his ves-
sel was seen to disappear, burdened, however, with a
growing array of complaints to be used in retaliation.^^
" ' Qae las pronisiones eran faaorables y falsas: y el incapaz e indigno de
tan grande goaemacion/ says Gomara curtly. IJist. Mex., 221.
'^He mentioDed among other reasons that the royal seal confirmed its
validity. The omission of the secretary's signature was an accident.
^*Tne records of these proceedings, which lasted till January 6, 1522, are
given in PcKheco and CdraenaSf Col. Doe. , xxvi. 30-58.
'^Bemal Diaz declares that a gold bribe was actually given, and one of the
vessels bought, Hist. Verdad.f 1&, but this statement rests no doubt on the
purchase alone, which in a sense was bribery. * Se boluio por donde f ue con
l^rande afrenta, no se si con moneda,* says Oomara, Hist. Mex.y 221. Narvaez
IS said to have advised him to convert available effects into money and
hasten to Spain, where the very insult offered the supreme authorities in his
person would raise a strong movement in his favor. Cavo has a confused
story that Tapia was induced to settle at Mcdellin, where a fortune could
speedily be made. Intemal troubles arising, ho sought to avail himself
tbereof to advance his pretensions; whereupon Cortds caused him to embark.
Trts Sifflos, L 20.
'^Most authoritieB intimate a voluntary embarkation, but testimony in
74 TAPIA'S DISCOMFITURE.
The indirect bestowal of a bribe to hasten the fleet
of Tapia was by no means misplaced, as it happened.
Not long after he had left Villa Ric^ the good people
at Medellin were startled by the appearance of a sail at
San Juan." Surely the commissioner was not re-
turning to stir anew the quarrel in this locality. The
anxiety was not lessened by a summons for the au-
thorities to meet Juan Bono de Quejo, the bearer of
important despatches for Governor Tapia, with greet-
ings from Adelantado Velazquez. The mere pres-
ence of Quejo boded no good, for he was a hard-
headed Biscayan,^ who, after sharing the first mishaps
of Narvaez on this coast, as one of his officers, had
left to plead his cause. Several cedulas having arrived
from the king himself, after Tapia's departure, con-
taining not only additional instructions but confirma-
tion of his powers, it was deemed necessary that they
should reach him as soon as possible, for even the au-
thorities in Spain could not fail to recognize that
objections might be raised to their signatures among
the cavilling officials in the Indies. When the de-
spatches reached the Islands, Valazquez placed a small
vessel at Quejo's disposal.
These confirmatory documents, signed by the king,
were not a little perplexing, and the coast officials
could only refer him to Cortes. The latter expressed
regrets at the departure of Tapia, which made it im-
possible to obey the mandates, and by a combination
of suave language and glittering jewels he completely
won the heart of the messenger, who quietly placed in
CorUHy Residencia^ ii. 14, 15, 144, states that he was 'conducted* on board,
by the orders of Alcalde Alvarez. Corral is said to have taken the leading part
in the previous altercation. According to Cortes and others, Tapia received
a severe reprimand in Espa&ola for his attempt to create troubles in New
Spain. If he failed to enjoy the office, he certainly received his salary as
governor. Jinn-era^ dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. iii.
'''-'At Medellin, says Bemal Diaz, Hist. Veirlad., 167, whither he sum-
moned the authorities from Goazacoalco. The municipality of Medellin had
probably not yet taken up their abode there. San Juan de Chalchiuhcnecan,
or de Ulua, served as port for Medellin. This summons may account for
iJortes' statement that he arrived at Eaplritu Santo. Car'aa, 279.
*• Master of one of his vessels. Cort€Sy Cartas, 279.
THE DELEGATES RESPONSIBLE. 75
his pocket the cddulas and accompanying packet of
unaddressed letters with which fresh adherents were
to be allured, and abandoned himself to the amenities
of his situation. A little later he proceeded with
well filled pockets to report in Spain the futility of
his mission.**
In explaining to the emperor the treatment accorded
to his governor, Cort^ prudently throws the respon-
sibility on the popular representatives, who decided
in the case as they considered best for the crown ; but
he seeks to defend their course by relating that the
apprehended danger from this attempt of a stranger
to assume the administration did actually come to
pass. The mere report of an impending change
engendered conspiracy among the Indians, which, if
successful, would have been more serious than any pre-
ceeding revolt. It extended through the districts of
Mexico and Coyuhuacan, and broke out also in Tutu-
tepec and Meztitlan, to the north-west.**
The main obstacle at Mexico was the presence of
the terrible Cortes, and with a view to remove this,
and to enable the warriors to assemble, it was arranged
to induce the general, by means of a false report that
twenty vessels had appeared off the coast, to depart
for Villa Rica, and permit them to join his banner
with a large force.*^ Informed of the movement by
spies, he seized the accused ringleaders, and since the
safety and interests of the Spaniards demanded a
severe example to similar malcontents, punishments
** ' Cortes le ayad6 paia la oosta,' is Bernal Diaz* BicTiificant allusion
to the departure. Uisi, Venlad,, 167. Had Tapia still been in Mexico,
observes Gomara, there would have been great trouble, in \'iew of the impos-
ing letters and c^ulas brought. HUt. Mex., 221. One Hernandez declared
that Quejo become so intimate with Cort^ that he proposed new marriage
relations for him with Fonseca's niece. CorUs, Residencia, ii. 358, 372. This
declaration would indicate that the messenger was still in Mexico in the
middle of 1522.
» llus Tututepec is called del norte to distinguish it from that on the
South Sea. ' Se rebelaron los Cuixtecas, y los de Coapacoalco y Tauasco, y
otros que les costo caro,' is Oomara's account of it. HisL Mex,, 222 ; Cori^Sy
Cartas, 278.
^ In support of the story they brought him a painting of the fleet. CorUa,
Cartas, 266.
76 TAPIA'S DISCOMFITURE.
were inflicted which were long remembered in New
Spain. Some of the minor culprits were suspended
by the noose among the ruins left by the invaders,
while the leaders, according to the native historian, Ix-
tlilxochitl, were exposed in an amphitheatre, like bulls,
to the attacks of infuriated blood-hounds, which tore
them in pieces, and even devoured their flesh. *^
At Tututepec and Meztitlan the uprising was soon
smothered by a large force of Spaniards and allies.
A few encounters brought the inhabitants to their
knees, and Cortes was even induced to pardon the
captured caciques.^ The revolt appears to have been
long planned by the Quauhtemotzin party, probably
since his torture, and had in view his restoration and
the quick disposal of the Spanish leaders, so as to
make the soldiers a readier prey. Nevertheless it
could not have been of great extent, though Cortes
seeks to make the most of it, and to connect it with
the presence of Tapia, a man wholly unfit and inex-
perienced to cope with such movements, as he point-
edly observes. While influenced by purely selfish
motives, there is no doubt that his procedure served
the best interests of the crown, for at this early
period a man of his sagacity, influence, and skill as
ruler and leader, was needed to maintain and advance
the conquest of the country. The toleration of fac-
tions would have been dangerous. Of this Velaz-
quez and his patron and adherents were fully aware ;
but envy and ambition blinded them to their own in-
efficiency, and to prudence.
The revolt was not the only danger to Cortes
ascribed to the Tapia episode, if we may credit Her-
rera. Disgusted with the disposal of the commissary,
and encouraged by the evident wishes of the sov-
*' Hor. Crueldades, 61-2. This writer, whose statements cannot always be
relied upon, adds that King Ixtlilxochitl saved his brother Cohuanacoch, one
of the accused, from the do^, regardless of the soldiers. The Spanish writers
naturally allude to no cruelties. Gomara refers to the revolt on two occasions,
with evident confusion. Hist. Mex., 222, 235.
'^The campaign cost the lives of two Spaniards and a few allies. GarUs,
Cartas, 278-9.
CORTiS AND NARVAEZ MEET AGAIN. 77
ereign manifested in the c^dulas of Quejo, Alderete,
the royal treasurer, is said to have promoted two
plots against the general's life, one tieing to assas-
sinate him while kneeling at mass, the other to blow
him up at his quarters. Informed of the plan, Cortds
summoned the official to his presence and revealed it.
Alderete was thoroughly crushed by the disclosure,
and could only throw himself upon his mercy. Mag-
nanimity had proved a politic virtue before this, and
it was again exercised, both to avoid dangerous com-
plications, and to neutralize the opposition of a strong
party.^
Among the orders brought by Tapia was one
wherein the Council of the Indies forbade the audi-
encia of Santo Domingo to deal with the outrage of
Narvaez on Oidor Aillon, and signified its desire that
he should no longer be kept in durance. Cortes
accordingly instructed Rodrigo Rangel, who had re-
placed the vacillating Gonzalo de AJvarado as lieu-
tenant at Villa Rica,*^ to send him to Coyuhuacan.
The long confinement at the coast fortress, exposed
to the jeers of every passer-by, had tended not a
little to humble the arrogant leader, so much so, in-
deed, that when Cortes came forth to meet him he
knelt to kiss the hand of his former despised rival.
The latter had good reason for remonstrating against
this self-abasement, as he had for coming forth to
meet a man whose reascending star appeared so sig-
nificantly in the c^dulas concerning him. He not only
raised him from the ground, but offered with fraternal
embrace a seat by his side, and showed the most marked
attention. Narvaez, on his side, spoke with humble
feeling of the glowing achievements which had effected
** Such at least most be the conclusion if we accept the story. Alderete
died not long after. BerncU Diaz, Hist, Verdad., 188. ' Vn Clerigo llamado
Leon, assi mismo descubrid, que con Uarriles de poluora, querian bolarle en el
apoeento.' I/errera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xvi. The phraainff would indicate
that Alderete was not supposed to have managed both the plots.
•^ With Pedro de Ircio as aid. Bemal Dtaz, fftsC. Verdad,, 159.
78 TAPU'S DISCOMFITUKK.
the conquest of so vast and rich a country, with such
numerous and strong cities. His own defeat had,
indeed, been a trifling matter in comparison. Magnifi-
cent rewards must surely flow from the sovereign, and
to this end he would devote his own efforts in the
behalf of Cortes. With such words did he mask the
burning hatred that awaited only opportunity.*^ The
opportunity came when toward the close of 1523 he
was permitted, partly through the influence of Garay's
pleadings, to leave New Spain.^ Thereupon he hast-
ened to court to stir up afresh the enemies of Cortes.
"Tho gcBsips circulated a story that Cortes gave Narvaez 60,000 dacata
wherewith to compensate Velazquez for his losses through the expedition to
Mexico, but this oeserves little credit, says Herrera, dec. iiL lib. i. cap. xy.
Bemtd IHaz, Hist, Verdad., 160-1. Nor is it likely that Oortte would have
given the money to Narvaez, who would have kept it for his ovn claims.
'^ His obsequious flatterv of Gort^ had no douot assisted at the liberation,
as well as the pleadings of nis rich wife Maria de Valenzuela, who appears to
have known the conqueror. Narvaez was even g^iven 2,000 pesos de oro, prob-
ably in payment of ceitaia effects taken from him, and he left with humble
protestations. Bemcd Diaz, Hist, Verdad,, 170. Among the scores to bo
remembered by him against Cort^ was the execution of Diego Diaz, a ship-
master, who sought to procure his escape from Villa Bica earty in 1521. The
record of the trial is given in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doe., xxvi 287-97*
CHAPTER V.
AFFAIRS OF CORTfiS IN SPAIN.
1522.
CoRT^ Finds Favor with the Audisncia — Hia Third Letter — ^Treasures
FOR THE Emferor— An Ominous Loss — Chased by CJorsairs— What
King Francis Said — The Curse or Montezuma— Cardinal Adrian
Interferes — CortAs* Case before the Sovereign — His Achievements
Reviewed—Refutation of Charges — Velazquez Crushed and Fon-
SECA Humbled — Cort^ Appointed Ctovernor and Caftain-oenerai*.
Any fears which Cortes may have entertained with
regard to his treatment of Tapia were quieted by the
arrival, during the spring, of Alonso de Avila, the
commissioner whom he had sent to Santo Domingo
more than a year before, to obtain concessions from
the audiencia, and war material for the army.^ The
audiencia gave him authority to conquer the whole
of New Spain, to brand slaves in accordance with pre-
scribed rules, and to distribute encomiendas. Although
this was provisional, subject to the royal decision, it
nevertheless gave authority to the acts of Cortes,
and he received further encouragement in the fact that
the audiencia had reconmiended him to the emperor
in a manner that promised to be more effective than
any representation so far made. One great advan-
tage the audiencia had, namely, means to hide their
despatches from the bishop of Biirgos, with whom
they were not wholly in accord, and have them pre-
sented direct to the royal person, nor could their
intimations against the bishop's policy fail to have
weight.
^Bemal Diaz places the retnm after the Pinnco campaign, which i«
dcmbtfuL Hist, Verdad,, 163.
179)
80 AFFAIKS OF CX)RTfe IN SPAIN.
In return for his success, Avila received a valuable
encomienda, together with presents and promises, all
of which bound him ever closer to his patron.* So
pleased indeed was Cortds with his ability and loyalty
as commissioner, that he caused him to be appointed
procurador to the court of Spain, jointly with Antonio
de Quifiones, his captain of guards.* They were to
support the other agents in obtaining a confirmation
of his grant of lands, natives, and offices, and other
acts, together with his own tenure of oflSce, as partly
advocated in letters intrusted to them, notably the
third of his Relaciones. This is dated at Covuhuacan,
May 15, 1522, and narrates the operations since Octo-
ber 1520, beginning with the Tepeaca campaign, con-
tinuing with the siege and fall of Mexico, and ending
with the expeditions to formally occupy surrounding
provinces. Th^» latter he describes in a manner in-
tended to impress the value of his achievements, and
the wealth and extent of the additions thus made to
the royal domains. He does not fail to allude to the
prospects opening before the maritime exploration for
which he is preparing a fleet on the South Sea. One
of the main objects of the letter, which had probably
hastened its conclusion, was the Tapia affair. While
explaining that the course taken had been to save the
country and the royal interests, as proved by the
attempted revolt of the natives, he points out the
injustice and danger of such interference, particularly
on the part of selfish and unscrupulous persons like
Velazquez, wholly oblivious of their duty to the sov-
ereign.* In an accompanying note he commends the
' He had formerly been an adherent of Velazquez, and thia sufficed to
rouse Bemal Diaz against him, as a suspected person, who might have been
djuigerous had he been present when Tapia arrived. The encomienda em*
braced Quaubtitlan, with a \ajcae rental. Id,
' Who had assisted to save the life of Cort^ during the siege.
^ In a hkter letter he goes so far as to propose to arrest the Cuban governor.
< Pienso enviar por el dicho Diego Velazquez y prenderle, y preso, enviarle k
V. M . . .cortando la raiz de todoe males.* Cartas^ 318. Bemal Diaz wrongly
attributes this proposal to the present occasion. It may certainly be caUed
capping the climax of the injuries heaped upon the unfortunate governor,
though he deserves little sympathy.
AOESrrS SENT. 81
^ents to the emperor, and points out the painful
anxiety in which he has been left by not receiving any
reply to his many dutiful applications.
The local officials also addressed a letter to the
-emperor in the name of the army and settlers, extol-
ling the deeds and loyalty of their leader, defending
their treatment of Tapia, instigated as he was by the
hostile Velazquez, and urging the prior claims of con-
querors to grants and appointments. Father Olmedo
supported these representations in a special letter,
wherein he reviewed the prospects of conversion and
requested that religious teachers be sent out. To add
weight to the petitions, they received the usual accom-
paniment of treasure, in addition to the regular fifth.
The present consisted of the choicest specimens of
fabrics, feather-work, curiosities, and jewels, set apart
from the late repartition, and increased from the sub-
sequent influx of tributes, worth fully one hundred
and fifty thousand ducats.*^ Its notable features were
a number of pearls and an immense emerald, as it was
supposed to be,* and trinkets, which wholly eclipsed
the already familiar specimens of native goldsmiths'
work, in the form of fishes with scales of different
metals, of birds and other animals with movable heads
and tongues, masks with mosaic ornamentation, and
a variety of pieces after European models. Several
large bones were also sent, uncovered at Coyuhuacan,
ft 'Annqae otroB dizen dos tanto.' Qfymani^ Hist, Conq., 216. The jewels,
fabrics, etc., 150,000 ducats, the gold and silyer as much more. The part set
aside from the repartition after the fall of Mexico was worth more than
100,000 pesos de oro. Oviedo, iii. 468, 517. A list of the valuables sent to
Spain is given in Memoria de Piezas, in Pacfteco and Cdrdencu, Col, Doe., xii.
253-68, 345-0. See also Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. i.
' *A fine emerald the size of the palm of a hand, of pyramidal shape.' Id.
'Perlas tamafias algunas dellas como auellanas.' Bemat Diaz, Hist, Verdad.,
163. This author alludes to a number of chalchiuites, ' like emeralds, ' which
can hardly include the stones called emeralds by others, for chalchiuites were
never regarded as of much value b^ the conquerors, though the natives prized
them above any other stones. The emerald referred to was a mere jade or
■erpentine, for Mexico possessed no emeralds. Alaman, Disert., i. 159. In
Pern they did have tlus precious stone, but the test to which the early adven-
turen Bahmitted thenH--hammer blows— caused as a rule the rejection of the
genuine stones, which were smashed in pieoes, while the falee ones were ao-
HlSV.lfBL.TOL.IL •
82 AFFAIRS OF CX)RTfiS IN SPAIN.
which in accordance with the common native tradition
and the declaration <»f the doctors were pronounced
to be the remains of giants; also two jaguars, or tigers
as they were called, which proved an unfortunate ship-
ment, for one escaped from the cage T^hen on board,
and fiercely attacked a number of the crew, where-
upon it was lost in the sea. Two of the bitten men
died from their injuries, and to obviate another disas-
ter the second jaguar was killed.^
As special agents for Cortes went his secretary,.
Juan de Ribera,® with whom was associated Friar
Pedro Melgarejo de Urrea, both to act in concert with
his father, Martin Cortes, to whom was sent a power
of attorney to act in all affairs for the son.® This
document was accompanied by a few thousand ducats,
which the malevolent magnified to large amounts, a
portion of the vast treasures that Cortds was said to
have secreted. One story current was that he him-
self supervised its transmission to Tezcuco in several
canoes. When fairly out in the lake a sudden gale
capsized the boats, and half a dozen men were drowned ;
the rest, including Cortes, narrowly escaped by cling-
ing to the wrecks. Divers were afterward sent to
search for the treasure, but not a trace could be
found. ^^ The same agents carried a portion of the
remittances sent by the conquerors to friends in Spain^
amounting in all to nearly a hundred thousand cas-
tellanos, and showing that recent expeditions • must
have greatly increased the distribution shares, and pro-
moted contentment among the lately irate soldiers.^
^Gomara mentioiiB ' three tigers,' but accounts only for the fate of two.
Hist, ifez., 216.
^A man full of tricks and unfair at the gaming-table, says Bemal Diite,
Hist, Verdad.y 190-1, and he certainly proved unreliable.
•Dated May 8, 1522, Poder OtorgadOy in PacJieco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc.,
sdi. 458-70. A relative named Francisco de las Gasas is appointed substitute
in case Martin Cortes fails to act. This Casas, a relative, ngures ably in the
conquestof Honduras. See Hist. Cent. Am.y i. 537 et seq., this series.
^ Peralta applies this statement to the treasures intended for the emperor.
Not, Hist.y 13(k2, but it appears to be based on an event which occurred in
connection with Ck>rt6s* own departure for Spain in 1528. Gomara affirms tiiat
the sum sent to the father was 4,000 ducats. Hist. Mex., 216.
" 'Ochenta y ocho mil Gastellanos en barras de oro.' Bemal DioB, Hiai.
CAFTUBSJ) BY THE FKENCH. 88
The commission set out in June" 1522, ia three
vessels," which safely reached Terceira, of the Azores
group. Hardly had they again set sail, however,
when they were attacked by a fleet of Frer ch corsairs,
six ships in number, hailing from La Rochelle."
Resistance on the part of the small vessels from
New Spain was deemed useless, but they nevertheless
did their utmost to escape, regardless of the cannon-
balls that whistled around them. The chase becama
exciting, the more so when splinters began to fly and
blood to flow. Finally the French overtook two of
the vessels having, in charge of Avila, the greater
part of the treasures, which were conveyed to France.
The choicest jewels were sent as a present to Francis
I., who was not a little surprised at the extent and
quality of the wealth flowing in on Spain. **The gold
from his western possessions alone must suffice to sus-
tain his campaigns against us," he observed. "But I
should like to see the last testament of Father Adam
which entitles my brothers of Castile and Portugal
to the exclusive ownership of those regions, or which
forbids me from thus helping myself to a share. "^^
Avila was kept behind prison bars for a long time
in the vain expectation of a heavy ransom, correspond-
ing to the estimate formed of one having in his charge
so large a treasure. He managed, however, to forward
the despatches, which greatly promoted the cause of
his chief. ^* Learning from him or his companions that
Verdad.y 163. Herrera names Diego de Ordaz, of volcano fame, as one of the
passengers, while others say that he had gone with the previous mission to
Spain.
1' December 20th, according to Bemal Diaz, bnt this mnst be a slip either
of memory or pen, which has misled several writers. A receipt for some of
the treasure is dated at Seville, November 8, 1522. Pacheco and Cdrdenas.
CoL Doc., xii. 258-60.
" Caravels, savs Herrera. Bemal Diaz mentions onl^i* 2. One of them was
Hne Santa Maria de la Rdbida, commanded by Juan Baptista. /(2., 253, 258, 260.
** Under command of Joan Florin, or Florentin.
u *Que mostrassen el testamento de nuestro padre Adan, si les dex6 a ellos
aolamente por herederos, y sefiores de aquellas tierras que auian tornado en ire
eiloB doe sin dalle a el ninguna dellas, e ope por esta causa era licito robar, y
tomar todo lo que pudiesse por la mar.' Bemal DiaZy Hist. Verdad.^ 164.
'*The neglect to secure his liberation nettled him greatly, and he is said
to have expressed delight at the loss to the court of so much treasure. On
»i AFFAIBS OF 00BT£S IN SPAIN.
the third vessel, which had escaped him, contained
additional treasure, the French pirate returned with
three of his ships to watch for her. This time fortune
turned against him, for near Cape St Vincent he en-
countered a Spanish fleet sent in search of him, and
after a brief but sharp battle he was captured and
conveyed to Spain, tnere to be condemned to the
gallows. ^^
Ill-luck seemed to attend the spoils of New Spain,
both in their capture and afterward. The curses of the
dying Montezuma and the agonized Quauhtemotzin
had clung to them ever since they left the palace-
vaults of Tenochtitlan. Miserably perished during
the Noche Triste most of those who sought to convey
it forth, while the Aztecs who recaptured a portion
paid the bitter penalty during the horrors of the
following siege. Strife and trouble arose at the dis-
tribution of the remnant after the fall of the city; a
gale swept a portion into the lake, together with sev-
eral of its attendants. Its capture by the French
involved the imprisonment of Avila and the death of
several companions, soon tc be foLowed by the igno-
minious end of the pirates and the capture of Francis
himself. As for the escaped vessel, the Santa Maria
de la Bdbida, she gained Santa Maria Island in a
somewhat battered condition, with several wounded
persons on board, including Quinones, who died a few
days later.^ Ribera proceeded thence in a Portuguese
caravel to Seville to ask for a convoy, and with this
retummg to Spain he received for compezi8ation the permit to retain his en-
comiend^ and other property, and the appointment of contodor for Yucatan.
In 1565 the municipality of Mexico granted his brother's family a lot adjoin-
ing their house, in consideration for Alonso's services; but in the following
year the house was razed, and the site covered with salt, after the execution
of his nephews for complicity in the conspiracy of Martin Cortte. DoUm
Biog.f in Cartas deJndiaa, 716-17; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. xz., lib.
X. cap. vii.
n <£;n el puerto de Pico.' Id, Sandoval places this occurrence in Novem*
ber 1522, though he is somewhat confused about the facts. JSiaL Carloe V,,
i. 563.
^ So says Herrera, while Bemal Diaz states that tho death of the gallant
captain was due to dagger throats, which he received at Teroera dmnng m
Lothariaa escapade, obi sup.
THE VELAZQUEZ INFLUENCB. 85
the remnant cf Aztec treasure reached its destina-
tion.'^
By this time the affairs of Cortes in Spain had
assumed a new aspect. His friends, including Martin
Cortes, Puertocarrero, Montijo., Licentiate Nuiiez,
relator of the India Council, Ordaz, and others, had
for a time accomplished nothing more than to check the
proceedings of the Velazquez party, though they had
been unable to oppose the appointment of Tapia.
Finally, however, they obtained proofs of Fonseca s
machinations in favor of Velazquez, from whom he
had accepted heavy bribes, including an encomienda
of natives, who were compelled under the lash to
extract gold for the good bishop in the Cuban mines.
The intimacy between these two officials was strength-
ened by the engagement of the governor to the niece
of the prelate,** and they concerted to defame Cortes
OS a traitor, by withholding his despatches, keeping
back his agents, and injuring him in every possible
manner.^^ It was further shown that the bishop had
appropriated a part of the presents sent to the em-
peror from New Spain. This was wrong on the part
of the bishop, and yet, as we well know, Velazquez
had far more of justice on his side than Cortes; but suc-
cess defies all. The great achievements of Cortes had
by this time spread throughout the country, fostering
the belief that he had not been fairly treated. Among
the notable persons who warmly expressed themselves
to this effect were the duke of Bdjar, one of the
^* A list of what she brought is given in Pacheoo and Cdrdenaa, Col. Doc.,
xiL 253-60. Herrera relates two somewhat varied and confused versioDS, and
nys that the vessel with all its effects was'placed under embargo by Fonseca's
order, which ia unlikely. Bee. iii. lib. iii. cap. L iii., lib. ix. cap. xx. Gomara,
SitL Jfez., 216, disposes quite briefly of the voyage; but Bernal Diaz is more
complete and reliable. In a letter to the emperor, Cortes expresses regret at
the 1088, chiefly on accoxmt of the choice nature of the specimens, which would
have aided in demonstrating his services, but 'yo trabajar^ de enviar otras
mny mas ricas y extiafias,' he concludes consolingly. Cartas^ 317.
*®Petronila de Fonseca. Oomara, Hist. Mex., 238. Bernal Diaz fancies
also Uukt she may have been ec^^ed to Tapia. hist. Verdad.^ 183.
"The bishop had hidden his reports, *que no Q£ veri& mientras viuiecse.'
Merrtra^ dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. iii.
86 AFFAIRS OF OORT^S IN SPAIN.
leading grandees, and the German duke of Nassau,**
whose representations assisted in convincing Cardinal
Adrian of the injustice done. Fonseca was there-
upon ordered not to meddle in the affairs of Cortes,
and the evidence of his conduct was forwarded to
the monarch.^
Adrian had no time to do much more, for he was
elected successor to Leo X., and was obliged to go to
Italy in the spring of 1522.^ The emperor returned
from Germany shortly after, however, and Tapia
appearing to support the complaints of the adherents
of Velazquez, he resolved to, investigate the charges
both against Fonseca and Cortes; summoning to this
effect a special commission which included such men
as the grand chancellor.^
The plaintiff opened with the charge that Cortes
had appropriated to his own ends a fleet fitted out at
great expense by Velazquez, in virtue of royal author-
ity, to continue the exploration of the countries
already discovered by him. Velazquez had conse-
quently been obliged to spend the remainder of his
K>rtune in efforts to recover his own, notably in the
equipment of a second large fleet under Narvaez.
Regardless of the lives of his Majesty's subjects, and
of his sacred decrees, Cortes had attacked the expedi-
tion, killed a number, imprisoned others, and bribed
or intimidated the rest into submission, besides tearing
*' Bemal Diaz Bays Monsieur de Lasoa, sent by the emperor to conffratalate
Adrian on his election to the papacy. Nassau certainly proyed himseu a great
friend to Cortes afterward.
^ It is even said that he suspended the bishop from his presidency of the
council; but this was probably left to the emperor.
^Mariana, IlisL £sp., vu. 310, viii. 101.
'^Mercurio de Gatinara; Hernando de Vega, lord of Grijal and comendador
mayor of Castile; Monsieur de la Chauz, great chamberlam; Doctor Lorenza
Gaundez de Garbajal, an old and eminent jurist; Idcentiato Francisco de
Vargas, general treasurer of Castile; and Doctor de la Eoche, a Fleming.
Such are the names c:iven in Herrera, Gomani, Bemal Diaz, and CorUs^ Fida,
in Icazbaicetct, Col. DoCf i. 352-3. Several sessions were held. Manuel de
Rojas and Andrte de Duero, representing Velazauez, appeared with Tapia on
one side, while Licentiate Cespedes ii said to nave been among those who
pleaded for Cort6s. Vetancurt, Teatro, pt. iii. 153, assumes wrongly that
Kiberc and Melgaivjo arrived in time to be present now, and Prescott adds
N; .rracz, Mex, iii. 246-7. Both confound this trial with subsequent revlvak
of charges before tribunals and councU.
BEFORE THE EMPEBOB. 87
by force from the commander the royal despatchea
He had further, by force and fraud, caused himself to
be elected leader, ignoring the instructions given him
from the audiencia of Santo Domingo through his
patron, and punishing even with death those who
ventured to oppose him. He had assumed regal
powers, made cruel war on unoffending natives to sat-
isfy his greed and ambition, and had distributed cn-
<»miendas and slaves for the benefit of his adherent3.
To this end he had encroached on the royal interests,
besides embezzling moneys and treasures due to the
erown, assuming also for himself a fifth like the sov-
ereign. Not satisfied with this, he had defrauded the
soldiers of their shares, tortured native kings and
nobles to obtain more gold, and had tyrannicdly im-
pressed the people to bring material and build houses
for him. Finally he had maltreated and expelled from
New Spain the governor appointed by the crown, with
<^riminal contempt for the royal commission, thus con-
firming the current reports that he intended treason-
ably to ignore the sovereign as he had his c^dulas and
his patron, and usurp the country for himself.
To these charges, many of them too true, the agents
of Cortds replied that the honor of discovering New
Spain pertained to Hernandez de C6rdoba, who, dis-
regarding the iniquitous and criminal commission of
Valazquez to kidnap natives from the islands, had
directed his energies to this nobler aim. Grijalva's
expedition, succeeding this, was purely for traflSc, as
proved by the instructions, and its cost had been de-
frayed by the participants, although Velazquez managed
ix> secure most of the profit, which he shared with the
bishop of Biirgos, besides bribing him to the preju-
dice of the crown with large allotments of slaves.
The fleet of Cortes had been fitted out chiefly at the
expense of himself and friends, as demonstrated by
the vouchers and testimony produced,^ with clearly
^^Probanza de Lejalde, in Icatbalceta, Col, Doc., i. 411-20; Hist, Mex..
i.67-«,thi.i •
88 AFFAmS OF CORTES IN SPAIN.
written instructions to explore, not to colonize. On
beholding the vast extent and resources of the coun-
try, in products and inhabitants, the commander felt
that his dutyas a loyal and Christian subject demanded
the setting aside of the limited and mercenary com-^
mission given him, in order to acquire for his sover-
eign these lands, and for the church benighted souls.
This being recognized also by the members of the
expedition, they had insisted upon ejecting him lieu-
tenant for the king, and voluntarily so since this pro-
moted also their own wishes and interests, hitherto^
cramped by the avaricious and jealous governor of
Cuba. Narvaez' expedition had been sent forth in
direct disobedience to the orders of the audiencia of
Santo Domingo, a step which merited death, followed
as it was by the additional outrage on a royal oidor.
Its presence in New Spain was so evident a peril to
conquest so far achieved, and to the conversion begun,
that not only did the adherents of Cortds unhesitat-
ingly aid him in overthrowing the intruder, after he
had rejected every overture, but many of the followers
of Narvaez openly or tacitly refused to support his
cause, so detrimental was it to the royal interests.
As it was, the great revolt at Mexico, followed by the
terrible Noche Triste, must be ascribed to his pres-
ence and malicious insinuations. The papers taken
from the fallen leader had been vouchers, not de-
spatches. The death of a few men on this occasion,
and the execution of others at different times, were
deplored, but every military organization demands the
maintenance of discipline, and is subject to such occur-
rences, all of which were no less permissible than the
warring on natives who obstinately refused to submit
to the sovereign and church. Cortes had assumed
no royal power, but had made distribution of enco-
miendas for the sake of assuring the obedience of
the native Americans and of maintaining possession
of the domains for the crown, to whose superior con-
firmation the grants were subject. Treasure had
CHABGES AND OOUNTER CHAROEa 8»
been acquired by legitimate methods, and the royal
fifth not only duly set aside, but largely increased
by contribution of the finest specimens. If they had
not reached the sovereign, the bishop of Biirgos
must be held answerable. The fifth assigned to
the commander was in consideration for his services
and heavy expenses. The torture of the princes was
an act of the army, headed by the royal treasurer,
and the employment of natives to rebuild the city of
Mexico was a measure demanded by the public in-
terests. The arrival of Tapia tended to involve the
country in perils similar to those aroused by Nar-
vaez, so much so that the delegates of the colonists
and army took his disposal into their own hands, con-
fident that the sovereign would confirm an act dictated
in his own interest. Indeed, none but Cortes, with
skill and judgment as a general and governor, could
have undertaken the conquest and carried it to a suc-
cessful end, through so many dangers, unsupported
by any one save his own followers and his own
resources of mind and means, and this in the face of
the bitter opposition of Velazquez, Fonseca, and their
adherents, who kept back recruits and supplies, seized
remittances, withheld his reports and agents, promoted
revolts, and misrepresented his every motive and act.
The letters from himself, the army, the officials. Friar
Olmedo, and others, were filled with proofs of his
ability and loyal devotion, while immense domains,
larger than any so far acquired for the crown, and
teeming with wealth and vassals, stood as eloquent
witnesses of his achievements, ever glorious to Span-
ish fame.^
What could be more grand and flattering to the
Spanish nation than the quality and extent of this
" These and other arguments are produced in Herrera, dec. iii. lib. It. cap.
liL; Bemal Diaz, Hist. Verdad,, 184-6; Oamara, JiisL Mex., 238-9, thia
latter, strange enough, giving the charges pretty fully, but dispoBing of the
defence with the brief remark: 'Los descargos, razon y justicia que tuuo
Cortes. . .la historia las cuenta.' From these sources later writers form their
account.
90 AFFAIRS OF 00RT£S IN SPAIN.
success I It had already raised in every Spanish heart
a strong admiration for the hero, which overlooked
everything but his greatness. Nor was the crown
insensible to the necessity of justifying the means to
such an end. The surpassing fitness of the man for
his position was undeniable; besides, none could deny
that Velazquez had been also irregular in his conduct,
while his rival had suffered enough injury and oppo-
sition to justify many an overt act. The natural
result was a decision in favor of Cortes, with the
recommendation that neither Velazquez nor Fonseca
should be allowed to interfere further in his affairs.
The claims of the former to his share in the fleet, and
other interests, belonged to the province of the court
of law just established for suits connected with the
Indies. The emperor rendered his decision in accord-
ance, influenced mainly, it seems, by the charge that
the Narvaez expedition had been the real cause for
the great uprising which ended in the disastrous ex-
pulsion of Spaniards from Mexico.^
The blow fell with unnecessary humiliation on Ve-
lazquez, being heralded on his own island, to the sound
of trumpet, by the messengers who bore tokens of
royal favors to his rival. His fortune had really
been wrecked by the cost of expeditions and efforts
against Cortds, which proved the chief means for his
condemnation; and now every ambition was crushed,
even the lingering hope of vengeance. The offer of
regaining a small portion of his losses by appealing to
the tribunals seemed irony. In sullen mood he re-
tired to his residence stricken by grief and rage which
fast consumed him. Once more he resolved to make
fresh representations to the sovereign, and in 1524 he
» Cddula, October 15, 1522, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col Doe., xxvi, 66.
Oomara states that both Velazquez and Fonseca were remoyed from office,
though he is not quite clear about the latter. ' M&do al Obispo . . .q no enten-
diesse maB en negocioe de Cortes, ni de Indias, a lo que parecio.* J/UL Mex.,
237-8. Bemal Diaz affirms this more stronsly. HiU. Verdad., 183, and in
CortiSy Vida^ Icwshalceta, Col. Doe., i. 352, tne bishop is allowed to retire
Yoluntarily; but the case is doubtful, Bemesal declaring that his aucoeasoFy
Loaisa, did not assume the presidency till August 2, 1524. Hist, Chyapa^ 9.
DEATH OF VELAZQUEZ. 91
prepared to support them in person, but death inter-
vened to spare him from further disappointments.*
Narvaez, who then joined Tapia and others in the old
charges with supplementary complaints, received no
satisfaction, though he was encouraged by the varying
course of his rival's fortune to maintain the suit for
some time.*
The ambitious Fonseca was even more deeply
affected than his prot^g^ by the rebuke of Charles
though he had been prepared for it by the check already
administered through Adrian, now his pontiff. The
presidency of the India Council was an office connected
more intimately than any other with the growth of
the new world colonies. Its possessor, indeed, might
readily have obtained immortal renown as father or
patron of America by promoting its exploration, set-
tlement, and administration, with the zeal worthy of
a bishop, and the judgment resulting from thirty
years' management of ^airs. Instead of this, ever
since the time of Columbus, he had proved an obsta-
cle to advancement through his partisanship and nar-
row-mindedness. Columbus, Las Casas, Cortes, and
other transatlantic lights incurred successively his
pronounced hostility, and he condescended to acts
wholly unworthy of his cloth, as if jealous of fame
that tfould obscure his position. He never regained
the favor by which he had rapidly advanced from a
dean of Seville, through several prelacies, to the dig-
^ Oviedo, i. 541 . ' De pesar cay 6 malo, j dende a pocos meses murid, ' says
Bemal Diaz, Hist. Verdad,, 187. His hem seem to have made no resolute
efforts to recover their chiims against CotUb, yet in 1562 his descendant^
Velazquez de Bazan, demanded the fulfilment of the contract with the crown,
ffranting him and his heir a share in the revenue of the countries he should
discover and conquer. In 1584 he offered to compromise for a revenue of
15,000 ducats, and a habit of Santiago for his son. Velasquez^ Memorial, in
Col, Doc, InSd., iv. 232-8. Pacheeo and Cdrdenas, Col, Doc, x. 80-6; Paries,
in MonumeiUos, Domin. Esp., MS., 64.
*^ He was ironically told to bring Avila from his French prison to prove
the charge that he had stolen his commission. Bemal Diaz^ Hint. Verdad.,
186. The claim against Cort^ presented by his agent Ceballos some years
later, for property lost by him and his followers at Cempoala, amoimted to
300,000 pesos de ore. This included indemnity for his long imprisonment.
Dananda de Ceballos, in Icazbaiceta, Col, Doc, L 437-44; CorUs, Reitideficia,
i 87 et aeq.
02 AFFAIBS OF CGRTtS JN SPAIN.
nitv of bishop of Biirgos, with still higher prospects
before him.'^
The conduct and measures of Cortes were gener-
ally approved, at least in all the main features,^ and
the conquerors were confirmed in the possession of
the encomiendas granted them, with the privilege
of occupying prominent seats in churches and other
public places. In a special c^dula of October 15, 1522,
the emperor expressed to the leader his appreciation
of the services rendered in the conquest of so great a
territory, and of the steps he had taken immediately
on returning to Spain to become acquainted there-
with, through his reports and agents, and to prevent
his enemies from creating further mischief. He com-
mends to his loyal zeal and experience the good admin-
istration of the country and the care and conversion
of the natives. The better to enable him to carry
out this measure and in recognition of his services,
he is granted the offices of governor and captain-
general of New Spain, with full power to appoint dep-
uties and sub-officials throughout its provinces,^ and
with permission to exclude any objectionable person
from the country. Cortes was further gratified by
'^He fell aick with disffast, and appears to have died during the following
year. Herrera, dec. Ui. lib. vi. cap. xiv.; though Irving says November ^
1554. Columbus, iii. 550. Bemal j3iaz states that his troubles were increased
by differences with his nephew about the archbishopric of Santiago. HUt,
Verdad,, 187. ^ Already archbishop of Bosano, and comisario-general de la.
Cruzada, he might readily have become archbishop of Toledo. Gomara, Hist^
Mex., 238. Solis will not believe all the charges against 'on Varon tan vene
rable y tan graduado.' HisL Mex., ii. 273. See also Hist. Cent, Am,, i. 168,
this series.
•* Umbria and Cdrdenas, who had suffered amputation of the feet for aid-
ing in a Velazquezan revolt, were given encomiendas ' que renten a cada vno
mil pesos de oro.' Bemal Diaz, loc, cit. These and a few other indirect re-
bukes were the only exceptions.
" This commission, bearing the same date as the c6dula, alludes to the
new counti7 as 'Aculuacan and San Xoan de Olua, llamada la Nueva Espafia/
a name comerred in accordance with Cortes* request. He is to be * royal judge,
governor, justice, and captain-general, without predjudice to any privilege
held or claimed by Adelantado Velazquez.' From which it appears that the
latter still possessed the right to discover and settle lands, or more probably
islands, adjoining New Spain, for instance Yucatan, which is not included in
the above c6dula. See Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, , xxvi 69-70. Gomara
wrongly adds the title of adelantado, which was proposed for him only m
1525. Bemal Diaz misleads several in giving a wrong date. The salary
FERDINAND TO CORTtS. 9$
a letter from Ferdinand, the brother of Charles and
regent of Germany, who lauded his achievements
and assured him of his good-will.**
Assigned amonnted to a little oyer 300,000 maraYedis, while the royal officials
appointed at the same, time received 610,000. Cort^ complained of this
inequality, and by c^ula of November 4, 1625, he is told that steps will be
taken to satisfy him. Col. Doe, IrM,, i. 99-100, 102; Piaarro y OreUana^
Varanet Ilvtires, 102 ; Cartdg, Cartas, 338-9.
s« This was in answer to a letter aocompaaied bjr presents from Cortte.
Bamal Diaz, HiU, Verdad,, 186. The general had eviamtly made wide-spread
•effiorts to carry favor with the oonrt.
CHAPTEK VI.
COETfiS AND GABAY IN PANUCXX
1622-1523.
BlTALBT VOB PXnUCO— OOBTlte HASTENS TO OOOTPT It— BATTLE AT AtOTOCH-
TITLAN— OpEBATIOKS AT ChUA— NATIVE TaCTHCS— FotTNDIKO OF SaH
ESTtVAN DEL PUEETO — A ShIPWBECK INCIDENT— DiSAPPOMTTINO RE-
SULTS—OaMFAION IN TuTUTEPBo Mountains— Rejoicings on the Re-
ceipt OF CoBTis* Commission — ^Allubino Pbojects fob Southebn
Conquests — Stabtlino News — Gabat Pbepabes to Descend on Pa-
Nuco — ^His Lack of Abujtt and Fibmness— Mabch fbom Las Pal-
mas— Negotiations with Vallejo.
North of Villa Kica extended the fertile province
of P^nuco, so called after the ruling chief/ whose
villages bordered the deep-flowing rivers that seek
the sea at the present Tampico. It was skirted on
the east by woody ranges from which a number of
streams ran down the undulating slopes to a flat and
sandy seaboard broken by a series of lagoons. While
the shore-line was unhealthy and thinly inhabited, the
interior was salubrious, and rumor placed there rich
mines of gold. To find this gold had been the chief
inducement for the expeditions of Garay, and the
hostility of the natives, together with a few thou-
sand pesos obtained by barter, had only served to
confirm the rumor.
The revelation that others were intent on establish-
ing an independent government so close to his own,
had been a source of anxiety to Cortds ever since the
encounter with Pineda in August 1519.* He ac-
^ 'Cuyo rey se llamatia Panuco.' Chmara, Hist, Mex,, 67. The proTince
was known to the Mexicans as Pantlan or Panotlan. Sahoffun, Hist, Gm., uL
132.
*See Hut Mex., I 189, this Beriee. (9A)
(KXUPATION OP THE (X)UNTRY. 95
cordingly hastened to inform the king that the
natives of Pdnuco had alreadjr submitted to him; and
he intimated afterward that it would be not only dan-
ferous for a strange expedition to enter the country,
ut injurious to the royal interest there and in the
settled districts to the south.* The claim of submis-
sion was based on the allegiance tendered by some
towns near Almeria, which by way of diplomacy he
made extend indefinitely beyond. The reverses at
Mexico, and the subsequent siege, called attention
away from outlying provinces, but after the subjuga-
tion of Andhuac Cortes took up the matter, although
he was prevented from prosecuting it by the arrival of
Tapia/
Soon after came news from the Islands that a fresh
expedition, promoted to some extent by the admiral
of the Indies, was preparing to occupy Pd,nuco. This
was confirmed by a letter from Garay himself, who
announced that the sovereign had appointed him gov-
ernor of that district, and that he would at once enter
into possession. Cortes had already made extensive
preparations to anticipate his rival, and was not to be
held back from a prize now more alluring than ever, and
that by the mere indication of c^dulas which he had so
well learned to circumvent.
The question here involved was similar*^ to that
of Narvaez and Tapia. The descent of an armed
force so near to Mexico would encourage the natives
to fresh revolts which might involve the loss of
the entire country, and the slaughter of every
Spaniard. His duty to sovereign and comrades de-
manded that he should prevent such disasters, and he
was also bound to protect from other invaders a prov-
ince which had already submitted to him. Indeed,
* Cartas, 56, 26:^.
*Benial Dias states that he did send some men to settle near Pdnuco River
■o as to prevent Garay from taking possession, Hiet, Verdad,, 160, but this
kdoabtfol.
' The c^nla issued in 1521 is to be found in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii.
147. Instructions connected with it, such as the settling of a boundary, appear
to have been brought by Bono de Quejo.
« OORTto AND GARAY IN PANUOO.
the natives had sent to implore him for protection
both against strangers and adjoining hostile tribes.*
An additional reason for occupying the province was
the necessity for New Spain proper to control so ex-
cellent a country/
The importance of the project demanded that Cortes
should undertake it in person, the more so since his
leading captains were occupied elsewhere. He accord-
ingly left Diego de Soto in charge at Mexico, with
instructions for continuing the rebuilding, and set out
with one hundred and twenty horse, t&ee hundred
foot-soldiers, a few field-pieces, and some forty thou-
sand Indians from different quarters.® A fair propor-
tion of the latter were chosen Aztec warriors, whom
he thought it prudent to keep under his own im-
mediate control, rather than expose the capital to
the danger of a fresh conspiracy. The quality of the
allegiance accorded to the Huastecs,^ as the Pdnuco
* Bemal Diaz confirms this, and adds that the greater part of the province
had risen and killed the men sent by Cortes. Hist, Verdad.^ 161. He evi-
dently confounds the time and men with previous occurrences, for Ck>rt48
woula not have failed to use a slaughter of his own men as an ar^ment. He
states that the people of P4nuco came to excuse themselves for killing Garay's
men, and later the crew of a vessel, on the ground that they were not hia
adherents. Cartas^ 281-2. The petition came probably from the Almeria
region, which he chose to call Ptouco, for on a previous page he writes some-
what contradictorily that the Pdnuco tribes who had formerly tendered alle-
giance were now warring on vassals of the crown. Id.^ 263.
^ * Mouia le t&bien desseo de vengar los Espa&oles de Francisco de Glaray
•q alU matar&j' adds Gromara. Hist, mex,^ 222.
'^Cartas, 282. One hundred and thirty horse, 250 foot, and 10,000 Indiana.
Bemal Diaz, Hist. Verdad,, 161. He never allows more than a limited num-
ber of natives, desirous as he is to assume as much credit for Spaniards as he
possibly can. A part of the force was recruited from Aillon s unfortunate
expedition to Florida. Herrera reduces the horsemen to 80, but Gomara
increases them to 150; and IxtUlxochitl follows him as usual, though he
assumes the auxiliaries to be composed wholly of Acolhuas and Mexicans.
There must have been a large number of Tlascaltecs, Totonacs, and others.
The town of Xochimilco claims to have furnished 500 warriors and large sup-
plies. Those who survived this expedition perished under Alvarado in
Guatemala. Carta, in Pacheco and Cdrdencu, Col. Doc., xiii 294. Zamacois,
Hist. Mij., iv. 104, assumes that the incorporation of so large a force of Aztecs
was a proof of growing confidence in them, but the truth is that the select
warriors were taken away because they could not be trusted, especially after
the recent conspiracy. Two years later the same precaution was observed,
even so far as to take away on a long journey their princes, who actaally
proved a burden from the constant watching and care demanded by them.
* The Huastecs occupied a large stretch of territory, but afterwards their
-province was limited on the north-east by Tampico. See Native Baees, i. 647.
WAR ON^THK HUASTBCS. 97
people were properly called, was demonstrated imme-
diately on approaching their territory. Demands for
peaceful submission were met by jeers, and at Ayot-
ochtitlan^^a large force of warriors came to the attack
with heedless confidence. Unfortunately for them the
ground was advantageous for the cavalry, which fell
upon them with an irresistible sweep that scattered
the host in confusion. Swamps and forests enabled
them to rally, however, and warned by misfortune
they presented themselves again in better order, so
much so that the allied troops found it no easy matter
to complete the rout. Several thousand warriors paid
the penalty for resisting the appeal of the Christians,
while the invaders lost three soldiers, several horses,
and a large number of allies, without oounting the
wounded."
The lesson proved most effective, since the demand
for submission with the promise of pardon and good
treatment, extended through the captive caciques,"
was now promptly responded to, though the accom-
panying presents were so insignificant as to dampen
the ardor of the gold-seekers. After a halt of three
or four days the army^' proceeded to Chila, a large
village on the Pdnuco River, deserted and partly
burned, five leagues from the sea, where Garay's force
had suffered disaster. The usual demand, with offers
of pardon for past offences, was sent to adjoining dis-
tricts, but confident in the strength of their position
on rivers and lagoons, the inhabitants scorned the
appeal, and even killed the messengers, together with
i^The present OoecatLan, nays Lorenzana, 25 leagues from Pinuco port.
Cartas, Bitt. y, Espafla, 342.
"Bernal IMaz has 3 soldiers, 4 horses, and 100 allies killed, with 30 Span-
iards and 200 allies wounded. The Hnastecs numbered 60,000. He calls the
enooanter two battles. Ixtlilzochitl increases the allied loss to 5,000 and the
Hnastec to 15,000. Herrera mentions only 50 Spaniards and several horses
-woonded, and a number of allies killed; and Cortds as usual retrains from
disagreeable details.
^'Accompanied by Father Olmedo, Marina» and Aguilar, says Bemal Diaz,
ffisL Verdaa., 161, but it is not likelv that persons so valuable would be
aent to doubtful foes. Those who had formerly submitted, by sending envoys
to Mexico, now confirmed the allegiance, says Cortes.
" Bemal Dias states that only half the army advanced, after a week's rest.
HiR. Msx., Vol. n. 7
98
OORTiS AND GARAY IN PANUOO.
some foragers. During the fortnight required to
obtain boats, build rafts, and make other preparations
for a semi-naval attack, peaceful overtures were re-
newed in the hope that the gentle treatment so far
observed might win the natives.
Everything being ready, advantage was taken of a
dark night to cross the river. One hundred and fifty-
chosen soldiers, one third mounted, had already effected
PA.NUCO.
the manoeuvre when dawn revealed them to the Ind-
ians, who had all this time been massed to prevent
the passage. They immediately attacked the invaders
with a fierceness heretofore unsurpassed, says Cortes,
killing two horses at the first onset, and inflicting^
other damage. The soldiers stood their ground, how-
ever, and, reenforced from the other bank, they took
FURTHER nOHTING. 9»
the offensive and quickly routed the natives,^^ pursu*
ing them with great slaughter. Three leagues from
camp they reached a deserted village^ in i^e temple
of which were hung in ghastly array the dressed
skins and apparel of Garay's slain men. Several
could still be recognized by soldiers who had known
them, and who now with deep emotion consigned the
remains to sanctified graves.
The following day the party followed the banks of
a lagoon, and near sunset reached a beautiful village,
iq>parently deserted. On entering they were sud-
denly set upon by an ambuscaded force, though so pre-
maturely as to enable them to form This was most
fortunate, since the natives attacked with great reso-
lution, and fell back in good order after the repulse,
throwing themselves into a compact circle bristling
with pikes. When the soldiers charged in their turn,
a blinding shower of arrows and darts came rattling
against them, and though they broke the ring, the
warriors formed anew, the front line kneeling. This
was repeated three or four times. " And but for the
stout armor of the soldiers, I believe that none of us
would have escaped," says the general. Observing
the unflinching resolution of the soldiers and the
havoc repeatedly inflicted, the rear of the foe began
to desert by swimming across a river which entered
the lagoon just beyond the village. Cortes was too
delighted to attempt interference, and sought rather
to accelerate the movement into a general flight
The warriors gathered on the opposite bank, while the
tired Spaniards retreated within the village and en-
camped under strong guard,^^ feasting on the slain
horses, for they had scarcely any supplies.
^ The casualties accordinff to Bemal Diaz^were 2 soldiers, 3 hones, and
many allies, with 90 Spanianui and 15 horses wounded. Chimalpain is much
more moderate, Higt. Cona,, ii. 93, while Ixtlilxochitl claims 10,000 wounded
alliea. Cort^ involuntarily admits heavy losses so far by sayinff, ' con hasta
teeb&ta de caballo que me quedaron. . .seguf todavia mi camino. Cartas^ 284.
^ Bemal Diszy who assumes that the retiring foe was pursued, gives the
loas at 2 horses and 3 men, with 4 times that number wounded. Cort^ ad*
jHEte tiie woonding of nearly 20 horses.
100 OORTAS and GARAY in PiNUOO.
Proceeding on their way, they passed through sev-
eral deserted villages devoid even of food, though
wine was found in the cellars and declared to oe
delicious. After three days, without seeing either
natives or booty, they turned back to Chila, half
starved." Instructed by certain natives, Cortes now
sent a strong force by night in another direction,
both by land and water, and surprised a large village,
inflicting a terrific lesson. The wholly unexpected
attack, the strength of the place, and the severity of
the punishment, all combined to convince the natives
that resistance was useless, and with almost one
accord they came to submit, the whole province ten-
dering allegiance within three weeka In order to
assure possession, Cortes founded the town of San
Estevan del Puerto, a little below Chila, on a lagoon
connected with Rio Pdnuco, and established a munici-
pality, with Pedro de Vallejo as his lieutenant. The
force volunteering to remain consisted of one hundred
and thirty men, with twenty-seven horses, and a
number of allies," among whom the province was
divided in repartimientos/® Their comfort and secu-
rity were further insured by the arrival of a small
craft from Villa Rica with stores.
When the expedition set out from Mexico a larger
vessel had been sent in advance with supplies; but
she foundered at sea during a storm, and only three
men managed to reach the shore, clinging to some
spars. They found their place of reiuge a sandy
island, containing nothing but brackish water and a
kind of fig. Fortunately it was frequented by mana-
tees, which came to sleep on the sand, and were thus
10 < En todo este tiempo entre todoe no hnbo dncuenta libras de pan.' Oor-
Us, Carias, 285. Messengers were again sent forth to summon the caciquea,
who replied that they were collecting gold and other presents and would
bring them within a few days; but none came. BerruU jbiaa, HisL Verdad.^
162.
17 Indnding a part of the Aoolhoa warriors. IxtUlxoehitl, Hor. OmekUMtdem^
6i,
^Some of these mnts are dated at San Est6van May 1, 1628. Catmu^
Carta, in Pacheoo and Cttrdencw, CcL Doc, vii. 906,
INFLUENCE OF GORT^ OVER THE NATIVES. 101
easily killed for food. Fire was obtained by the
primitive method of rubbing together two pieces of
wood. Finding no vessel at Panuco, Cortes had sent
instructions to villa Kica to despatch the above craft
in search of it, and so the three sailors were rescued.
The vessel and a small boat were left with the settlers
to maintain communication.^
The expedition was most disappointing, for hardly
any spoils were secured to satisfy the inordinate hopes
entertained, while the expenses amoimted to quite a
large sum, nails and horseshoes costing their weight
in gold.*^ Yet the outlay was not in vain, so far as
Spanish interests nn general were concerned, for a
crew wrecked on that coast not long after escaped
the slaughter to which they would undoubtedly have
been exposed had the province not been subjugated,
and later colonists were saved the cost and danger of
conquering.**
There seems to have been good reason for the claim
that the influence of Cortes was necessary to main-
tain the conquests he had efiected, and that his simple
presence answered better than armies to control the
natives. Of this an illustration was oflered at this
time. His absence in Pdnuco gave rise to the report
in some quarters that he had departed for Spain, and
^ ' nn~barco y un chinchorro.* CcrUs, Cariaa, 286. Bemal Diaz adds thai
when Cortes was about to leave, a conspiracy was revealed among the three
leading villages, to lead in a general revolt against the settlers as soon as the
ffoierad should have left. The villages were burned as a warning. HisL Ver-
dad., 162. Gomara insinuates that this burning occurred durinff the cam-
dgn, it seems, in punishment for the attack on Garay's men. 6i8t. Mex.,
» * Valian los clauos a peso de oro, de quinze quilates, y cada quatro her-
ndnras, y den clauos, oost&na cincuenta y quatro Castellanos de buen oro,'
and the horses cost 1,500 to 2,000 castellanos. Herrera, dec. iiL lib. iii. cap.
rrii. 'The cost to me alone was 30,000 pesos de oro,' says Cortes, 'and as
mnch more to my companions for outfits and supplies.' CarUu, 286. Berual
Bias raises the amount to 70,000. When the genera] afterward claimed re-
imbursement from the crown, the treasury officials objected on the ground
that he had incurred the expense merely to forestall the legally appointed
governor. HigC, Verdad., 161, 163.
''This applies to Qaray's expedition, and Oortte himself points oat the
gain to the emperor.
102 OORT^ AND GARAY IN PiNUOO.
the troublesome mountaineers of Tututepec," a district
between Cempoala and Pdnuco, took advantage of his
supposed absence, encouraged also by false infor-
mation from Huasteca. Not alone did they rebel, but
they made a raid on the adjoining peaceful territory,
burning more than twenty villages. Cortes was on
the way back from San Estdvan, when messengers
from the ravaged district came with their complaints.
Both time and proximity favored them, and the gen-
eral resolved to personally inflict a lesson that should
be lasting. It was no easy task, however, for the
march led mostly across rugged mountains, alternating
with narrow defiles and dense forests, so much so that
a number of horses died from exhaustion. The line
was besides exposed to constant assaults on flank and
rear by the unencumbered and agile foe, which on one
occasion inflicted quite a serious blow on the carriers'
train, and escaped with a large part of the baggage.
Nevertheless the persevering Spaniards achieved their
object, and captured the ruling lord, together with the
general, who were promptly hanged for having a sec-
ond time broken their oaths of allegiance. As a fur-
ther warning to other provinces, the captured natives
were enslaved and sold at auction to cover the cost of
the horses lost during the campaign, or rather, a por-
tion of the cost, for the proceeds of the sale were com-
paratively smalL*' The lord's brother was installed as
ruler, and the expedition turned homeward by way of
Villa Kica.
Costly as had been the campaign, however, both
men and leader were to receive a reward which should
forever obliterate their late severe troubles. This
came in the form of the commission appointing Cortes
'^ Another Tatatepec existed near the coast, west of Tehuantepec, and
the name has also becni applied by caxeless chroniclers to Tochtepec, or Xnx-
tepec, on Papaloapan River, creating much confusion.
^ Uerrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xviiL, assumes that only 200 slayes were
sold, while 20 horses perished. Cort^ says 10 or 12 horses. CarUu^ 279.
* Era oompensacion religioea y cristifaia, hombres por oaballos ! ' obaarveft
Bustamante. Chirnalpcun^ HisL Cimq,^ ii 95.
CORTiS MADE GOVERNOK. 103
governor and captain-general." It had been intrusted
by his agents in Spain to Rodrigo de Paz and Fran-
cisco de las Casas, two near relatives of the general,
who hastened on their way in the fastest vessel they
could secure. Nor did they fail to touch at Santiago
de Cuba,^ and there flaunt in the face of Velazquez,
with great fanfaronade, the decrees which crushed
forever his aspirations and rendered powerless his
sting. Their arrival was greeted throughout New
Spain with wild demonstrations of joy, with proces-
sions, salvos, and prolonged festivities. And rightly
so; for the cddulas implied the culmination of years
of deferred hopes, of victory achieved after long and
varied struggle for all that was worth possessing. The
triumph alone was soothing to these adventurous
spirits, and how much more when it dispelled the
weighty cloud of royal displeasure, removed the brand
of outlaws, and placed them before the world as ac-
knowledged heroes, assured in the enjoyment of their
lands, their slaves and treasures, and looking forward
with confident exultation to fresh conquests, now
more resplendent than ever with prospective gain and
Their anticipations were not now based on flimsy
rumor, but on one of the richest presents laid at the
feet of Cortes since the fall of Mexico. It was brought
by an imposing embassy of one hundred persons from
Utatlan and Guatemala, the result of Alvarado's dem-
onstrations alon^ the southern sea the year before.
Gold-ware, pearls, rare plumes, and choice fabrics
were offered in token of the friendship tendered by
**Reme8al leaves the impression that this had called Cortes to Villa Rica,
on the wi^ from Tatntepec to Mexico. Hiai, Chyapa, 3.
^In May 1523, says iTomara.
''The nsnal reward to bearers of good tidings was this time distributed
with princely liberality. Paz was made chief mayordomo of his great kins-
man; Casas received a captaincy, to which was soon added the Urge enco-
mienda of Ansnitlan, and the office of alcalde mayor, an office for which his
ability fitted hiuL Both men figure quite prominently during the following
years. Their voyage companions were also remembered, uid t£e captain who
had brought them across, says Bemal Diaz, received a new vessel, so that he
returned quite rich. His:, Verdad., 187.
IM CORTfe AND GARAY IN PiNUCO.
the distant monarchs. The hearts of the soldiers
warmed with delight as they beheld these specimens
of wealth, magnified tenfold as they drank with cove-
tous souls the stories of the attendant Spanish mes-
sengers of cities and palaces surpassing those of Mexico
in size and beauty.*^ The experiences in Pdnuco had
already divested the unknown north of its main al-
lurement, and now it was wholly eclipsed. All atten-
tion turned toward the pearl-lined shores bathed by
the southern sea, to the mysterious Quiche kingdom,
and beyond to the coast of Hibueras, where gold wa&
so abundant that fishermen used nuggets for sinkers,
Cortes had additional reasons for his allurement in
the absorbing hope of discovering the much sought
strait, which might possibly be found even in the
south among the numerous inlets which penetrated
into the narrow strip of land. To gain this and other
laurels for his wreath he must hasten, however, for
already the Spaniards of Panamd* were moving north-,
ward and might forestall him.
Preparations were accordingly made to carry out
both aims by two directions, along the north and
south seas, so as to render them quicker and surer of
attainment, and to enable the expeditions not only to
aid each other in their pacifications, but to present a^
, stronger front to the approaching Spaniards from the
south. The importance of the enterprise demanded
the best military talent. The choice was easily made,,
however, for who could come before the often tried
adherents the redoubtable Alvarado, second only to
the leader himself, the impressive Olid, and the ad-
mirable Sandoval, all able, brave, zealous, and evidently
devoted. To Alvarado, who had already initiated the
conquest in the direction of Guatemala, fell naturally
its continuation, and Olid, as next in age and standing
of the trio, had the best claim to the Hibueras com-
mand. The distance of this province, and the uncer-
tainty of the land route, made it advisable that Olid
« See Hist, CenL Am., I 624 et seq., this series.
THE JAMAICAN GOVERNOR. 106
shotild proceed by sea, while the other parfy advanced
along the already disclosed path. By August 1523
both expeditions were readv, Alvarado's rendered im-
posing by a considerable force of cavalry, with four
field-pieces," the more needful in view of reports of
hostile movements in the border province of Soco-
nusco. Olid was less thoroughly equipped, but funds
had been sent to Cuba to secure the needed horses
and stores, which he would there take on board.*
Thus stood matters when a messenger from San
Est^van appeared among the captains at Mexico with
the startling intelligence that Adelantado Garay had
arrived there with a large force to assert his claim
as governor of the province. While this was most
i^gravating, Cortes congratulated himself on not
having as yet despatched the expeditions. After
expending so much money and labor in conquering
Pdnuco, and that in the raice of royal orders, he had
no intention of abandoning it, especially since he per-
ceived behind the intruder the portly figure of Velaz-
quez, and the meddling admiral of the Indies, with
tiie prospect of never-ending intrigues, attended by
encroachments and probably worse troubles. His
fears and his ambition allowed him no rest; and
broken in health as he was, and lame in one arm
through a fall from the saddle, he resolved to lead all
the prepared forces in person against the arrival.^
Garay's expeditions to the north-western gulf coasts
had by no means been encouraging, what with com-
paratively meagre results from barter and loss of men
m encounters with the natives.'^ The gold obtained
was nevertheless regarded as a specimen of riches
which must be great, as the inhabitants were so eager
^Ckjarb^B enumerates his force as 80 horse and 200 foot. Cartas, 289-90.
*The purchases were intmsted to Alonso de Contreras. Oviedo, iii. 450;
Oomara^ Hist, Mex,, 229, 243.
**He was bedridden. Corl^ Cariaa, 291. ' Vn Brago, ^ne se le qnebr6
en Tn r^gozijo, por el jtes de Setiembre. Herrtirfiy dec iii. lib. v. cap. v.
The fall most have occurred earlier than September.
*>See HitL Jte., i 189, this series.
106 OORTfiS AND OABAY IN PiNUCX).
to defend them. This belief was confirmed by the
magnified treasures which Cortes had obtained on
the adjoining coast, and despatched to the emperor.
Garay had therefore hastened to ask for fresh c^dulas,
whereby he should be empowered to approach more
closely to Andhuac, the evident centre of wealth.
With the aid of his patron, the admiral, and other
friends, these were readily obtained from the regent
Adrian, permitting him to colonize the province of
Amichel, which embraced the much coveted Pdnuco."
The fate of Narvaez and Tapia had not failed to im-
press the adelantado with the danger of treading on
the corns of the formidable Cortes,** but if he enter-
tained any serious fears, they were dissipated by the
arguments of Colon and Velazquez, who were deeply
interested in the success of an expedition which might
pave the way for their own plans; sufficiently so to
prompt even assistance.
Preparations were actively pursued, and about June
24, 1523,^ Garay set sail from his island domain of
Jamaica with a fleet of eleven vessels, well provided with
artillery and carrying nearly six hundred soldiers, one
hundred and fifty of them mounted, and the rest
largely composed of arquebusiers and archers. Stores
appear to have been provided in a careless manner, or
left to the discretion of diflferent captaiDs.*^ Touching
**The c^nla is dated at Btlrgos, 1521, and signed by the cardinal and
admiral. NaoarreUe, CoL de Viagea, iii. 147-53. It contains the nsnal in-
structions for ffood government and extension of the faith, and stipnlates
that * repartimientos of Indians shall under no consideration be made,' as
this has ueen the cause of all the evil in Espafiola and other parts. Should
his reports prevail on the crown to extend the privilege to him, after the con-
dition of the country is known, he must strictly conform to re^^ulations for
such repartimientos. Instructions like these amounted to nothmsr, for they
were always evaded with more or less assurance, and by this time we PAnuoo
people had been enslaved.
^In reply to a letter announcing the projected expedition to the' gulf
coast, Cortes had congratulated him and tendered his services, but tiiis was
not supposed to be sincere. Indeed, it was intimated that the wily conqueror
rather sought to induce Oaray too come, so that he might win over his men,
and seize, or buy for a trifle, the outfit. Lucas, in CorHs, JResideneia, L 275-6.
This was an idle rumor, no doubt, but it illustrates the opinion entertained
of Cortes and his wiles.
** ' Dia de San Johan, * writes Oviedo. June 26th, says Herrera.
^ Gkiray declares 1 1 vessels ' navlos, * though the phrase is peculiary and maj
THE GOVERNOR OF NEW SPAIN. 107
at Jagua in 'Cuba, he learned of Cortes' entry into
Pstnuco and his appointment of governor in New
Spain. While notifying the men of prospective resist-
ajice, he pointed out their irresistible strength, and
his own rights, and encouraged them with pro-
spective rewards, whereof he gave a foretaste by
appointing alcaldes and regidores of the Villa Garay-
ana to be founded in the new region.** The adelan-
tado was a well-meaning man, but too pliable for the
scheming adventurers who swarmed to the Indies. Of
a good family, he sought to maintain his name and posi-
tion by initiating some of the many enterprises which
flitted through the brains of his companions, but he
lacked both ability and character to direct them, and
possessed no military experience with which to impose
upon the swaggering horde. The more he heard of
the wiles and exploits of Cortds, from the mouths of
victims who hardly cared to mention their defeat, the
less confident he grew in his project, though Velaz-
quez did all he could to encourage him. He resolved
to seek a compromise with his great rival, and directed
himself to Licentiate Zuazo, an upright and highly
respected judge, who had been sent to Cuba by the
audiencia of Santo Domingo to take the residencia of
the governor. Though unable to leave Cuba just then,
be interpreted as 12. mie word nayfoe may exclude smaller craft. His offi-
oers declare 'about 600 men.' Provision, in Padneco and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc.,
xxvL 97>103. Lucas, wbo shared in tiie expedition, mentions 11 vessels, 150
horse, and 400 foot. CorUs, Remdetieia, i 275. Cort^ writes 120 horse and
400 foot and several cannon. Caricu, 290. This is supposed to be the number
which arrived in Pinuco, reduced by losses. Oomara specifies 9 larger vessels
and 2 brigantmes, 850 Spaniards, with 144 horses, 200 arquebuses, 300 cross-
bows, a few Jamaican natives, and an abundant of stores and merchandise.
HisL Mex., 224. An exaggeration, no doubt, though the men are increased by
the crews. Not to be outdone, Bcmal Diaz enumerates 1 1 larger vessels, 2
brigantines, 136 cavalry, 840 infantry, chiefly arquebusiers and archers. Hist,
Verdad,, 168. A royu c^ula based on a report from the audiencia of £s-
pafiola mentions 16 large and small vessels, 600 men and 150 horses. Pacheco
and CdrdenoB, CoL Doc, xiiL 497-8.
** Where, is not said. It was probably left for events to determine. Pro-
moon, in Paeheeo and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc, xxvi 115-16. Gomara places this
incident already at Jamaica, saying derisively, * Hizo vn pueblo en ayre que
llajDO Qaiay.' The alcaldes were Alonso de Mendosa and Fernando de
Figaeroa^ and the regidores (vonfldo de Ovalle, Diego de Cifuentes, and one
VOIa^nui. Bi$t. Mex,, 224.
106 COBT^ A2n> 6ABAY IN PiNUCO.
ilie licentiate promised soon to undertake the mission.*'
As an additional precaution, Garay took a special
oath of allegiance from the men to uphold his cause,
and then somewhat relieved he resiimed the voyage.
After being . tossed by a storm, he entered Rio de las
Palmas^ on St James' day, July 25th, and sent Gon-
zalo de Ocampp^ to explore. Their report was so
unsatisfactory that the soldiers demanded vocifer-
ously to be led to Pdnuco.**^ Unable to resist the
appeal, and not particularly captivated by the country,
he landed the greater part of the force and proceeded
southward, keeping close to the shore, while Juan de
Grijalva conducted the fleet to Rio Pdnuco. For
two or three days they floundered through a swampy
country, and crossing a wide stream*^ in some shaky
canoes, they reached a recently deserted village,
wherein an abundance of provisions rewarded the
toilers. Some Indians who had been at the Spanish
settlements were brought in, and conciliated with
presents to advance and teassure the natives. On
reaching the next village, however, the soldiers began
to pillage, regardless of appeals from the leader.
Either intimidated or naturally mild, the natives re-
mained to serve the army and to assist it onward.
The route prbvecl so bad that a number of horsey
*^ Herrerckf dec iiL lib. y. cap. v. A letter from Bono de Qaejo, insti-
gated no doubt by Cort^ assistea not a little to frighten the adelantado.
"^The present Rio la Marina, or Santander. On the map of Fernando
Colon, 1527, Laa Palmae; Bibero, 1529, Ji. de Pabnas; Munich Atlas, 1535,
palmas; Agnese, 1540, valmas; Vaz Dourado, 1571, Bo de Palmas; Hood»
1692, R, de Palmas; Ogiiby, 1671, R. Edoondido, marked near the head waters,
Culiaa Va4ih!UB Oracoa S John Enda; Laet, 1633, R. de PcUmaa, and south,
R. de Montanhaa; Jefferys, 1776, Rio de laa Palmae, at the mouth Eamotee Zr.,
tributary Rio de las Nasas; Kiepert, 1852, Rio Rapido, or Igksias, Cartog, Pac,
Coast, MS., i. 602-3. It must not be confounded with Rio de la Palma in
southern Vera Cruz, as a careless writer appears to do in Soc Mex. Qeog,^
Boletioy 2da 6p., i. 474.
"A relative, says Qomara.
^ A declaration in Provision, ubi sup., 103, states that several persona
wished him to settle there, but he refused. There is no doubt that th»
soldiers objected to remain in a region devoid both of gold and superior
culture, so that Garay had to yield. Bemal Diaz places here the creation of
a municipality, and the renewal of alle^pance.
*^ Named Montalto from its source m the high mountains five leagues offL
Ocmara, Hist, Mex, 225. This is evidently the Montanhas of Laet's map.
ATTITUDE OF VALLEJa 109
perished, and the incapacity of the captains increased
the danger. At one wide stream the horses, arms,
and baggs^e were transferred and left almost unat*
tended on one bank while the army camped on the
other for the night. A few resolute warriors might
have killed or carried off the whole train, and on
other occasions the men were almost wholly at their
mercy.
On approaching Pdnuco, where rest and plenty had
been looked for, Gtaray found the villages deserted and
bare of food, due chiefly to alarm at the approaching
host of starvelings. Informed by interpreters that
the cause was Cort^sian raids, he sought to win them
back by promising to avenge their wrongs, and drive
out the oppressors, as governor of that country.**
The announcement might have be left unsaid, for
his famished soldiers were already spreading in dif-
ferent directions under impulse of hunger and greed.
Little they found to appease the former, while for the
latter nothing remained after the careful gleaning of
the other party ; and hearing from a deserter of the
glories at Mexico, they felt prepared for any change
that would take them nearer to the imperial city. If
there had been any real meaning in the words of
Garay, it did not take long to discover the difficulty
of enforcing it in view of the growing insubordination.
Now that the point of destination was reached, he
had no definite idea what to do with the expedition
fitted out at such trouble and expense; nor had he
the resolution to carry out any eflfective plan. Why
had he come?
Something must be done, however, and Ocampo
was sent to confer with Vallejo, the lieutenant at San
Est^van, and announce that Garay came provided
with a commission to settle and govern the province,
as adelantado. Vallejo received the envoy with great
courtesy, and expressed delight at the prospect of
^The natiTeB were urged to sappcMrt Garay in drlTiiig away the retainers
d Oart^ Promtkn, abi sap., 125 et aeq.
110 CORTiS AND GARAY IK PiNUCO.
having so esteemed a company for neighbors. He
would willingly show them every attention^ but as
for recognizing any other ruler over Pdnuco than
Cortes, that was out of the question, since the latter
had not only conquered it at great expense, but had
received the appointment of governor. Nevertheless
he would write to his chief at Mexico for instructions,
and forward Garay's letter wherein he proposed a
peaceable arrangement, to avoid losses to themselves
and the sovereign. Meanwhile he agreed to let the new-
comers quarter themselves in some of the villages near
San Est^van, notably Taculula and Nachapalan, with
the injunction not to harass the nativea This order
was not respected, chiefly because of scanty supplies ;
and finding that no military precautions were observed
at the camps, the settlers at San Estdvan one night
pounced upon the most disorderly, and brought two-
score of them as prisoners to the fort.*^ The feat was
not dangerous, for the precaution had been taken to
extort in payment for food nearly all the ammunition
among the interlopers, and weapons and other effects
were rapidly being absorbed. Garay protested ; but
emboldened by the change of aspect, v allejo intimated
that unless the soldiers were kept under control he
should order him to leave the country.
Meanwhile the long-delayed fleet arrived, after
having been exposed to heavy north gales, in which
four out of the eleven vessels were lost.** Their num-
ber was increased soon after by a caraval firom Cuba,
with a number of the retainers of Velazquez, who
allured by a fancied scent of spoils came to seek a
share. Learning the condition of affairs, Grijalva re-
mained at anchor near the mouth of the river, despite
the appeals of Vallejo, who objected to the hostility
thereby impUed, and even threatened him with the
anger of his chief.
^Incladinff their captain, Alvarado. €hmara, HisL Mex,, 225.
^ Garay 'a declaration, in Provision, abi sup., 97. Yet the sentenoe may
be understood to sav that one of the four was lost in the river. Bernal Bias
allows only two to be wrecked.
CHAPTER VII.
THE PiNUOO AFFAIR AND ITS SEQUEL.
1623-1524.
Alvabado Affsabs upon thb Sgens^Naval Stbatbgt— Dooblb Dkal-
UfOS — How GOBTBS SSTTLSD THB ATTAIB — GrABAY*S SUDDEB DbATH —
Gekebal Ufbisino in Pakuoo — MAbSACBBs— Dbspbbatb Efiobts or
THB SbTTLBBS— SaNIMYAL TO THB RiaCUB — Hia RUSB AT THE PaSS—
Terbiblb Retaliation— Bubnino of the Patbiots — Gabatan Gon-
SFiBAcnr — An Estimable Judge — His Shipwbeck and Island Life —
Alyabado and Olid Defabt fob Southebn Conquests — Mabin'b
Cakpaign in Chiapas and Rangel's Entbt into Zapotecapan.
The first step of Cortes on learning of Garay's
arrival had been to despatch AJvarado in advance
with all the forces ready for the Guatemalan cam-
paign. He himself prepared to follow with additional
troops, and had already sent his equipage to the first
camp beyond Mexico, when, on September 2d, a mes-
senger^ arrived with despatches from Spain, including
a royal c^ula forbidding Garay to interfere in any
district conquered or held by Cortes.* This document
made his presence in Pd^nuco unnecessary, and he
gladly availed himself of his good fortune to escape
£*om the hardships of a march which might prove fatal
^ Gomara gnppoees the mesflenffora to be Paz and Gasas, but he is evidently
wnmg. Herrera differs in several points from Cortes, partly through misin-
terpretation; and Cavo blunders repeatedly. Trea Siglo8, i. 25 et seq.
* It was dated April 24, 1523, and based on the representations of Cort^
oonoemmg the danger of outside interference in provinces already subdued
by him, as instancea bgr the revolts which followed the meddling of Narvaez
and Tapia. The sovereign desired CorMs to be unembarrassed in the govem-
ment oil the crown shomd have been informed of the condition and extent of
the ooontry, so ss better to define the limits for other governments. The
document was exhibited at Mexico on Sept. 3d.
cm)
112 THE PiNUOO AFFAIR AND ITS SEQUEL.
in his present state of health.* Diego de Ocampo
was accordingly sent as alcalde mayor to represent him
in Pdnuco, supported by the c^dula, and a force under
command of Rodrigo Rangel. He must allow no
hostile measures on the part of either Alvarado or
himself till the peaceful injunctions of the cddula had
been fully exerted and information sent to Cort^a
Ocampo did not overtake Alvarado till he approached
San Est^van, and found him esox)rting a large num-
ber of prisoners. It appears that the captain had
been implored by the frontier people of !Pdnuco to
protect them against the raids of Gonzalo de Ovalle.
brother-in-law of Garay, who from his camp at Gua-
zaJtepec was raiding the country at the head of a
score of cavalry and other forces. Approaching cau-
tiously, he managed to present himself before the
astonished and careless Ovalle in a manner that made
it difficult for him either to escape or to resist, and
since Alvarado possessed also the advantage of
superior force, he agreed to surrender his arms and
horses.*
Encouraged by the success of the manoeuvre with
the land forces, the officers of Cortes combined to
operate against the shipping under the probably fabri-
cated plea that G^ray had at last resolved to take up
a strong position on the other side of the river, and
supported by the vessels to defy the settlers.* Before
dawn one morning several boats with muffled oars ap-
proached two of the vessels which had been selected
for attack. All was silent on board and the assailants
gained the deck before the alarm was given. With a
V iva Cortes ! they rushed on the surprised watch and
' ' Porque habia Besenta diaa que no dormia^ y estaba con mucho trabajo, y
£ partirme i aquelU sazon no habia de mi vida mucha segtiridad.* Cort^,
Cartas, 291.
* G-aray protests that some of the men were compelled by fear or want to
sell their horses. The party was livina peaceably in aoarters when surprised.
Provision, ubi snp., 88. Many were (Esgusted with Ovalle for his reaay sur-
render, and Oriedo^ iii. 450, who eyidently regards one party as bad as the
other, observes, ' no paresgiera mal alguna escaramuga ti otro medio.'
^ So afi&rms Lticas, in CorUs, Besidencia, i. 279-80, leaving the impression
that there was some truth in the report.
OCABIPO'S ACrnOK. 118
hastened to take up positions which rendered further
or effective resistance uselesa Indeed, little opposi-
tion was offered, owing in part to a secret arrange-
ment with the captains.* Alarmed by the noise, and
suspecting the truth, Grijalva prepared to take steps
for recapturing the vessel. When Vallejo's notary-
came with the formal demand for him to leave the
river or to anchor under the fort, he sternly rejected
the favorable propositions made, and signalled to his
consorts to open fire on the captured vessels, he him-
self setting the example.^ Nothing daunted, the reso-
lute Vallejo made conspicuous preparations for defence,
probably in a great measure for effect. Whether
real or not they succeeded, for abandoned by the land
forces, and tired of waiting for further developments,
with vessels rapidly decaying under tlie attack of
worms, the captains all refiised to expose themselves
to needless danger. Grijalva could do nothing alone,
and so after a brief conference he yielded,® only to be
made a prisoner, together with a number of his offi-
cers and crew, whom Alvarado replaced with trusty
men.
Ocampo now stepped in to play his part. With an
air of magnanimous consideration he ordered nearly
all of the prisoners to be set at liberty.* He there-
upon declared himself ready to extend every aid to
'Castromocho and Martin de San Jnan, according to Oort^. Salazar
writes Juan de Lepuscnano and Torre Mocho. Hist. Conq., 108. *Ab worthy
of being called good mutineers as Ovalle of receiving the term captain/ says
Oviedo. Nearly all the authorities follow the diplomatic version of Cortes
that these captains voluntarily surrendered, either bv persuasion, or intimi-
dated by the fonnal notifications issued. Ltlcas speaks on the other hand of
a treacherous capture, attended by pillaufe; but he takes an extreme view,
and does not perhaps believe in the Derfidy of the captains.
' A number of shots being fired. Bemal Diaz, Hist, Verdad,, 170.
^ Herrera assumes that Ocampo arrived in the midst of this excitement, and
exhibited the royal cedula, whereupon Grijalva followed the other ships into
the harbor, dec. iii lib. v. cap. vi. Cortes is contradictory about the date of
the occurrence, whether before Ocampo's arrival or after; but a statement in
PrwMMon, loc cit., confirms Bemal Diaz in giving Alvarado at least a share
in the cuitnre.
*With reetoratioQ of all effects, writes Cort^ who naturally seeks to
place his acts in the best lieht. Cariaa^ 2d4-5; but the followers of Cart^
managed neverthelefls to retain the best and lazgest portion of their arms and
belonginga.
Hivr. Msz., You H. 8
114 THE PANUOO AFFAIR AND ITS SEQUEL.
the expedition, but as the province pertained to Gor-
t^s, a large force of armed strangers could not be
permitted to remain, as this would prejudice both
settlers and natives and create trouble. They must
leave. ALnost sick with chagrin at this succession
of mishaps, Garay met the alcalde mayor at Chiacha-
cata, near San Est^van, in the beginning of October,
there to arrange terms. He recognized the rights
conferred on Cortds by the royal c^dula, and agreed
to leave the province for Rio de las Palmas or ad-
joining regions.^® In order to do so, however, his
ships and men must be restored, with their outfit and
belongings, and supplies were also required. This
seemed reasonable, and Ocampo hastened to issue a
proclamation enjoining all members of Graray's expe-
dition, under heavy penalties of lash and fine, to as-
semble at Tacalula, and there place themselves at the
disposal of the commander; all captured men and
eflfects were to be restored, and the natives instructed
to bring in supplies."
All this was a farce, for the men of Cortes did not
intend to lose for their chief so valuable an acquisi-
tion of men and vessels, or to surrender the arms,
horses, and other effects obtained. The poor pros-
pects of receiving pay for the required supplies was
another objection, out the strongest lay with the
members themselves, who, instigated by the settlers,
and allured by the tales and specimens of wealth in
Mexico, by the fame of Cortes as a great and gen-
erous leader, and by the projected expeditions to the
gilded regions Honduras and Guatemala, were almost
^* Rio del Eflpfritu Santo was among the points suggested. On an old map
relative to Garay*s expedition this river is placed near the Esplritn Santo Bay-
in Texas. CoUeoiion q^Mex, Maps, No. 10.
^^ The necessary sustenance to be given free of charge, imder penalty of
2,000 pesos de oro for any opposition on the part of ^e settlers. The latter
must also restore any arms and horses bought from the expedition, on ' re-
ceiving back * the money paid. The penalty for members who refused to join
their commander was confiscation of effects, or 200 pesos de oro fine for
noblemen, and 100 lashes for common persons. See Provision, in Pacheco^
and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc, xzvi. 78, 92, et seq.
GARAY PBOCEEDS TO MEXICO. 115
unanimously opposed to follow the inefficient Garay
to the wild north lands. Many, indeed, had already
wandered away to Mexico, regardless of the hostile
tribes on the way, and others only waited their time
to do likewise, hiding meanwhile in the forests by
day, and seeking by night the sheltering houses, and
camps of the army of Cortds. Garay issued appeals
to his men, with abundant promises, and, nothing avail-
ing, he turned for assistance to Ocampo. After his
many protestations, the latter felt obliged to do some-
thing, and his lieutenant was instructed to scour the
district for fugitives. At the same time he renewed
the demand for Garay's departure, under penalty of
confiscation.^^ The result of the measure was the
seizure of a certain number of men, chiefly of the
Velazquez party, and uncongenial persons, who came
forth in a formal protest. Garay was wholly unfit to
lead any expedition, and they had followed him so far
under misrepresentations. It was certain, however,
that Pdnuco was their proclaimed destination, and
they were not bound to proceed elsewhere, the more
so since their pay had not been forthcoming. To de-
part under such a leader into an unknown wilderness,
in rotten vessels, unprovided with ammunition and
supplies, could only result in disaster, and they pre-
ferred to submit to any punishment rather than en-
counter the risk.^
Recognizing the objections to the vessels, he pro-
posed to go by land, but this was equally objected
to, and perceiving the futility of further efforts in
Panuco, he asked permission to confer personally
with Cortds at Mexico. Ocampo agreed, insisting
however that a number of noted adherents of Ve-
lazquez belonging to the party should leave the
^ And even 'sopena de mnerte,' yet Ocampo aided to deter the men.
ChrUs^ BesideHcia, i. 279, 282.
^ The fleet was no royal navy to which they were bound; the outfit had
^een foniiahed partly at their own expense; and yet they hsid been rob1>ed,
stenred, and maltreated by the leader. Protest^ in PrwH^on, ubi sup., 110-15..
JSerrtra, dec iii lib. v. cap. vi
116 THE FiNUCO AFFAIR AND ITS SEQUEL.
province in one of the vessels, lest they should create
trouble."
On reaching Mexico, Garay received an impressive
welcome from his rival, who, having nothing to fear
from him, was quite prepared to play the magnani-
mous part, and to entertain him as an old friend. He
even thought seriously of aiding him, and in token
of his good- will agreed to the betrothal of his natural
daughter, Catalina,^^ with Garay 's eldest son, then
acting as his father's lieutenant in Pdnuco, the defect
in the bride's birth being covered with a large dowry
in lands and gold. The latter was to be expended in
the proposed expedition to the Rio de las Palmas
region, for which Cortes promised his assistance in
men and means, with a view of sharing in the profits.^"
While the project was maturing the two leaders
maintained the most intimate relations, and on Christ-
mas eve, about six weeks after his arrival in Mexico,
Garay accompanied the governor to midnight mass
and then to breakfast. That same day he was laid
low with pain and fever, aggravated by previous in-
disposition. The doctors declared his case hopeless,
and a few days later he expired, leaving Corti^s his
executor." The funeral was conducted with great
'^ Cort^ names Oonzalo de Figneroa, Alonso de Mendoza, C^rda, Juan de
Avil&y UUoa, Taborda, Medina, and Grijalva, aa the leading exiles. Cartas^
297. Permission was nevertheless given to one or two to proceed under super-
vision to Mexico, and Figueroa figures there as witness. It was perjnittea to
Cortes by royal orders to exile persons supposed to be dangerous to the peace.
Garay exchanged letters with Cortes on tne way, for his march was compara-
tively slow, and received assurances of welcome. See ProvigioTit ubi sup. , 131-2.
** Sumamed Pizarro, and wrongly supposed by Lorenzana to have been the
child of his first wife. CorUs^ JJist, i^. £«p.y 361. Chimalpain assumes her to
be the offspring of Elvin, descendant of^ Montezuma, and consequently still
an infant. HisL Canq., ii. 98. The marriage evidently did not take place, for
in the bull of 1529, making Cortes' natured children legitimate, she is men-
tioned as a maiden, and in Cortes' will of 1547 she is said to be in the convent
at Coyuhuacan. Yet, in a Memorial oi Cortes to the sovereign, not Ions after,
he writes: ' Chinanta, que sefiale & una hna por dote suyo, y con esto la caae
con el hijo mayoradgo del adelantado. . .G-aray.' Pacheco and Cdrdenas, CoL
Doc., xii. 279. This may be in anticipation of the actual marriage, with a
view also to strengthen his claim to the town thus bestowed as dowry.
^^Oamarti, Hist. Mex,, 227. Enemies have declared the promises iJliuivey
CorUs, Hestaendoy i. 283, but without good reason, for Cortes nimaelf regardecL
an exp3dition to that r^on with favor yean after.
" jbemal Diaz adds Father Olmedo.
DEATH OF GARAY. 117
pomp. There were not persons wanted who whispered
that so sudden a death of a late arrival was significant
of poison, though the doctor under oath declared the
cause to be a very prevalent disease to which a num-
ber of soldiers had succumbed."
Soon after Graray's arrival ^* at Mexico a messenger
arrived in hot haste from Pdnuco with the report that
all the natives were in arms, slaughtering Spaniards
in every direction, and resolved not to leave one white
man alive. The trouble was ascribed to Garay s men :
already mutinous before his departure, they wholly
ignored the son he had left in charge. A large
number felt also absolved from all restraint by the
absence of officers, whom Ocampo had exiled for their
well-known sympathy with Velazquez, or taken with
him to Mexico.^ Abandoning the camps assigned to
them, some disbanding, they scattered over the coun-
try in small parties,*^ pillaging the native villages of
^ The sickness lasted usually three or four days. Bemal Diaz, Hist, Ver-
tlad.j 17&-1. The mmor of poison was freely ventilated in the accusations
sent to Spain by royal officials a year later, and in Cortes, Rejtklenda, i.-ii.
Ciomara ascribes one rumor to the supposed change of feeling between Cortes
and Garay when the latter removed from his p^ace to the house of an old
friend named Alonso de Villanueva, where he frequently conversed with Nar-
vaez. Hut. Mex., 227. • Neither is said to have spoken there of Cortes save
in flattering terms, acoordins to Bernal Diaz. Cortes does not allude to the
sickness, but attributes his death to the disappointments suffered in Piuuco,
to remorse for the revolt then raging in that province, caused by hie men,
and to fears for the safety of his son. Carton^ 299-300. The audiencia of
Santo I>omingo, which had looked coldly on Garay s expedition, received a
royal decree dated December 27, 1523, instructing them to prevent any
ouarrel between him and Cortes, each to confine himself to their respective
discoveries. C^dula, in Pacheco a,nd Cardenas^ Col Doc., xiii. 498-9. The sons
did not take advantage of the privilege this implied, but sent to collect what
remained of the father's estate. One of them, named Antonio, received a
regimiento in Santo Domingo city, and the lieutenancy of the forts at Santi-
ago in Cuba, and Yaquimo in Espafiola, with a remission of half the 1,000
ducats due by his father to the royal treasury. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vii.
cap. L In 1532 he figures as regidor of Santiago, while claiming the restitu-
tion of certain estates of his father in Jamaica. Pac/ieco and Cdrdenasj CoL
Doc, liL 127-33.
^ In the be^innixig of December 1523, evidently.
" Bemal Diaz diflers from Cortes and others in assuming that these very
mea of Velazqnex gave occasion for the anarchy by quarelling for the supreme
conunand. He supposes them to be exiled afterward in consequence. Hist.
Verdad., 171.
^ By order of the lieutenants of Cort^ says a witness, iu Cortes, Regid-'n-
da, i. 284^ but this most be an exaggeration of the fact that they were quar-
118 THE PiNUCO AFFAIR AND ITS SEQUEL.
provisions and other effects, laying hands on the
women, killing those who sought to defend their
wives and daughters, and committing every conceiv-
able outrage. A warlike people could not be expected
to long endure what amounted to slow extermination
by famine and assassins. They had already been
aroused through the raids suppressed by the followers
of Cortes, and encouraged by the jealousies and quar-
rels between the two Spanish parties. The departure
of Alvarado's imposing forces emboldened the con-
spirators, who so far had numbered but few. Now
every native felt it a solemn duty to join, and within
the month the whole province had arisen. Every
straggling party was promptly slaughtered, and with
tortures that should in some degree compensate in-
jured husbands and fathers for the anguish suffered.
Growing bolder with success and number, the natives
attacked the camps, notably one at Tamiquil,** con-
taining more than a hundred soldiers, all of whom were
killed, a native Jamaican alone managing to escape.
Alarmed for their own safety, and appealed* to by
the different settlements, the main corps at San Estd-
van sent several parties to warn and assist their com-
rades ; but the hostile warriors swept everything before
them, and one of the expeditions, consisting oi fifteen
horse and some two dozen foot soldiers, was actually
surprised and cut to pieces at Tacetuco,® the lieuten-
ant and two horsemen alone escaping from the buln-
ing quarters, wherein those still alive were roasting
amidst the triumphant songs of the enemy. Every
other field party was driven back to the fort, to which
siege was laid with persistent determination. Vallejo
himself headed the settlers in several encounters, till
a well-directed arrow stayed his efforts forever. Em-
boldened by the death of this valiant captain, the
tered in different villages, subject to roles for obtaining supplies. Some oi
the parties nuinbered less than half a dozen men, says Cortes.
*^ Also written Tamiquitl, Tamiquistl, Tamuy, Tancanhuichi, andTaqoinitL
^Now Taniuco, says Lorenzana, in CorUs, Ifist. A\ Esp., 364. A fugi-
tive from here brought the news to Mexico. C<yrUBt Cartas^ 300. '
PiNUCO REVOLT. 119
warriors pressed the siege closely, attempting also to
surprise the place by night. The besieged fought
with the energy of despair, and though numbers of
natives succumbed, every repulse proved costly, while
famine began also to add its quota to the misery.
Not knowing whether the message by land had reached
Mexico, they sent news to v ilia Rica by one of
Garay's vessels ; but assistance could in any case not
come at once, and the delay seemed interminable with
the daily addition of victims, now exceeding three
hundred.^
Still disabled by his broken arm, Cortes could not
yield to the desire of personally relieving the province,
but Sandoval was immediately despatched with fifty
horse, one hundred foot, and thirty thousand natives,
reenforced with four field-pieces and a considerable
number of arquebuses and cross-bows.** His instruc-
tions were to mflict a punishment that should remain
an ineffaceable warning to rebels. With great alacrity
he hastened northward; for when engaged on impor-
tant affairs this gallant leader scarcely allowed him-
self time for sleep, as his admirer, Bemal Diaz,
declares. On approaching the province, he learned
that the enemy had occupied both passes leading into
it, and thought it best to divide his force, sending part
against each, not knowing which passage might be
more readily forced. The archers and arquebusiers
were ordered to alternate, so as to maintain a steady
volley, and create a confusion of which advantage
might be taken. This expectation was not fulfilled,
^ More than 900, according to the declaration of Garay witnesses, Pacheco
and Cardenas, CoL Doc., xxvi. 123; 400 nayn Oomara, followed by Herrera;
600 ia Bemal Diaz' round figare, while Cortes fixes the losses of his party at
43, and those of the Garay faction known to have perished, at 210, though he
believes that the latter number should be made larger. Oviedo, iii. 458,
writes 43 and 270, respectively, while assuming that Garay must have lost
over 400 in reality.
'^Cortes calls the 100 foot archers and arquebusiers. Cartas^ 301. The
allies are given by Ixtlilxochitl as 15,000 Acolhuas, under Yoyontzin, the
youngest brother of Prince Ixtlilxochitl, and 15,000 Mexicans, under a nephew
of Quanhtemotzin. Ifor. Crueldades, 65. Bemal Diaz, in reducing the num-
l>6r to 8,000, dm usual witii him, composes them of Tlascaltecs and Mexicans.
120 THE PiNUOO AFFAIR AND ITS SEQUEL.
for the natives stoutly kept their ground, responding-
to the volleys in a manner that laid low quite a num-
ber of the assailants, and prevented any advance.
Both parties held their positions during the night,
and dawn was ushered in with a renewal of the con-
flict. Nervous over the prospective delay,** Sandoval
reunited his force, and retreated as if returning to
Mexico. This brought forth the enemy in triumph-
ant pursuit: but their joy was brief; for one night
the horsemen swooped down upon them, and takmg
advantage of the rout, the army hastened back and
forced their way through the easiest pass, though not
without the loss of three horses and other casualties.
Once through, they found large forces gathering to
resist the advance, and hardly had they formed before
the attack was made. The natives flung themselves
heedlessly upon the lines, and even sought to wrest
the lancers from some inexperienced cavalrymen.
'* Curse the fellows!" cried Sandoval as he rushed to
their relief. "Better a few soldiers than a host of
such imbeciles I" The repulse effected, he led the cav-
alry to a return charge, with instructions to keep the
lances levelled against the faces of the warriors, and
maintain a gallop so as to give no opportunity for a
hand-to-hand conflict. In this manner the path was
opened, and the army made its way to the river,
where camp was formed for the night. The horses
were kept saddled, and all prepared^ for instant action,
for the constant sound of drums and pipes, in increas-
ing volume, showed that the foe was gathering round
them. Shortly after leaving camp next morning they
came upon three bodies prepared for battle. Sando-
val directed his cavalry in two parties against them,
and was warmly received, he himself being wounded
in the leg, and nearly overthrown by a stone which
""Three days of inactivity followed, according to Bemal Diaz; if ao, in
effecting the reunion aod in reconnoitring.
^ Fearful of confounding the allies with the foe, in case of attack, Sando-
val ordered the former to camp at some distance irom the Spaniards. Bemal
IHaz, Hist. VercUui., 172.
SANDOVAL QUBLL3 THE IHSURREXmOK. 121
struck him full in the face.® Previous lessons had
not been in vain, for the foe soon wavered before the
resolute advance, and when the foot and allies came
up, the battle turned into a chase and slaughter. A
large number of prisoners were also taken, and every
village on the way was ravaged and burned by the
auxiliariea
Sandoval arrived most opportunely at San Est^van.
"Three days' more delay," says Corties, "and all there
would have been lost." So reduced were the besieged
by wounds, hunger, and fatigue, harassed day and
night by the natives, that but for the resolute demean-
or of a few of the veterans of Cort(5s they would
have yielded® The besiegers having now dispersed,
two expeditions were sent out in pursuit, and to for-
age, with the injunction to secure every rebel of note.
Sandoval remaining behind among the disabled, no
restraint was placed on the troops in observing the
order of Cortes to inflict severe punishment. Sack-
ing, slaughtering, and burning went hand in hand,**
the example being set by the Spaniards and eagerly
excelled by the auxiliaries with the intensity custom-
ary among those cruel warriors. The captain himself
set forth a few days later, marking his advance with
comparative leniency, even where submission was
tardy, yet he failed not to take prisoners all sturdy
and prominent rebels, swelhng the total of captured
chiefs and notable men alone to fully four hundred.^
. Sandoval now reported to Mexico the pacification
of the province, and asked for instructions concerning
^ Three horses and two young soldiers are said to have fallen, besides
allies, irhoee losses are seldom thought worth while to mention.
^ Bemal Diaz, who naturally seeks to give all the credit possible to his
own set, names Navarrete, Carrascosa, and Alamilla among these veterans.
He assumes that they had 28 horses left. Others place the garrison at 100
men -with 22 horses. Oomara, Hisi. Mex., 227. Cortes places the whole cav-
alry force now mustered, including Sandoval's, at 80. Cartds, 302.
** ' Quemando todas las casas, de modo que dentro de pocos dias lo saquearon
todo, y mataron una infinidad de indios.' IxtlUxocJiUl, nor. Crueldade,% Go.
'^ Herrera specifies 60 chiefs and 400 rich and prominent natives, dec. iii.
lib. V. cap. viL Bemal Diaz refers to five as ringleaders, and states that
wives and children were left unmolested, those not guilty of murder being
also set free.
122 THE PiNUCO AFFAIR AND rrS SEQUEL.
the prisoners and other matter. In answer, Cortes
sent the alcalde mayor Ocampo, to whom pertained
the administration of justice, while the captain should
continue to effectually assure tranquillity. A trial
was held at Chachopal, near the fort, where bribery
and policy played important parts in securing the
acquittal of a few, while contession and testimony
consigned the rest to the stake and halter. The con-
demned pleaded in vain that they had been driven to
rise in defence of their homes by the outrages of the
Garay party, against whom the followers of Cortes
had incited them ; if some of the latter had fallen, it
ivas but the accident of war.*^ But they were pagans
who had dyed their hands in the blood of Christians;
and, above all, they had dared to disobey their mas-
ters, and for such crimes the perils to which their own
insignificant lives were exposed could be no excuse.
White men must be respected at all hazards, and
thoroughly to impress this, the pardoned prisoners,
including the friends and families of the condemned,
were compelled to attend the execution; to witness
the agonies of the ringleaders at the stake, and the
struggles of the less prominent who were strangled
in the noose. Yet it did not need the witnessing of
death-throes to teach the lesson: the number of the
victims was sufficient. There were whole lines of
smoking columns, each enclosing a writhing form and
shielding an agonized face; a succession of human
bodies suspended amidst revolting contortions. It
was one long continuation of horrors, until horror
grew tame, and darkness brought rest.^
** ' For que nos quemays pues que vosotros los de Mexico nos mandastes
que mataramos estos xpianoe. ' Lticas, in CorUSf BesidendOf i. 283.
^ Cortes himself admits that upward of 400 were burned. ' Sefiores y
personas principales se prendieron hasta cuatrocientos, sin otra gente baja, i
108 cuales todos, digo & los principales, q^uemaron por justicia.' Cartas^ 902.
Oomara increases this number to 400 rich men and 60 chiefs. Hut, Mex,,
228. Lticas reduces it to 306, while Herrera seeks to cover Spanish fame by
writinff 30. Bernal Diaz avoids stating a figure, for the same reason, and to
ahield nis friend Sandoval, whom Robertson chsurges with the act^ Hist. Anu,
iL 137, not aware probably that Ocampo was uie judge who inflicted the
punishment, by the general order of Cortes. While not blameless, Sandoyai
THB GARAY PARTY. 128
The security of the province was provided for by a
politic distribution of the vacant chieftaincies, with
due regard to the claims of rightful heirs, and the lieu-
tenancy was bestowed on a resolute man named Valle-
<;illo. An additional weeding had also to be performed
Among the Garay party, whose excesses had been the
main cause of the revolt. This measure appeared more
necessary since they exhibited signs of mutiny at the
disregard shown for them in the appointment of cap-
tains during the campaign, and on subsequent occa-
sions. A number are even said to have formed a
conspiracy,^ but this charge may have been made to
give color to the proceedings against certain disorderly
persons. Sandoval lectured them soundly on their
ingratitude to Cortes, who had saved them from de-
struction, and on their disregard for the claims of the
old settlers and soldiers. A niunber of the party were
enrolled for the campaigns in Mexico, and the more
objectionable left for Jamaica, many of them willingly,
since the death of Garay must have frustrated the
plans which connected them with his expedition. This
accomplished, Sandoval and Ocampo returned to Mex-
ico, though not until they had joined Father Olmedo
in solemn thanksgiving for the success awarded to
Christian arms. Neither the good friar nor the
worthy conmiander could see aught of mockery in
such an act. They were naturally well pleased at the
pacification, which proved effectual, for the province
never again revoltea. Yet even its conqueror lived
to recognize that it was unworthy of the cost and
muflt not be rated too harahly, as Clavigero observes. Storia, Mess., iii. 9.
The number appears to correspond pretty nearly to that of the supposed
Spanish victims, and sngsests the intention to exact life for life, with the
same cruelties perpetrated on the Christians, of whom many had been tortured
or burned alive. Whatever may be Christian ethics, the rules of Christiaix
warfare are not far different from those of the savaces, an eye for an eye, and
a tooth for a tooth. After all, this was but one of the series of barbarities
which followed in the train of invasion. On the act of conmiest devolved the
chief blame of every atrocity, since incidents of war entailed cruelties, and
flelf -preservation demanded them; their nature having to correspond to the
«xi£ency of circumstances, and the character of the people and the age.
'^The plot was revealed to Sandoval before it had matured, says Bemal
Dias.
124 THE PANUOO AFFAIR AND ITS SEQUEL.
lives expended. The harbor, which had formed one
of its chief attractions, proved of no value to New
Spain, though a viceroy once did land there, and cause
the road to Mexico to be restored for a time. The
settlement dwindled, and even the name of San Est^-
van disappeared."
It has been mentioned that when Graray touched
at Cuba, on the way to Pdnuco, his fear of Cortds
induced him to seek a meditator in the person of Licen-
tiate Alonso de Zuazo, a prominent and respected
lawyer who had been appointed juez de residencia in
connection with the audieiicia of Santo Domingo, and
who as judge of Velazquez had lately held the gov-
ernment of Cuba." The mediation had probably been
suggested by the audiencia, which certainly favored
it, assured that the mere presence of so influential a
personage might prevent much trouble. His mission
in Cuba concluded, the licentiate accordingly, in the
beginning of 1524, set out for new Spain in a small
vessel, accompanied by two friars of the order of
Mercy, intent on promoting the labors of Father
Olmedo.*^
When about half-way, their vessel was driven by
a gale upon the reefs near one of the Tridngulos
group.^ Fortunately they were able to reach in safety
the adjoining isle, and to save a few effects, though
in fishing them from the sea one of the sailors was
snapped up by a shark. The island being small, and
^ One cause was that the bar grew shallower, says Lorenzana. CorUs, Hut*
^. Esp.f 340. A new villa was founded in later times about half-way between,
the river and the lagoon, the Tamheagua, and in modem times the present
Tampico has been established on the opposite bank of the river f ornune the
southern boundary of Tamaulipas state. The old towns, now known as Tam-
pico el Alto and Pueblo el Viejo, are included in the state of Vera Cruz.
^Suspended by Colon through false reports of mismanagement, say Oviedo,
i. 541, who adds tiiat he was a personal triend of both Cortes and Garay.
^ Their names were Gonzalo de Pontevedray and Juan Varillas.
^OviedOf iv. 484, 499, 507. Bemal Diaz supposes the Viboras, near the
Alacranes Islands, and states that through an error of the pilot, or by cur-
rents, she drifted dshore. Hist, Verdad,, 173. This is less likely, since the
islands lie on the route.
THE PiKUOO CONQUEST OOMPLETBD. 125
devoid of water, the shipwrecked crossed in their
boat^ to a larger island containing plenty of turtles,
some of them so large in the eyes of the famished crew
"that they could move away with seven men on their
backs." Kefreshed by this food, they proceeded to a
still larger island, the resort of innumerable birds,
manatees, and turtles — a paradise, in brief, to the cast-
aways, could they only have found fresh water. The
want of this, together with the change of diet, and
the hardship, had quite reduced the men,*^ and they
were on the point of despair, when the discovery of
a somewhat brackish spring infused new spirit.*^
They now took steps to accommodate themselves
to circumstances, by buUding huts and estabUshing a
routine for the performance of daily duties. Fire was
obtained by the well-known method of rubbing together
two pieces of wood, and sustained by shnibs ; there
was a variety of food, and material existed for apparel
and implements. A tool-chest had been saved, and
two carpenters began to construct a strong boat from
the remains of the wreck, wherein to seek aid from a
Spanish settlement. In this three men, named Gomez,
Ballester, and Arenas, together with an Indian boy,
volunteered to seek Villa Hica. For this hazardous
undertaking they had taken a vow to observe per-
petual chastity if heaven should grant them success.**
Their prayers were answered, for a favorable wind
carried them in eleven days to the coast near Mede-
Uin, whence their message and a letter from Zuaza
"Oriedo states that Zuazo found an old canoe in which to cross to the
adjoining islands, where some of the effects had been cast up by the waves.
^A number of men died in consequence, says Oviedo; out he appears
intent chiefly on making a strong narrative.
*^ Oviedo assumes that a vow of chastity for one year induced heaven to
reveal the precious liquid; the three men sent in search making the vow per-
petuaL Gomara appues this to a later occasion. Oviedo contmues that the
water was found on an adjoining isle devoid of animals, yet they all removed
to it, bringing supplies horn the larger island. One day a gale swallowed
boat a^ crew, six men.
*" £ de se meter frayres de. . .Frangisoo,' writes Oviedo, stating that they
were the same who bad made the vow on going in search of water. Yet on a
previous page he seems to name them as Ei^inosa, Arenas, and Simanoas.
IV. 492, 496.
12$ THE PiNUCO AFFAIR ANI> ITS SEQUEL.
were forwarded to Mexico. Cortes immediately or-
dered a vessel to be sent to their rescue, axkd after
nearly four months of island life Zuazo and his com-
{)anions, numbering a dozen survivors,** were released
rom their sufferings. The reception of the licentiate
in New Spain was worthy of his rank and character,
and of the high personal regard of Cortds, who lodged
him in his own palace, and tendered him rich presents,
though the worthy judge would accept but little.**^
We shall meet him soon under trying circumstances^
as a ruler, where he came as visitor.
The PAnuco conquest ended, Cortes resumed tha
southern expeditions for •which he had already pre-
pared. Alvarado set out December 6, 1523, with oVer
four hundred Spaniards, of whom one hundred and
twenty were horsemen, and an equal number archers
and arquebusiers, supported by fully twenty thousand
picked warriors, and well provided with field-pieces
and war stores. The force embraced the flower of
New Spain chivalry, all eager to participate in the
opening of the new Dorado, and to share in the enter-
prises of the dashing Tonatiuh, for whom even the
natives seemed nothmg loath to abandon their home
and country, to judge from their enthusiasm. The
whole city, with Cortds at the head, turned out to bid
them God-speed in the undertaking, which had grown
even more attractive with the delay interposed. The
first step therein was the resubjugation of Soconusco,
the rapidity of which served not a little to infuse awe
among the peoples to the south. Nevertheless a long
^Thirteen, says Bernal Diaz, Biat, Verdad., 173, thongh he leaves the
impression that this was the total number escaping to the islands. Oviedo
states that those who escaped from the wreck numMred 47, and that only 17
reached New Spain; Friar G-onzalo died on the rescue vessel, iv. 484-510. His
account is very full, and may have been obtained from Zuazo's lips, at Santo
Domingo; yet it does not appear very reliable. Gomara, HisL Mac, 228»
gives a briefer version than Bernal Dias; and Herrera follows, dec iii. lib. v.
cap. V. The important character assumed by Zuazo in Mexico lends aor
interest to this adventure.
^ Of the 10,000 in gold oflbred, he would acce]pt but 1,300 worth in abso-
lute necessaries, such as clothes and horses for himself and party. Gomara.
makes these effects worth 10.000.
ALVARADO GOES TO GUATEMALA. 127
and bloody campaign was in store for Alvarado, whose
fame as a leader was to be made yet brighter by san-
guinary successes. The details of the exciting strug-
gles and surprising incidents within the domains of
the Quichds and Cakchiquels have been fully related
in a previous volume.*^
A month after the Guatemala expedition the fleet
for Honduras left the port of San Juan de Chalchiuh-
cuecan to take up one end of the new chain of con-
quest, which miglit thereupon be stretched southward
under the combined banners of veterans, perhaps to
the very empire of the Incas just then looming forth
in mystic distance with a splendor surpassing even the
dazzling visions of the legions of Cortes. Although
Honduras proved comparatively barren in gain and
glory> y®* *^® incidents connected with the expedition,
and its effect on the fortunes of Cortes and New
Spain, through the disloyalty of the leader, invest it
with remarkable interest**
In his march from Tehuaniepec to Guatemala, Al-
varado skirted the southern slopes of the Cordillera,
whose northern straggling ranges here unite to form
a more distinct barrier, crowned with lofty peaks.
The plateau and slopes extending northward from
this barrier embraced the well-watered region of Chi-
apas, once the busy haunts of a cultured race whose
glories lay enshrined within the matchless ruins of
Palenque, guarded by dense and gloomy forest, now
the abode of less elevated peoples, notably the dom-
inant Chiapanecs, who from their mountain fastnesses
had successfully defied the encroachments of adjoin-
ing rulers, even Montezuma. Awed by the fall of his
great empire, however, they had hastened to send in
what was regarded as unquaHfied allegiance to the
children of the sun. Their land was assigned to the
settlers of Espfritu Santo, who soon began to exact
*^HUL GenL Anu, i. chap, zzii et seq., this series.
^•See HUL CemL Am., chap. xvii. et seq., this series, for details of Olid's
uprinng and fate, and the oonnected expeditionfl of Caaas and Cortes.
IBS THE PiNUCO AFFAIR AND US SEQUEL.
tribute, a measure which the people, abeady recovered
from their first surprise, were quick to resent Luis
Marin, lieutenant in Goazacoalco sought aid from
Cortes for enforcing respect, and in Lent of 1524 he
marched against the rebellious people with somewhat
over a hundred men, one fourth cavalry, all inflated
with the confidence bom of numerous successes.
Equally confident were the Chiapanecs in the shel-
tering strength of hills which so far had guarded
their hberties. Protected by good cotton armor, and
armed with formidable pikes, they managed so well
to sustain even in open field the first onslaught of the
bearded ones, that the latter were quite dismayed. So
severe proved the campaign, that when Marin at last
thought himself master in the main district, his force
was so reduced in number and efficiency that the for-
mation of a settlement could not be undertaken, and
the result was an inglorious retreat.*^
An equally severe campaign was undertaken about
the same time in the mountainous regions of Zapote-
capan and Miztecapan, hitherto avoided as too diffi-
cult to penetrate. Following the path of Alvarado,
Rodrigo Rangel had in 1523 entered them to demand
allegiance and tribute, only to meet with fierce resist-
ance. Rainy weather and ruggedness of country
favored the natives, and he was obliged to retreat.^
This success emboldened them, and, incited partly by
escaped negro slaves, they made inroads on the adjoin-
ing districts. It would never answer to encourage a
defiant robber in the midst of the country, and with
the allurement of gilded river-beds, a new expedition
was formed under the same captain, consisting of one
hundred and fifty soldiers, chiefly arquebusiers and
*^For details of these and later expeditions, see ToL ii., ffisi. Cent, Am.,
this series. They are based on the rare and curious accounts of Gcdoy, He-
ladon, written by a participant; Kemesal, HiaL Chyapa; IxtUlxochid, ffor,
Cmeldades; Maeariegoa, Mem, Chktpa; also Bemal Dias, Juarros, and other
standard historians.
^ ' Faute de chevauz, il ne r^nssit pas,' says Brasseur de Boorbooi^, HitL
N(Xt, Oh., iv. 572; but horses were found useless in so rugged a rmon, and
were not taken on the subsequent campaign, as Gomara observes. ^aL Mex,,
234. 1 ir-^
RAKQEL'S EXPEDITION. 129
archers, with four field-pieces and ample stores, sup-
Srted by a large force of warriors.^ Rangel left
exico February 5, 1524, and taught by previous
reverses, he took the utmost precaution to render
secure his advance. The natives on their side were
less cautious, and thus a prospectively hard campaign
among the mountains was concluded within quite a
brief period, and so thoroughly that no revolt took
place again. A fair amount of spoils was obtained in
gold, fabrics, and slaves ; the latter numerous, since it
had been decreed that all captured natives should be
enslaved as a warning to rebels.**
The cost of these expeditions was quite heavy to
all concerned, for arms, horses, clothes, and other
effects were exceedingly dear, despite the influx from
Spain and the Islands." Soldiers brought nearly all
their own outfits, including arms ana horses, yet
Cortes was obliged to supply war stores, provisions,
and articles from what he calls his private estate,
though tributes and exactions must have been applied.
"The least of the expeditions," he writes to the em-
peror, "must cost my estate more than five thousand
pesos de oro, and those of Alvarado and Olid cost fully
fifty thousand." The expense was the greater in the
latter case, owing to the fleet being kept waiting
during the Pdnuco campaign, with crews in receipt
of pay." Indeed, he had not only spent his fortune,
but incurred debts, while for certain revolts which
imperilled the interests of the crown and its subjects
he had been obliged to borrow sixty thousand pesos
and more from the royal treasury. Yet nothing should
deter him from doing what was necessary for the ser-
vice of his sovereign ; so he aflBrmed.^
^ Acolhiias 20,000, and 5,000 to 6,000 Tlascaltecs. IxtUlxochiU, ffor. Cru^
^Idadea, 72.
** 'Los heirasen del hierro de V. A., y . . .se repartdesen por aquelloe qae Ids
fucFon i conqiiiBtar.' CorUs, Cartas, 307.
^^ For prioes, see Hi^. Cent, Am., L 626, this series.
^ The cost of sending Casas alter Olid increased the expense to 40,000.
Id., ©28.
"Letter of October 13» 1524, in Cartas, 305.
Hisr. Max., Vol. IL 9
CHAPTER VIII.
ORDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF OORTAS.
152^-1524.
CoRTBS AS Gk)VERNOBr— His O&DiMAiioss— Abmamsnt op SsriTLEBS— Pbo-
HOTiKo Agriculture — Pallas and Deicister — Ahulleam Jealousy —
Social Reforms — Sumptuary Laws — Taking Wives — CJortAs Shoul-
ders HIS Cross— Suspicious Death op Catalina — Local Government —
Efforts to Exclude Lawyers — ^Removal op Vera Cruz — Markets
AND Trade Regulations — Royal Officials Arrive — Traits and
Intrigues — Colonial Policy — Enslavement of Native Americans —
Suppression op Repartimientos Opposed — Encomienda Regulations —
Work and Pay of Serfs — Entrapping Slaves— Representations of
the Council— Extorting Tribute.
We have seen Cortes as a brave soldier, an able
general, and astute diplomat; we have beheld him
deluding his patron, manipulating to his own purpose
the conflicting elements of a horde of adventurers,
pitting one people against another to fight his battles
or neutrahze dangers, and leading his soldiers through
strife and hardships to the overthrow of a great em-
pire. Glimpses even of statesmanship we have had in
his creation of municipalities, his acts of king-making,
and his regulations for the army, which tend in no
wise to diminish our admiration for the man. These
last-mentioned qualities were now to be more widely
tested. The conquest was achieved. From sea to
sea once more must bow all nations before Tenochti-
tlan, only there was a stronger than Montezuma on
his throne, one who to the natives of New Spain
seemed a god, a descendant of the sun soon to consume
their very identity. And now while military rule
still prevailed, it was necessary to pave the way for a
peaceful administration, and the development of those
GOVEKNOR OORTiS. 181
resources on which permanent progress and prosperity
could alone be based. Having subdued tne people,
Cortes bent his mind to reconciling them to the new
order of aflfairs. He would win Ceres to his cause,
and conquer also the soil with a new vegetation, mul-
tiply the wealth of a prolific region, and with this
alluring bond combine two races and different producti*
into one harmonious whole. It was to be his grander
and more enduring conquest, this healing of wounds
after a merciless war, this adjustment of differences.
Cruelty, intolerance, and avarice were still rampant,
but they were now to be softened to some extent,
neutralized by blessings which in many respects con-
doned for the bitter wrongs of unjust invasion.
The salient features of the administrative policy of
Cortes are given in the famous ordinances of March
20, 1524. We may therein recognize the training
received by the framer as student and lawyer, in his
native country, and later as notary and alcalde; at
first appearing as mere hiDocks in his plain of life ; as
points whereby to measure its progress ; later, evolv-
ing into stepping-stones to greatness, adding their
quota to the wisdom and foresight which now mark the
adjustment of means to ends. Protection being still
the main consideration, the ordinances begin by re-
quiring all settlers possessed of a repartimiento of
less than five hundred Indians to provide themselves,
within six months from date, with a lance, a sword,
and a dagger, a target, a helmet, and eitlier native or.
Spanish defensive armor, all in good condition ; also
two pikes and the necessary ammunition. Holders of
repartimientos with from five hundred to one thousand
Indians must within a twelvemonth possess in addi-
tion a horse fully equipped. Still larger holders must
add three lances, six pikes, four cross-bows or fire-locks,
and the necessary ammunition This was by no means
a small requirement when prices are considered.^ The
. ^ For prices, see OomarHf Hist. Mex.^ 243; Probama de Lejalde, in /cos-
baloOa, CoL Doc., ii. 121.
132 ORDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF CORTES.
settlers must hold themselves in readiness for any
summons, and in order to supervise the observation
of the ordinances, the municipal authorities must
hold reviews at certain intervals, exacting penalties
for non-compliance.* As a mark of honor the emperor
accorded soon after to the first settlers and conquer-
ors of New Spain the privilege of carrying certain
weapons wherever they went.*
The next feature of the ordinance illustrates the
training of Cortes as a planter on the Islands. A
great change had come over him since he first set
foot there, and received the offers made him with the
contemptuous reply, " I came to get gold, not to till
the soil like a peasant." Necessity and common sense
came to his enlightenment, and within a few years
we find him a flourishing stock-raiser and farmer. The
lessons thus learned were to be applied to the benefit
of a great country, and since so many among his com-
panions had had a similar experience, they were ready
to lend their cooperation. He required all holders of
repartimientos to plant for every hundred Indians,
yearly, one thousand vine-shoots or other useful plants
of the best kind in the best location and at the fittest
time, until for every hundred of such Indians there
should be five thousand plants well placed. The
planting of Spanish products was especially enjoined,
Cortes himself set an example.
Soon after the fall of Mexico there came to him
from one of the ports some rice, and in it by chance
three grains of whe^t, one of which was planted and
* The penalties were fines for the first two omissions, and loss of reparti*
mientos for the third, or loss of office for failure to hold inspection. Town-
criers were to proclaim the date for review eight to ten days in advance.
In later times only one annual inspection was held, on St John*s day, from
which may be due the custom of dressing boys as soldiers on that anniversary^
and distributing military toys. Alamany Divert, L 178.
' Even in Sjpain, Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. iv. Previous to this the
municipality of Mexico found it necessary for public peace to restrict the
weapon orainance within the city. In May 1525 the weapons were thus
reduced to a dagger and a sword, a horseman havins also a lance, carried bv
a page. In February 1527 the lance was restricted to the alcalde ajid offi-
oers of justice. Libro de CdbUdo, MS., May 23, 1525, February 15, 1527.
AGRICULTURE. 133
yielded well, forming the first wheat crop of New
Spain.*
Cortes had early endeavored to interest the sov-
ereign in the agricultural interests of the country, and
even requested that all vessels for New Spain should
be made to bring a number of seeds andplants where-
with to enrich the native varieties. This was, to a
certain extent, complied with,* though the selfish en-
mity or short-sightedness of oflScials at first cast many
obstacles in the way. The rulers at Santo Domingo
were persuaded at one time that unless restrictions
were placed on the export of live-stock and products
to New Spain the Islands would suffer irreparably,
both from the drain and from the gradual transfer of
productions to that country, which must thereby also
absorb the trade. A prohibition was accordingly
issued against exporting anything from the Islands
that might be used for reproduction. The colonists
poured in their complaints to Spain, and soon came a
decree practically annulling the prohibition.* The
fears of the Antilles were not unfounded, for their
position as an entrep6t was soon lost, and this proved
another reason for the increased emigration of its
people.^ Meanwhile New Spain profited by this loss,
and Cortes was among the foremost to enrich his dif-
^This is the account of Tapia, Helacion, in IcazbalcetOf Col. Doc, ii. 593,
who adds that wheat was soon produced in great abundance, an<l the very
best quality was sold in 1539 at one real the fanega. Although Cort^
reoeived wheat from other parts, it was damaged by the sea-voyaff^, and the
actual introduction of this cereal was thus accidental. Gonzsufez Divila,
Teatro Ecles., i. 8, says that the first grain of wheat that sprung up was sown
by a servant of Cort^, and produced 400 fold. ' Juan CTarndo, criado de
Hernando Cortes sembrd en un huerto tres granos de trigo; perdiose el uno,
7 Ids dos dieron mils de quatrocientos granos'. . . Me lo q es de regadio so
coge en mayor abundancia; porque un grano produce docientos y mas. '
*By royal order of June 1523, the Casa de Contratacion of Seville was
directed to promote the emigration of artisans and farm laborers, and ordered
to send Cbrtes, in convenient seasons, quantities of plants, trees, and seeds.
Herrera^ dec. iii. lib. v. cap. iii.
•Decree of November 24, 1525. Mex. Extract de CidiiUvi, MS., 9, 10.
Oviedo, iii. 471-3, waxes indi^piant with Cortes for his sharp expostulations,
wm nmzratefnl to a country which had fostered both him and his colony.
^DavcUle, Inform,, in Facheco and Cdrdenaa, Col. Doc., ii. 375-438 passim.
Abuses of New Spain settlers against the Islanders are also complained of.
Jd.y xiv, 43.
134 ORDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF OORT^L
ferent plantations with live-stock and plants, notably
in the newly acquired valley of Oajaca.® He also
introduced novelties in the form of machinery, such
as water-wheels, whereby the labors of grinding and
other tiresome and slow operations were lightened for
the women. The establishment of the first mill at
Mexico was celebrated with great rejoicings.® The
natives took readily to the novelties, both in products
and implements, though some of the nobles sneered at
an3iihing that tended to raise the lower classes from
abject toil and limited indulgence.
Cortes did much to ameliorate the condition of the
masses, and to temper vices among the richer part of
the community. Hours for labor were prescribed to
check abuse, and observation of the sabbath was en-
joined. Trade and labor were forbidden during the
hours of divine service, and attendance at mass was
made compulsory on Sundays and certain holidays.^®
Efforts were made to suppress the mania for gambling,
which was increasing with accumulating wealth, and
with the life of comparative indolence following as a
reaction upon the tragic incidents of the conquest.
Cortes was himself passionately fond of the vice, and
though recognizing its evil, he winked at disregard of
* He refers to Matlaltzinco as his stock-raUing place; round Co^uhnacau
were several farms, and at Binconada de Izcalpan, sugar plantations. Me-
moricU, in Id,, zii. 279. His plantations grew more numerous in time, and
mulberry -trees were planted at Yauhtepec, Tetecla, and other places; at
Matalango were cattle stations, at Tlaltizapan horses were bred, and sugar-
mills rose at Quauhnahuac and Coyuhuacan.
' ' En esta ocasion f ue quando dixo un Indio anciano, burlando de la inuen*
cio: Que hasda holgazanes £ los hombres, y muy iguales; pues no se sabia
quien era Sefior, 6 criado. Y afiadia: que los ignorantes nacieron jMura
seruir, y los sabios para mandar, y holgar.' Oonzalez BdvUot Teatro Eclea., L 8.
The first time mills are mentioned in the Libra de Cabildo is on Feb. 4, 1525,
when to Rodrigo de Paz, as representant of Cort^, land was granted to erect
mills on the rivers of Tacubaya, Tacuba, and Cuyoacan. The next land grant
made to the same effect was to Diego Ramirez on Dec. 15, 1525, when he was
allowed to build a mill near Chapultepec. Afterward the number increased,
judging from the different grants of land made later for the same purpose.
libro de Cabildo, MS., Feb. 7, 152,1, Dec. 15, 1525.
1* * £ntreu en ella antes que se comienze el Evangelic, y est^n en ella hast*
quel Padre diga Ite Misa est y heche la bendicion; so pena de medio peso de
oro.' The settlers must be present in their towns at least during Christmaa,
Easter, and Pentecost; a deputy will answer for other times. Ordawnuif in.
Facheco and Cdrdenaa, Col Doc,, xxvL 179-S3.
SOCIAL RESTRICnOKS. 135
the numerous laws enacted against it.^^ But as ruler
it behooved him to enforce them in some respects at
least, though his efforts availed little, to judge from
the many stringent decrees bv local and supreme
authorities which followed during subsequent years.
The tenor of some indicates that non-observance was
almost expected." A check was laid also upon more
innocent pastimes common among artisans, lest too
great indulgence should lead to neglect of work.
During working hours this class was not allowed to
play at skittles and similar games.^ At other times
entertainments were encouraged, processions were held,
bull-fighting was introduced,^* and the authorities of
Mexico city even favored the establishment of a
dancing-school. ^
Among the vices attending the increase of wealth
and inaction was extravagance, particularly in dress,
and this it was thought best to restrict by forbidding
the use of brocade, silk, or velvet for clothes, or taf-
" It was among the charges flnng at Cortte that he not only enjoyed games
himself, bnt stooped to sharo in the illicit profits of those who dealt in them
unfairly; that he would punish gambling everywhere but in his own house;
where tables were always ready, with servants in attendance to furnish cards
and collect fees for their use. Several deposed to this effect, but chiefly of
those who had been mulcted heavily for violations of the gambling law.
Corti9f ReadenekL, i. 51, and passim.
^ Yet the language could not be more positive, nor the penalties more
severe. They were renewed with every change of officials. A c^dula of April
fi, 1528, had forbidden all play at dice, and permitted only cards and other
flames with stakes to the amount of 10 pesos de oro, once within 24 hours.
Ponce de Leon failed to execute royal oraers in this respect, and they were
repeated to the andiencia on July 12, 1530. Puga^ Cedulario, 23-4, 42-3.
Both having failed, a later cMula reprimands the audiencia and enjoins com-
pliance to the letter. Id,, 70-1. Yet by order of November 5, 1529, that
body is directed to withdraw all actions for gambling offences which had been
commenced prior to its institution, but to he vigilant acainst new offenders.
An order of March 1530 especially directs it to stop all proceedings against
Cortes; these proceedings had been followed by an excessive attachment
against his property in the sum of 120,000 pesos de oro. There is some color-
ing for the charffe that gaming was tolerated in the executive mansion, since
a resolution of tne cabildo on January 27, 1525, specifically forbids gaming in
the atarawuifts and in the palace, and directs the levying of prescribed mies
in case of violation. Libro de Cabildo, MS., Feb. 1, 1525.
"/A, June 21, 1627.
^* Panes argues for 1529, M<mumerUo8 Damin. Etq),, MS., 69, bat fights
were held already in June 1526, Veiancvrt, Trot. Mex.y 6, and perhaps earlier.
^ * For ser enoblecimiento de la CiudacL' A license of 40 pesos was paid.
Idbro de Cabildo, MS., October 30, 1526.
136 ORDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF C0RT£S.
feta for saddles, sword-belts, and shoes; or ernbroi-
dery or piecious metals in apparel — to all save those
whose possessions and rank gave them some claim to
indulgence, yet even in their case the amomit and
nature of the adornments were prescribed. These
regulations were enforced by a royal c^dula of 1528,
on the ground that extravagance led to extortioji from,
the already impoverished natives.^*
Domestic morality was promoted by requiring
every married settler whose wife was not in New
Spain to bring her to the country within eighteen
months from date, under penalty of forfeiting his.
estates. Unmarried encomenderos were enjoined to
obtain a wife within the same period. ^^ These meas-
ures, prompted by the desire to have well-regulated
and orderly settlements, found little favor with some
of the conquerors, whose aim was simply to drain their
several possessions and depart for homes they had
left with regret, and to which they would hasten with
delight. But the few must suffer for the general
good, and Cortes was prepared to shoulder his part
of the burden. Before the issue of this regulation
he had made strong efforts to carry out its features
by means of persuasion, and by placing funds at the
disposal of any one who was unable although willing
to comply with the requirements.^® Thus he hoped
to bind the conquerors to the country and assure ita
development.
" Puga, Cedulario, 23, 42; fferrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. ii., dec. iv. lib. vL
cap. iv. Cortes demanded in 1529 a reenforoement of the laws, which was
done with effect, to judge from Salmeron's letter of March 1531. ' There are
now but few if any to make silk garments, or to buy those already made; the
resources of the people have become small. The members of the audienda
wear only cloth so as to promote the dress reform.' CartOj in PcuAeco and
CdnUnaa, Col. Doc.y xiii. 202-3. Cortes also set an example by replacing his
adorned velvet cap with one of plain cloth.
" Torque conviene ansf para salud de sus conciencias. . .oomo para la
poblacion e noblecimiento destas partes.' Ordenanxas, in Id., xxvL 146-7.
^^ Application to Friar Juan de Tecto or Alonso de Estrada, the treasurer,
would msure all necessary assistance to bring out wives or unmarried daugh-
ters, on giving bonds. OomarOf JliaL Mex., 236. These curiously ordained
marriages proved fortunate in many cases, and had for issue some of the illus-
trious of the land. The commander, Lionel de Cervantes, who came with sevea
unmarried daughters had each of them well married. His daughter Beatrice^
CATALINA IN MEXICO. 137
In accordance with this spirit, he sent^" for his own
wife, Catalina Suarez, to whom he had been united
under -such peculiar circumstances.* Sandoval hap-
pened to be on the coast when she arrived, and under-
took to escort her to the capital. Cortes met them
near Tezcuco with a brilliant retinue, and tendered all
the honor which the wife of the governor of so vast
and rich a country could be expected to receive. At
Mexico she was greeted with processions, ringing of
bells, and salvos, and at night the queen city shone
ablaze with illumination, multiplied in the mirrored
surface of the dark waters. Amid all this joyous
demonstration Cortds is said to have borne a heavy
heart, covered by a mask of cheerfulness. This is not
unlikely, for the rather humble origin of his wife, the
not wholly spotless fame of her family, and the half
compulsory marriage, all must have tended to diminish
the devotion of the husband, and caused him to re-
gard her as a bar to the ambitious dreams nursed by
his ever-increasing fame and power. This view was
quite general, prompted partly by her unheralded
arrival, which made it appear as if she had come un-
bidden, in quest of a truant lord.^^ Nothing in his con-
duct, however, gave color to the rumor. He showed
loyal attention to her every wish and comfort, and
exacted all the deference from others that should be
accorded to the ruler's consort. She reigned indeed
a queen, a position to which the wildest dreams of
Catalina or her match-making mother had never at-
nnited to Francisoo de Velasco, became noted for her interest in the Francis-
cans, and contributed largely to the building of tlieir convent church and
hospitaL MemanOj in Prov. 8to Etxmg,, MS., 228-31. In Pwja, Cedularia,
179-SO, 20&-6, are decrees dated as late as 1559, ordering observance of thu
regulation.
** Modem writers consider that he should have directed his efforts more
toward a union of the two races, and thus more speedily have won over the
natives^ as instanced by the influence acquired by himself through Marina,
and by others in a similar way. But it was not so easy for the aispiriiig Ca;i-
tilian thus to recomcile himself to a perpetuation of an honored name by mere
half-breeds.
»8eeHiaL Mex,, L 48-52.
*^ So Bemal Diaz intimates. ' Y quando Cortes lo supo dizeron que le
Miia pesado mucho de su venida.' HieL Verdad., 166.
J
138 ORDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF C0BT£S.
tained. But this was not to last. In October 1522,
less than three months after her arrival^ she assisted
at a banquet in her usual health, and on the morrow
she was numbered among the dead.^
Lucky Cortes; men and women lived or died ac-
cording to his heart's desire I Her return to Cortes
after years of separation, while he was enjoying the
felicities of another liaison, her sudden death, the
convenience of the event in view of ambitious dreams
attributed to him by certain persons, added to the
interest pertaining to the conquerer at this time — all
this made the decease a subject of general interest,
and the ever-ready tongue of scandal found willing
ears for the charge that she had been criminally re-
moved. Nothing was openly said, however, for Cortes
was too powerful and too widely feared; but in letters
to Spain suspicions were intimated, and when, in
1529, his enemies held an audiencia, unawed by his
presence, the mother and brother joined the oppo-
nents to arraign him as a murderer, who, Uke Othello,
had suffocated her. The testimony, however, rested
on imaginings, for death had removed the only relia-
ble evidence, and no decision could be arrived at even
by his enemies. The attorney of Cortes attributed
the charge to an effort to extort money, and he him-
self suffered the affair to pass by in contemptuous
silence. The second audiencia did not resume the
investigation, and no notice was ever taken of the
accusation by friends and patrons of Cortes.** This
''"'Fiestas de todos Santos.' Acfisaaon, in PacJteoo and Cdrdenaa^ CoL
Doc., xxvi. 347.
^ The trial was held nt Mexico in February and March 1529, the crimi-
nating circumstances alleged being, the mystery and suddenness of the death;
strangulation marks round the neck; the order to the brother not to leave
his house; the enveloping of the head of the deceased in a veil, and opposition
to any scrutiny of the body; the refusal to impart any information about the
death to the alcalde mayor and others; the desire of Cortes to be rid of his
wife in order to marry a lady of rank, a niece of the bishop of BtSrgos. Sev-
eral of these points were affirmed by biassed witnesses, but not in any very
credible manner; while the wife of Alonso de Avila^ and others who had seen
the corpse, denied the knowledge of criminating signs. No sentence was
passed, and the affair was allowed to lapse into oUivion, the mother making
no allusion to it during a later suit for her daughter's riiare in the property
APPOINTING OPFICEftS. 130
virtually acquitted him^ though scandal-mongera
tinued to hint that Cort^ was not above acoomplish-
ing the death he so desired.
In his ordinances Cortes further provided for the
appointment of local authorities, to consist at first of
two alcaldes, four regidores, a procurador, and a
notary, with a person appointed to collect the reve-
nue. The municipality must meet once or twice a
week in the town-hall, or its temporary substitute, to
discuss the affairs of the town. The alguacil mayor
had a vote in this council, which could not be held
without the presence of the lieutenant or deputy
governor. The municipal officers were all appointed
annually by Cortes, who selected those recommended
to his friendship or interest. This absolutism caused
many complaints from disappointed office-seekers, and
resulted in a royal decree which placed with the peo-
ple the nomination of three candidates for each office
of regidor, the governor jointly with two royal offi-
cials appointing one of them. The regidores were
besides increased to six, and some were appointed by
the king in perpetuity.** Cortes objected to this
acquired during matrimony. The judges were the hostile Guzman and his two
fellow-members of the first audiencia. Francisco Mu&oz Maldonado repre-
sented Cortes. For account of the trial, see Acumdon, in Id., xxvL 298 et
seq.; CorUs, Remdenda, L 161, iL 358, 370, 372, etc.; Alamaji, DiaeH,, i. 30,
eta ' Murio de asma,' says l^mal IHaz, Hist, Verdad., 166; but the death
was too sudden for that. Peralta, a descendant of Suarez, attributes the
charee to malice, and maintains that she died a natural death, in a manner
similar to that of her two sisters. ' Y no tuvo culpa el marques, y did satia-
ia^ion deUo con el sentimiento que hizo, porque la queria muy en estremo. *
He erroneously styles Catalina 'Marquesa.' Not. IliHt., 133-4. It is added
that two sisters of Catalina lived many years in Mexico. One was married
to a prominent man, Andr^ de Barrios, and her three daughters became by
mama^ related to some of the oldest and noblest houses of Castile. Of a
third sister, who died unmarried, nothing is said.
^Pacheco and Cardenas, Col Doc., xxiii. 364, xxvi. 184, etc.; Mex., Ex-
traeios de Cedulas, MS., 2, 3; CorUs, Renidenda, i. 89 et seq., ii. 172 et seq.
The jurisdiction of the municipality had at first been limited to 3,000 mara-
redis, but the sovereign extended the limit to 100 pesos de oro, and author-
ized the governor and his lieutenant, or jueces de reaidencia, to decide in cases
not exceeding 1,000 pesos de oro. From these authorities the appeals went
to the audiencia and the India council, fferrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. i. iii
The small limit was placed by decree of December 24, 1523, hence the exten-
sion belongs to a later date, say 1525 or 1526. Mex., Extractos de CSdtUas,
3iS., 4, 5. See also HitiL Cent. Am., L 297, 330, this series.
140 OBDINAKCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF G0BT&3.
abrogation of authority as tending to overshadow the
royal prerogative deposited with the executive ; but
the opposition did not long endure.** He as well as
his companions made strenuous efforts to exclude
lawyers, as tending to create confusion, suits, and
embroilment generally.^ But their services were
soon found necessary, and gradually the door opened
wider and wider for their admission, one condition
being that advocates must promise under oath not to
aid a client unless he had justice on his side.^
The promotion of trade and traffic formed another
feature of his measures, and foremost stood the consid-
eration of a suitable port. Villa Rica Harbor was
incommodious, inconveniently situated, and unsafe,
particularly in being exposed to north gales. The port
at Pdnuco was too remote, and that at Goazacoalco
proved less suitable than had been expected. Search
was accordingly continued, and resulted in the selec-
tion of a site on Rio de Canoas, afterward known a&
La Antigua.^ The mouth formed a broad bay, shel-
tered partly by the shore, partly by the sand reefs
which formed a lagoon in front of it, and wherein
vessels would safely discharge goods into lighters for
transportation to the town which lay about a league
up the river. To this spot was transferred the Villa
^Cartas, 333-4.
^Oviedo termii them a pest, and Pizarro y Orellana cotnmendB Cortes
highly for excluding Moors, Jews, and lawyers, calling him * estotro Sabio de
Grecia.' Varcms Hvstres, 103-7.
^ * Jurasen que si bus partes no tenian justicia^ no les acudirian, ni pediriaa
terminos a fin de dilatar.' HerrerOy dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. ix. Under the
rule of Salazar, in 1525, the existing restrictions against lawyers were disre-
garded, and Alonso Perez was made the jurisconsult of the cabildo, with a^
salary of 160 pesos de oro. Aguilar, in August 1526, enforced the restrictions,
with fines and loss of patent For first and second contravention, and confisca-
tion and exile in the third instance. Libro de Cabildo^ MS., August 4, 1525;
August 18, 1526, May 17, 1527. By request of the city the prohibitory
law was revoked by cedula of August 2, 1527. Mex,^ Exlrtuios de CSdidas,
MS., 6.
^ So named from the situation there of old Vera Cruz. San Joan de Ulaa>
lay about three leagues to the south. Few old geographers pay attention to
the change of site undergone by the city, pleusing it close to Isla de Sacrifidos
and generally to the south of it. In Mumcfi Atlas, x. 1571, however, we find
Jio de aae Joao; Uaueracrus; uilla riqua: Hood, 1592, writes, i?. de Jiedelin^
8. Son dehtOf Laueracrm; Sen Jual; Villa Rka, Cartoy, Pae» Coast, MS., L
530
COMMERCE AND TOWN-BUILDING. 141
Kica of Port Bemal, with its officials and settlers,
and henceforth the name of Vera Cruz became the
common designation of the town." Cortes wrote
glowingly of its prospects, as only second in rank to
the capital, and he proposed a Casa de Contratacion
to promote its trade, the roads connecting it with
Mexico being improved for traffia But it found little
favor with the settlers, who complained so loudly of
its noxious airs, that those not possessing reparti-
mientos near it were permitted to reside at Puebla.*^
An additional cause for the slow growth of Vera
Cruz was the removal of Medellin from the interior
to near the mouth of the Jamapa, four leagues south
of modem Vera Cruz, where its proximity could not
fail to exercise a retarding rivalry. Indeed, the former
town was frequently called Medellin.^^
Nevertheless Vera Cruz remained the entrep6t for
trade, and thence after payment of duty the goods
were carried to Mexico, to be announced for sale by
public crier. To prevent monopoly, no person was
allowed during the first ten days after the arrival of
cargoes to buy more goods than were required for per-
sonal or domestic use.^ The sales took place at the
"See Albomoz, Carta, in Teazbalcda, CoL Doe., L 495; AUegrty Hist. Contf.
Jems, L 149; Herrtra, dec. iil lib. iv. cap. viii.; and Corih, Cartas^ 312-13,
all speaking of the site and removaL
** ' Porque es sepultnra de espafioles y no se crian nifioe en ella.' It was
proposed to move the town to a nealthier site a league and a half below the
mouth, bnt property holders objected. Lettre, in Temavx-CompanSf Voy.,
ser. ii. torn. v. 213. In 1531 most of the houses were still of straw, and fires
were frequent, one in that year causing the loss of 15,000 ducats. Salmeron^
Carta, in Paduxo and Cdrdenas, Col Doc, xiii 198. By law of Julv 12,
1530, the royal officials must alternate in residing there, one at a time. Aided
by the local authorities they must make the valuation of goods. Fonseca,
HiaL Hacienda, v. 10. Several orders for the selection of sites, the construc-
tion of defences, and other measures for towns, are given in Pacheco and Cdr-
denas, CoL Doc., xxiii. 362-5; Zamara, Bib. Lea. UU., iii. 30.
'^ Cortes leaves the impression that Medellin was moved to Vera Cruz.
Cartas, 313; bnt the statements of Albomoz and later developments show the
contrary. Jamani appears to have been called also Rio Chalchiuhcuecan.
Oviedo, vL 427. Hood, 1592, writes on his map R. de MedeUn; Ogilby, 1671,
has /?. Medelin.
^Five days was the limit for provisions, and 10 for other effects, after
which traders could buy freely. lAlfro de CabUdo, MS., November 4, 1524.
An early r^ulation had prohibited traders from buying goods till 30 days
after thieir acrival on the market*
142 ORDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF CORTES.
two great markets of the city, one in the Spanish
quarter, the other in the native, both of which were
subjected to stringent regulations concerning methods
of dealing, kind and quality of goods, and prices, all
planned with admirable foresight. The manifold
products of the soil and sea, of the manufacturer and
artist, were displayed in the same profusion as during'
Montezuma's rule, though varied with novelties of
Spanish origin. Even the production of these, how-
ever, was fast falling into the hands of native tillers
and artisans, who with a keen faculty for imitation
watched the operations of Spaniards, and readily sup-
planted them with their cheaper labor.**
Several of the royal c^dulas which prompted or
modified the preceding ordinances were brought dur-
ing 1524 by the new revenue oflScials aDOointed by
" For all goods a schedule of market prices was established. The method
in the important matter of meat was novel. The rate was determined bjr
public competition. Breeders and drovers had from New- Year's day to
Ash- Wednesday within which to make tenders, and at the end of that time
the lowest responsible bidder was assigned the contract. Owners of cattle
were allowed three months within which to slaughter and dispose of their
meats; during the rest of the year the city was supplied by the meat con-
tractor exclusively at the stipulated rate and under vigilant scrutiny as to
weight and quality. The slaughtering of cattle within the city limits was
strictly forbidden; the disgusting scenes of shamble life that long disgraced
England and other portions of the Old World were unknown. Public sUugh-
ter-houses, under surveillance of an inspector, were established on the out-
skirts, anticipating the abattoir of France. Particular directions were givea
for the breeding of all kinds of live-stock; protection and amenability were
secured by havmg all cattle duly branded and the distinctive marks of own-
ership properly registered with the citv notary. Fish-mongers were the most
important tradesmen. The sale of nsh, vegetables, and perishable provis-
ions was made the subject of many and particular sanitary laws reffulatin^
time, place, price, and quality. Cleanliness was made to be regarded aa &
cardinal virtue. Breaa could be offered for sale only in the markets, ni-
baked bread was subject to seizure and the vendor to fine. The weight of the
loaves was fixed and the scale of prices arranged from time to time by the
Jiel The duties of the fiel were those of a market superintendent. He was
to inspect the condition of all victuab exposed for sale, and to try weights
and gauge measures used in sales. Jointly with a regidor he was to deter-
mine prices of goods before they were offered for sale. Scales and weights had
to be examined every four months. An assayer was appointed to test the
alloy of gold, particularly the uncoined bullion used in ueu of money. LUfro
de CabUdo, MS., July 29. 1524, January 13, May 16, 1525. Prices of labor
were also regulated to some extent, /</., Decembler 23, 1527, and the charges
at inns. See Pacheco and CdrdenaSf Col. Doe,, xxvi 170-7, etc., and CorUa^
BucrUos Sueltoa, 29 et seq., in both of which ail these admirable ordinaAces
are given, as issued in 1524 and following years.
ARRIVAL OF NEW OFFICIAL. 143
fhe crown, Alonso de Estrada, who came as treasurer,
Gonzalo de Salazar, as factor, Rodrigo de Albomoz,
contador, and Pedro Almindez Chirinos, veedor. All
had acquired a certain knowledge of their duties in
various minor departments of public offices in Spain,
although they owed their appointment chiefly to the
favor of the all-powerful Cobos, secretary to the em-
peror. This was especially the case with Salazar and
Chirinos, the latter more generally alluded to as
Peralmindez, a contraction of his first two names.**
Both developed a talent for intrigue and unscrupu-
lousness that procured for them an unenviable record
in New Spain. Albomoz had held a position as sec-
retary near the king, and possessed excellent observa-
tion, but lacked strength of character. Estrada was
the more estimable of the four. He had been regidor
of Ciudad Real, and one of the royal body-guard.
With a claim of being the offspring of the Catholic
king was united love of ostentation, which wholly
failed to excite admiration in the minds of the some-
what plain and practical colonists, yet his swelling
carriage was not inharmonious with the position he
later acquired.
The development of the country demanded this
increase of officials, and, since Treasurer Alderete had
died shortly before, their arrival proved opportune.
Cortes vied with the rest in according them a demon-
strative welcome, and in propitiating with presents
and repartimientos men fresh from the imperial pres-
ence, and representing in a great measure the supreme
authority, with perhaps secret instructions to examine
and report on the condition and management of the
country, as indeed they had.*^ Their public instruc*-
tions were sufficiently explicit for them to claim a
'^Oveido, iii. 467, gives hia birthplace as Ubeda, and that of Albomoz as
MadrigaL Gomcan, Just, if ex., 242. Benud Diaz dififen, and writes Ubeda
or Baeza, and Paladinas or la Gama, respectiyely. HiH. Verdad.^ 188.
"^ThiB is shown by the reports wliich began to pour in from them.
Salaaaur on a later occasion even vaunted that he had been empowered to
anest and sentence Cortes, should indications of disloyalty appear. Of this
more will be said in a later page.
144 ORDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF CORT^.
considerable share of power, involving the right of
interfering with many of the gubernatorial measures,
particularly those connected with treasures, tributes,
and revenue generally." The first step toward assert-
ing their power was to demand the reimbursement of
certain funds appropriated by him from the treasury
and expended on necessarv expenditures against rebels ;
and further, to refuse allowing his claims for other
larger sums disbursed in promoting the welfare of the
country. ^^ These differences were adjusted in a spirit
of great moderation on both sides, for Cortds was
restrained by fear of the possibly hidden power of the
officials, and they by hopes of gifts and grants that
might flow from a man so influential as the captain-
general, and reputed to be immensely rich. The
time for pranks over royal prerogatives had passed ;
what the conquerer desired most of all now was to
have high position confirmed to him, so that he and
his heirs might therein rest secure. Therefore no
rupture took place at this time between him and the
king's officials, and when he left for Honduras in the
autumn all were in apparent accord. In secret re-
ports, however, the jealousy and enmity ever present
in high places appeared, and this coming to his ears, he
wrote to the king in his defence. With Estrada, who
figured at Mexico in the early spring of 1524,** his
intercourse was exceedingly cordial.
This policy of placing one official to watch another
was quite in accord with the spirit of the age, and
seemed to rulers necessary for the control of officials
far removed from the heavy machinery of home gov-
ernment. In the eyes of Spanish grandees Cortds
" They brought special orders to collect the almojarifa^go tax of 7} per
cent on imports. Forueca^ Hist, Hacienda, v. 7, 8.
'7 'Pues aula hecho laa armadas para sua malos fines.' Herrera, dec ill.
lib. v. cap. ziv.; ZurndrrCLga, Carta, in Ramirez, Doc, MS., 272^4. Albor-
noz estimated the sum due by Cort^ at 72,000 castellanos. Carta, in Pacheco
and CdrdenM, CoL Doc,, xiii 72-3. Oort^ admits 60,000 and odd castellanos.
Cartaa, 365.
*^See allusion to him in March. Coriia, EacrUoB Sueltos^ 87. Salacar
arrived in the autumn. Cortis, Cartaa^ 318,
MEAGRE REWARDS. 145
vas but an upstart adventurer with a r^omewhat
soiled record, whose later questionable achievements
must be regarded with due caution. Then there
were ever at hand those who made it their business
to defatne that merit in others which they themselves
lacked. It was his misfortune to be one of a doubt-
ful horde; and the crown was at a loss whether to
treat him as such, or as his services deserved. Its
intentions in the main were good, but it lacked the
power of omnipotence to enforce them.
For those of lesser pretensions the Spanish author-
ities entertained benevolent regard, being desirous
of rewarding those who had served well; therefore
orders were given to assist disabled soldiers with pen-
sions, while others were directed to send in an account
of their claims and services, so that they might be
compensated.® Meanwhile their repartimientos were
confirmed to them, and exemption was granted for
several years from a number of taxes, with reductions
in others.^ The crown was further pleased to assure
the colonists that New Spain should never be alien-
ated from Castile.*^
The most powerfiil impulse to settlement in Span-
ish America was undoubtedly the systems of repar-
^Ordenanza^ in PcteJieco and CdrdenaSj Col. Doe,, zzvi. 147-3. The re-
pftitition of spoilfl so far made amons them was not yet confiimed, however,
owingto the doubts cast upon it. Juex,, Extractos de C^dulaSy MS., 1.
^Daring the first two years they were to pay the crown but one tenth of
the gold obtained by mining; the next year one ninth, and so forth till the
reguLition fifth waa reached. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. iii.; lib. viii.
cap. zIt. This was revoked, and in 1526 the municipality of Mexico peti-
tioned for a fresh exemption in order to encourage mining. Libro de CcdMOf
MS., November 10, 1526. For six years exemption was granted from idl
taxes on victuals and provisions produced in New Spain, ana all persons im-
porting provisions and goods for their own account were exempted from
almcjcarijazgo, or other royal duties. For eight years the settlers were free
of aUabaia and other taxes on internal trade. In 15.')0 the almojarifazgo
exemption was extended for five years to immigrants from Spain. 3/ej:., Ex-
tractos de Cidultts, MS., 11. Traders paid 7^ per cent, a figure which varied
oreatly in course of time. Fines and similar dues were given to the towns
& ten years to assist them in constructing roads. Fonaeca, Hist, Hacienda,
ill. 458. A revocation of this gift was protested against. lAbro de CabUdo^
MS., August 31, 1526.
<i Reaffirmed in c^nU of March 12, 1524. Id., 4.
Hnrr. Mxx.. Toi*. n. 10
146 OUTHKANCKS AND STATESMANSHIP OF CORTfiS.
timientos and encomiendas,*^ so equivocally begun by
Columbus, and authorized by the sovereign as an en-
couragement to enterprising and meritorious conquer-
ors and colonists, and as the means of securing the
pacification and conversion of the natives, together
with a fair amount of tribute for the crown. The
system as concocted by the government, and as per-
verted and abused by the subject, has been fully con-
sidered in a previous volume.*^ The chief blame for
the constant evading of the many measures dictated
with charitable intentions by the home authorities,
must rest with the officials sent out to watch over the
observance of the measures. When those highest
in power set the example of disobedience, poor advent-
urers could scarcely be expected to imperil their
interests by seeking to stem the current of general
corruption. It had been repeatedly ordered that no
wars should be waged against the natives until every
effort for gentle conquest had been employed. Priests
must accompany expeditions to watch over the fulfil-
ment of this righteous decree, to enlighten the natives
as to the consequences of obstinacy, to propose favor-
able terms for traffic, and to protect them from unfair
and cruel treatment.** But whether they resisted or
submitted, the result was much the same, as we have
too often seen. In the former case they were killed
or enslaved at once, in the latter the chains of serf-
dom were slowly and tenderly wrapped round them.
In the Antilles, to replenish their fast thinning ranks,
regular slave-hunting expeditions had been organized,
" Leon defines the relative meaning of these words, as understood by the
colonists. K^partimiento implies the first distribution of natives among the
conquerors ; encomienda, the second grant or redistribution thereof, on death
or removal of first holder. In New Spain the former term was retained to
designate the weekly repartition of natives to work in field or mines. TnU.
Encomiendwt, 4, 5. The book is an important compilation of laws relating to
encomiendas, made by a relator of the Council of the Indies. Madrid, 1630.
« Hist. Cent. Am,, i. 262-6, this series.
** These different laws addressed partly to Cort6s with renewed injunc-
tions, partly to governors in the Indies generally, may be consulted in Becop.
de Indias, i. 564-70 et seq.; Zamora, Sib, Leg. UU., iii. 21-31; /'ocAeeo and
Cdrdenasy Col. Doc., xxiii. 353-62; Col. Doc. /nca'., i. 117-18; Montemayor^
Sumarios, i. et seq. ; and in preceding volumes of this series.
REPARTBIIENTOS AND ENCOMIENDAS. W
and to one of these was due the discovery of New
Spain^ as already related.
The conquest accomplished, the soldiers demanded
their repartimientos, the main and almost sole reward
for their long toil, now that the expected treasures
had dwindled to insignificance. Cortes claims that
the superior intelligence of the natives in New Spain
created a doubt in his mind whether they could be
successfully parcelled out in the same manner as the
Islanders. He thought at one time that the royal
taxes might be applied toward the demands of the
army, but recognized that the crown would expect an
increase of revenue rather than a diminution. The
clamor on all sides, from royal official to soldier,
must be satisfied, and so he yielded. In addition to
this pretext to cover the action of controlling men, it
was argued that the distribution of the natives was
the only means to protect them against indiscriminate
pillage and maltreatment, and to reclaim them from
abominable pagan vices.*^ Without real authority for
such measures, Cortes could only make them provi-
sional, but in a letter to the sovereign he explained the
justice and necessity for confirming the grants. At
a later date he even recommended the general parti-
tion of the towns of New Spain among tlio colonists.**
The court, however, had just been startled into activity
by the outcry of friars and judges over the cruel
extermination of the islanders, and by order of June
26, 1523, repartimientos were forbidden, those already
made being revoked.*^ But the step had not been
duly considered, and Cortes with the approval of the
royal officials took it upon himself to keep the cddula
secret. He frankly explained this course to the sov-
^CorU», Cartas, 271; Oomara, Hist. Mex., .329. Zam&rraga declares the
loyal treasurer Alderete to have been the chief instigator for a distribution.
Cartaj in Ramirez, Doe., MS., 272-3. Motolinia praises Cortes' conduct with
regard to the natives. Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 253-77.
** ' Vuestra Magestad deve repartir estos pneblos por los espaiiolcs . . . y que
km tienen por cosa propia.' Memorial, in J*acheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc.,
xiL280.
^ Ordtn, in Id., xxiii. 367-8.
148 ORDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF CORT^.
ereign on the ground that its enforcement would have
deprived the settlers of means of subsistence, given
cause for revolt, and discouraged immigration. The
royal revenue would fail, conversion would cease, and
the country itself might be lost.*^ So general were
the remonstrances that with the advice of the India
Council the prohibition was withdrawn and servitude
confirmed.
Even while assured in the possession of their serfs,
the conquerors had still grievances enough in connec-
tion with the terms, and especially the amount and
nature of the distribution. Indeed, with so many claim-
ants, it was impossible to satisfy the expectations and
caprices of all. The favored few were naturally de-
clared by the dissatisfied many to be less deserving of
reward than they. Nor were these accusations al-
together unjust, for besides securing to himself lar^e
and choice rewards, Cortes gave ireely to recently
arrived friends, who had taken no part in the conquest,
and to others whom policy made it advisable to court.*®
Leading natives were also propitiated with a share.
The conditions of the grant required the holder to
pledge himself to an eight years' residence in the
country in order to assure the interest both of crown
and natives. This was readily evaded by obtaining
deputies and leave of absence, while many made use
of their grant merely to exchange or sell it." Fur-
ther, the holder must build a house at the place of
^ 'Mas que lo qae hasta ahora se sabe del mnndo.' Carku^ .^8.
^In CorteSf Rmdencia, i. 48, 61-2, 259-62, etc., the complaints ai« freely
▼entilated; even Zumdrraga is blont about it, while Gromara naturally defends
his patron's course against insatiable malcontents. Bemal Diaz considers that
the country should have been divided into five parts: the best for the crown;
the next for the church, for benevolent purposes, and for special rewards; the
remainder to be distributed among the conquerors, including Cortds, according
to their standing. Hiet, F^nfcK/., 187-8.
*» Whole vil£ges were sold for a paltry 600 to 1,000 pesos. PeraUa, -^'b«.
HisL, 128. By c^dula of March 20, 1532, holders were obliged to obtain royal
permit for absence, or forfeit their grant; and by anotlier c^ula of the 16th
exchanges and partnerships were declared void. Puga, CedtUario, 10, 11, 79.
The marriage regulation could not well be enforced among these loose adyent-
urers, and this evoke<) strong representations from such officials as Albomos
and President Il^]oni8al. Carta, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xiii*
75-6, 226-7.
DUTIES TOWARD THE NATIVES. 14D
resideijce, yet abstain from visiting his villages with-
out special permit from the lieutenant of the district,
partly on moral grounds, partly to prevent abuses,
which might also react to imperil the life of the vis-
itor." In pursuance of this measure, it was forbidden
to take away women, and boys under twelve years, to
work on plantations.
In order to bring forth a steady revenue, plantations
were to be established near the villages and towns,
and cultivated by the Indians of the repartimiento.
These were to be summoned in squads, each for a
period not exceeding twenty days,^^ their departure
and return being noted by the lieutenant of the dis-
trict. The working hours were from sunrise till one
hour before sunset, with an hour at noon for rest.
Dismissed men could not be summoned again within
thirty days. While employed they must be given
necessary food, and every year merchandise to the
munificent amount of half a peso de oro.^ In return
for the service thus obtained, the encomendero miist
promote the conversion and civilization of his people,
first by placing the sons of the caciques, or representa-
tive men in his district, in charge of friars or curates
to be educated. This step was promoted by the sov-
ereign himself in offering to provide for the education
of a certain number in Spain, though little came of
it.** Second, by erecting a church in the towns, and
^^Trayellers often disappeared as Camargo afiBrj.i*, Hist. Tlax.^ 181; «'id
it was found necessary to make the caciques responsible for their safety.
Their hospitalities were generally free, altnough in royal orders relating to
the protection of native women, and abuses, even native governors were at
last enjoined to take nothing from natives without payment. Momtemayor^
Svmarios, 163. This law was also directed against vagrants.
«> The later role was to apportion 10 Indians for every 100 during 20
wf^ks of the year, and two per cent for the remaining weeks. These squads
were called respectively dobd and BenciUa^ terms corresponding to two coins.
Leon, Trat. Encomitnaas, 5.
** Laborers would haitlly need more than a loin-cloth for ordinary days,
and but little for gala days, so that the amount is after all not so ridiculous.
**The offer was made by letter of November 9, 1526, prompted perhaps
by Albomoz' suggestion to impress leading natives with the grandeur o£ Spain.
Several children died, and the parents oojected to sending them so far, and
thus the project failed. Puga^ Cedulario, 19, 21; Mendieta, Hint, Eclea,, 482;
AlbomoZf Carta, in Paeheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc,, xiii. 72.
150 ORDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF CORTfiS.
arranging for religious instruction, besides destroying
idols and repressing pagan rites. The kbor squads
should receive special training, and be made to join
every morning in prayers accompanied by an admo-
nition."
Encomienda Indians could not be taken to work in
the mines, or to places very remote fri m their villages.
For such purposes slaves were employed, consisting
of those who had been originally so held by the natives,
or who had been condemned to slavery for rebellion."
We have seen how large were the numbers captured
and branded after the reduction of every obstinate
province and city; quarrels being frequcutly forced
upon the natives by greedy captains in crder to obtain
an excuse for increasmg the number of slaves. Even
this was not enough, however, and either under pre-
tence of purchase or intimidation the caciques were
made to surrender the slaves held bv them. Fre-
quently the chiefs did not possess either sufficient
slaves or treasures to appease the demand made, and
to save themselves from persecution they gave into
bondage free subjects. Others were entrapped into
borrowing, or to the commission of petty offences, and
held as slaves in expiation. They were not only
branded, but treated with far greater severity than
u Every 2,000 Indians should have a priest, where obtainable, otherwiae
several viUages must be grouped under one minister. Of course, the regula-
tion was disregarded like most others, and at the petition of friars an order
was issued in 15^ to enforce it. Puga, Cedulario, 112. The regulations as
issued by Gort^ at Mexico, March 20, 1524, are to be found in Faeheoo and
CdrderuUy Ool. Doc., xxvL 135 et seq., and in CorUs^ Eseritoe Sueltoa, 27 et
seq. The form of certificate issued to holders may be studied in the follow-
ing specimen: * By these presents are deposited with you, Pedro Martin
Agaado, a vecino of the villa de Sant Elst^ban del Puerto, the lord and
natives of the towns of Tautoguene, Granchimar, and Tantucci, that Francisoo
Ramirez visited, to the end that you mav avail yourself of their services, and
they may help you in your estates and business, agreeably to the ordinances
now provided or hereafter to be enacted upon the subject, with the obUgatioii
of giving them instruction upon the teachmgs of our holy Catholic faith, asing
therefor all possible and necessary vigilance and solicitude. Done at this villa
de Santist^ban on the 1st of May, 152.H. Heniando Cort^. By order of his
Worship, Alonso de Villanueva.' Pacheco and CdrdemMy Col Doc., vii. 30B.
M Certain viUages, originally belonging to rebellious provinces probably »
and partly to mining regions, had besides to .Ornish four Indians in every
hundred K>r mining. Leon, Trot. EnarniiendaSy 5.
ABUSES OF POWER. 151
Tinder their ancient laws,*^ and even exported to the
islands to perish miserably under hardships and cli-
matic ravages. Motolinia alludes to the inhuman
treatment of slaves in the mines, and the consequent
mortality, as the sixth plague of Mexico, and he joins
in the representations made to the king against the
abuse of Indians, particularly the removal from their
native districts. To present this the more forcibly it
was pointed out that by depriving the chiefs of too
man}' slaves they would be made unable to pay the
required tribute.
The main representations came from the council of
friars and oflScials held at Mexico in September 1526,
in accordance with the instructions brought by Ponce
de Leon, and among the remedies proposed were the
appointment of inspectors to watch over the strict
observance of the laws protecting Indians, and the
grant of encomiendas in perpetuity to meritorious
men, who should be held responsiole for the good
treatment of their vassals. By thus assuring the
possession of the grant, the holder would feel an in-
terest to preserve the health and lives of those belong-
ing to him." For this reason also the tenure of towns
and lands by the crown was not advisable, sindfe the
population either neglected to produce tributable
effects, or were despoiled and oppressed by different
^Qeelfaiive Baees^ u. 217-22, etc., on condition, claases, and treatment.
JUflO Las CoMU, El Indio Eaclavo, 25. Yet Cortes writes that the most
effective menace toward an Indian was to intimate that he should be restored
to previous servitude under native masters. * Y esto temen mas que otra
ningnna amenaza ni caatigo. ' ' Esclavos cognoeci yo en casa de deuaos mios
herrados en la cara con letraa que decian el nombre de quien los habia vendido. '
Jhuxm, Hiat. Ind., MS., ii. 520-1. Motolinia' speaks of the brand called
'reecate de S. M.,* which came with the royal officials in 1524, it seems.
Carta^ in Icazbaleeta, Col. Doe., i. 274. The abuse was fostered partly by the
royal permission given in early years to enslave rebels, and to buy those
already enslaved, as Albomoz points out. CariOf in Pacfieco and Cdrdencu,
CoL />DC, ziii. 55^; Puga, Ceduiario, 16.
^It was urged that Vidians should not be taken beyond a distance of three
to four leagues from their homes; enslaving should be limited; affriculturiats
might be introduced and given a number of natives to train in their branch.
Letters and Memorials, in Icaebalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 155-7, 202-3; 54.'>-51;
Paekeeo and Cdrdenaa^ CoL Doc^ zii 124-5, 284-5; xiiL 56^, 65-7; Moto-
MmkL, HkL IwL, 18.
152 ORDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF OORTl^
oflScials.*^ The result was a series of decrees, orderiiig
that illegally enslaved beings should be released, that
enslavement must be eflfected only before royal offi-
cials, and so forth, all admirable in tone, and com*
mended to the clergy for enforcement; but the mere
permission to enslave rebellious natives opened the
door to many and great abuses, and the royal officials
were ready enough to lead the way.~ As for tenure
of encomiendas, they were confirmed to the holder for
life, subject to good conduct, and though reverting ta
the crown upon his death, they were generally given
to his descendants, in part at least.*^ Others were by
special decrees conferred in perpetuity on certain
prominent families, including several native princely
houses.® For the crown were set aside the ports,
the leading towns, or capitals of districts, and other
select tracts.*'
For a long time the encomenderos stood betweea
the crown and the natives as subordinate tribute col-
^' Cort^ explains to the soTereign that on perceiving this deterioration he
gave certain towns in repartimientos, to the immediate increase in revenue,
and he therefore recommended the transfer of others. Cartas, 331-2. This is
confirmed by Zum^Lrraga^s report. Ramirez, Doc, MS., 273. Tlascala had to*
remain tmder the crown, but officials watched over the produce yield. IxtU.1-
xochitl claims that Tezcaco declined under its condition as crown property,
while low-bom collectors abased the impoverished lord and nobles. Bel., 391.
^ Indians were intimidated to submit to what was called just enslavement^
or voluntary service in mines, and thus the laws of 152G and 1528 were nuUified.
Soon after enslavement in war was forbidden, and finally slavery was abol-
ished, only to rise again under the term of peonage. For cddulas see Puga,
Cedulario, 16, 17, 21; CoL Doc. IiiM., i. 111-19; Kecop, de Indias, i. passim;
Zamora, Bib. Leg. UU., iii. 30 et seq.; Tortpiemada^ iii. 254-5; Quiroffa, in
Pachero and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 425. In 1537 Tlascala decreed the
liberation of all her slaves, an example commended by the viceroy. Id., ii. 202.
^^This inheritance was confirmed by c^dula of June 16, 1535, Puga, Cedu-
lario, 108; and opened the way for new abuses, hasty marriages being formed
to retain the grants, as Mendoza complains. Carta, in Florida, CoL Doc., 126.
^^ Such as Pedro de Montezuma, whose heirs, the dukes of Atlixco, enjoyed
in 1699 an immense income chiefly from encomiendas bought back by the gov-
ernment. See hist. Mex., i.-460, this series, and Fonseca, Hist. Ha/iienda,
i. 426. Encomiendas were gradually absorbed by the crown, either by re-
version or purchase, and the natives became nominally free, a condition for
which they grew more fitted as the new civilization, with its arts and indus-
tries, spread among them.
^Zamora^ Bib. Leg. Ult., vi. 81. With this order Cortes had already
complied, though he failed not to remonstrate against crown tenure, suggest-
ing that at least different measures from those prevailing should be adopted
for administering them.
REVENUE. ISa
lectors. The first revenue obtained iVom New Spain
had been the fifth of presents, of extorted treasures,
and of slaves.** Even before the death of Montezuma,
Cortes had compelled the captive emperor to surrender
his tribute-rolls for the guidance of Spanish collectors,
who after the fall of Mexico went forth again to com-
plete their task. The rolls contained the names of
three hundred and seventy tributable towns, with the
amount and kind of taxes to be paid, usually one third
of everything made and produced, and in due propor-
tion where service was exacted. The collection took
place at different intervals for different towns, though
generally once every eighty days.*^
The Spanish collectors took advantage yS this to
guide them in their search for treasures, fabrics, and
other valuable effects, one following another in quick
succession to extort all that could be obtained, by
menace, assumed patronage, and barefaced robbery.
Then the encomenderos stepped in and took what
they could from what was left, watching in their re-
spective tracts over the steady production of raw and
manufactured material, which must thenceforth he
the main reliance." During the first years the caciques
aided both encomenderos and collectors, in receiving
the tribute in service and produce; but the pressure to
which they were subjected tended to impoverish them,
partly because their vassals grew less submissive, and
so they gradually yielded the position to unscrupulous
strangers. So ^reat was the extortion practised that
Motolinia calls it the fifth plague.®^ As usual c^dulas
•* The regulations for exacting the fifth have been treated of in Hist. Cent,
Am., i. this series. See also Zamora, Bib. Leg. UU., v. 272-82; Recop. de
Indias, ii. 480 et seq.
'^See NcUive Haces, ii. 231 et seq., for a fnll description of the ancient
system of taxation. In Cortes, Hist. N. Esp., are a number of reproduced
rent-roU paintings.
"^Cort^ points out that the exaction of produce tribute could not be ef-
fected with advantage saye through encomenderos. Cartaa, 330-1.
^ 'Loe trataban bestiahnente, y los estimaban en menos que k bestias.*^
Hist. Ind., i. 18. Other friars also raised their voice in representations to the
court, Jcazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 540, as did Zurita in his able report, wherein
he also shows how native rulers were abused or deposed by the encomenderos-
when greed demanded better collectors. Pacheco and Cdrdenast Col. Doc., ii.
164 ORDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF CORTES.
appeared to repress the evil, but it was not until the
development and reorganization of the treasury de-
partment that any improvement took place, with such
measures as the abolishing: of personal service, and
the assessing of tribute solely by officials, supervised
by inspectors and the clergy.^
33-^, 103-4. Nor did the disappointed longera for a share in the plunder
fail to join in the cry, accusing Oort^ above all as one who had assumed for
himself the best and most numerous provinces, with some 200 rent-rolls, and
several millions in treasure. Cortes, HeMdenda, i. 27-8, 68-0 et seq. The
tribute embezzled by him from Tezcuco alone was estimated at 60,000 castella-
nos, and yet the crown received during the first three years after the fall of
Mexico only about 150,000 in fifths, brides some costly presents.
^For the different branches and their routine, see Recop, de Indiaa, ii.
385 et seq. ; Fonaeca, Hist. Hacienda^ v. 13, etc. Though needing means, the
crown was quite moderate in its demands, which 'should never be allowed to
exceed those of the pa^;an rulers, lest the change to Christian ruling compare
unfavorably with previous condition.* In Mendoza*s time, accordingly, the
tax was reduced to the small sum of 32 reales de plata for each Indian, or
*ocho tostones' as Fonseca puts it. Id,, i. 413-14. In 1571 the tribute was
fixed at 7^ reals of regular money and one fanega of maize for married tax-
payers; one real extra for widowers; and half of what they paid for unmarried
of both sexes. The laws in the RecopUacUm^ iL 225 et seq., ordain that sub-
dued Indians collected in towns x>ay only half their original tribute for the
first two years; if unconverted, the doctrma share is to be set aside for provid-
ing ministers and hospitals. A later decree of 1607 exempted for ten years
from tax and service those who voluntarily submitted to sovereign and church.
Those not residing within such exempt district, or subject to encomenderos,
must pay. Tax levy begins with the unmarried man after the eighteenth year.
Caciques and their eldest sons are exempt; also women and alcaldes. No tax
must oe collected save that declared by tne official assessor. Onl v two to three
staple articles should be collected in one town. Laborers should not be taken
away from their towns to work in plantations. The encomendei-o must take
away tribute from the towns to his residence at his own cost, and levy none
in case the crops fail. Personal service was abolished by law of 1540, which
had to be recnforced by later c^dulas, ordering produce or money to be paid
instead, and so forth. See also Zamora, vi. passmi; Fonseca^ Hist, Hacienda,
i. 416, etc. Authorities, of greater or less value, consult^ in addition to
those cited in preceding chapters: Col. Doc. In4d., i. 99-100; Puffa, Cedulario^
7-71; Sqmer'8 MS., ii. 69-62; Oviedo, iiL 436, 466-77; Temaux-Compans,
Voy., ser. ii. tom. v. 6, 6, 80-5, 212-41, 276-93; Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col.
Doc,, ii. 224-5; iv. 567-71; v. 656-61; vi. 170-82, 276-7, 294; vii. 290-338j
xii. 213-15, 277-97; xiu. 63-82, 104-8, 132-72; xiv. 43; xxiii. 353-68; xxvi
6-29, 135-84, 298-351; Torquemadu, iii. 253-7; Icazbalceta, Col. Doe., i p|
xlix.-liv., 470-510; ii. 4-24, 545-53, 592-3; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., I 295
ii. 91-113; Cortes, Escritoa Sueltos, 26-101, 169-74; Libro de CahUdo, MS.
passim; ifotoHnia^ Hist. Ind., 18-19; Recop. de hidias, tom. ii. 39-45,
268-9; Cort^, Hist. N. Esp., 370-99; Ramirez, Proceso, 6-25, 73-6, 179-84;
Las Casas, Regio. Ind. Devastat., 25 et seq.; Salazar y Olarte, Conq. Mex.
19-21; PrescotCs Mex., iii. 259-65, 327-8; Alaman, Disert., i. 142-6, 171-91
255-6, app. 105-43; ii. 30, 63-78, 178-80, 309-17; Mex. Extractos de Ciduias,
MS., 2-6; Ramirez, Doc., MS., 272-4; Remesal, Hist. Ckyapa, 44-6: Monn
mentos Domin. Esp., MS., 58, pt. v. 5, 6; Archivo, Mex. Doc., i. 19, passim,
ii. 31 et seq.; Panes, Extencion V. Cruz, MS., i; Rivera, 06b. Mex,, i. 16-17
Vetancvrt, Trot. Mex., 6; Mendieta, Hist, ^c^m., 519-29; Rivtra, Hist. Jalapa^
i. 41-57; Pizarro y Orellaiia, Voi-Qitta Hvstres, 103-6, 122-3; Gonzalez DdvUa.,
AUTHORITIES. 155
TtaJiro Ecles., I 10; Duron, Hist, Ind,^ MS., ii. 620-1; PortiUa, Esp. en Mex.^
50, passim; Brtuaeur de Bourbourg, Hint. Nat. Civ., W., 574-93, 727-56,
805-35; Rivera, Mex. en 1842, ll-^, IxtUlxochitl, Belacumes, in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., ix. 427-47; Robert9on*9 Hist. Am,, ii. 133^1; Mongfave, RUum6,
133-8; Helps' Cortis, ii. 136-52; Id., Span. Cong., iii. 3-29; Castillo, Dice,
HtMt., 290-1; Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 7-29, 80-8; Carriedo, Estud. Hist., 122
Miller, Reisen in Mex,, iii. 178-9; Lerdo ds Tejada, Apunt. Hist., 112-41
Anquelil, Univ. Hist,, ix, 505-8; Camargo, Hist. Tlax,, 181; Mex. Mem,
Agrie., 1843, 10-11; Aa, Naaukeurige Vet-sameling, 215-53, 328-30, 396-418
Bustamante, Cvad. Hist., iv. 62-5, 88; Fleury, Hist. Decouv., 183-5; Fossnf,
Mexique, 136-8; JaXiseo, Mem. Hist,, 38, 86-7; Chaves, Resp., MS., 1-19
Laharpe, Abr4g4, x. 74-6; Zamacois, Hist, Mex., iv. 82 et seq.; Abbot's Mex,
and U, S., 27-8; Id., C<yrt6s, 281-303; Ti>mel y MendivU, Aparidon, ii. 183-95
Wa][^dus, Mex. und C, Am., 59; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 84-6; Chevalier ^
Mexique, 251-6; Escosura, Conjuraeion, i. p. xiii; Zerecero, Mem. Rev, Mex.^
448-9; Russell's Hist. Am^, i. 249-58; Museo Mex., ii. 268-71, 352^; Armin.
AUe Mex., 339, 346-8; Frost's Pie. Hist. Mex., 122-3; Pap. Var., cl. pt,
xxxiv. 8; diii. pt. viiL 25-9, 46^50; Salnum's Mod, Hist,, iii. 194-6; S. Am,
CMd Mexico, i. 43-4; Kewen, Nic and Walker, MS., 3, 4; Montemayor, Svma-
rio8, 191; Soc, Mex, Oeog., Boletin, v. 326-32; Mora, Rev, Mex., iii. 178-80l
Dubois, Mexique, 85-7; Martinez, Hist. Rev. Mex,, i. 13-17; Peralta, Not,
HisL, 53-66, 128-34, 256, 315-40.
CHAPTER 13.
APOSTOLIC LABORS.
1522-1528.
Beuoious Feeuno among the Cokquebobs — ^Thb First Ministers — Juak
JhAZ AND Fbiab Olmedo — Papal Interest Displayed— Frangisoo dk
LOB Anoeles' Proposed Mission — ^Brother Qante and his Compan-
ions—Father Valencia— Franciscan Rules and Priyileqes— Thk
Twelve Apostles — Indian Astonishment — Cort^ at the Feet op the
Friars — Politic Self-abasement — First Synod — Monastio Disci-
pline—Convents AND Hospitals — Methods of Conversion — Choirs
AND Orchestras— Tricks of Trade — ^Friars and Disciples — Stub-
bornness OF Proselytes— Baptism en masse and Bestowal of
Names— Legality of the Rite — The Marriage Question— Native
Catechists and Missionaries— Inoonoclasts and Martyrs— Prog-
ress OF Conversion and its Causes — Christian -like Rites among
THE Natives— Attractivb Features of the Roman Chubch— Fes-
tivals—Character OF the Friars.
While political and financial projects formed the
absorbing motive with the ever increasing swarm
of adventurers in New Spain, as elsewhere, Cortds
among others had not forgotten the sacred motto-
under which he had set forth, and to which he attrib-
uted his success. In the famous regulations issued
at Tlascala before undertaking the siege of Mexico he
had sought to recognize their indebtedness to heaven
by proclaiming the primary motive of the campaigns
to be spiritual conquest, without which the temporal
acquisitions must be regarded as unjust.^ With only
one friar, however, whose services, in connection with
those of the clergyman Diaz, were almost wholly ab-
sorbed by the soldiers, little or no progress could be
made toward the great aim. In his letters to Spain^
1 See full text thereof in Icazbalceta, CoL Doc., i. 445-51.
REUGIOUS TEACHERS. ; 157
Cortes clearly pointed out this deficiency, and asked
for more workers in so promising a field. The request
was supported by Father Olmedo, and also by others,
who, without caring for the salvation of souls, had
found friars an efiective means to promote the subju-
gation of the natives, and especially to maintan con-
trol, so as to assure possession of the grants and serfs.
The presence of the holy men proved also a stimulus
to the soldiers during the hardships of a march, or
"the dangers of a battle, only too clearly recognized
by Cortes, who, for that matter, was sincere in the
acts of devotion with which he began and ended his
undertakings. So were his companions, with more or
less feeling, since it would have been heresy to neglect
Christian forms, however much the inward nature
disregarded them. With the prevailing simplicity and
religious zeal most men, indeed, felt comforted by
these rites, which to them constituted a great conso-
lation.
The king was aware of the need of spiritual guides
for soldier as well as native, and commended the sub-
ject to his councils and to the pontiff; but the little
known of the conquest and the country during the
first years infused a cautious hesitation on the part of
both laity and churchmen,^ and the field remained
neglected. During the siege of the capital five reli-
gious teachers figured among the thousand fighters,
with their two hundred thousand auxiliaries, Father
Olmedo, the three clergymen, Juan Diaz, Juan de
Leon, and Juan Ruis de Guevara, the last two of
Xarvaez' expedition, and the Franciscan Pedro Mel-
garejo de Urrea, who had come to sell indulgences.
To this number might be added the interpreter Agui-
^Mendieia, HiaL Ecles., 187. The Dominiciaa Remesal charges the delay
. in part to the want of interest taken by Fonseca in the conquests of Cort<^8.
HigL Ckyapa, 9, and his hostility must have had its effect. Brasseur de
Bonrbourg pleads that the hesitation of theologians and jurists to declare the
validity of Spain*8 right to these countries — 'Evidence en llionueur de la
religion catholiane et des ministres de Charles V.' — was the retarding cause
-for not sending friars to protect the natives. Hist. Nat, Cw.^ iv. 576.
158 APOSTOLIC LABORS.
lar, who had studied theology and assisted at service.*
Only two, however, stand forward as teachers and
ministers, Olmedo and Diaz, the latter already mem-
ber of the previous expedition under Grijalva, during
whose voyage he performed mass and baptized a native.
Even he was forstalled by the priest Alonso Gonzalez^
of C6rdoba's party, to whom belongs the highly prized
honor of performing the first Christian rites in New
Spain.*
Juan Diaz labored under a disadvantage as a
churchman through his pronounced loyalty to Velaz-
quez, which caused him to meddle in plots, and
brought upon him the disfavor even of the natives.
He became the first parish priest in Mexico, but re-
signed to follow Alvarado to- Guatemala for a short
time, after which he returned to Mexico, only to be
killed in a tumult at Quecholac a few years later.^
' Cabrera, Eacudo de Armas, 215, omits Urrea, and dignifies Agoilar as dean,
though his later record is rather of a worldly character. He was made residor
of Segura in 1520, in reward for services as interpreter, and obtained a land
grant from the municipality of Mexico on November 28, 1525. Libro de
CahUdo^ MS. In 1529 he figured as a witness against Cort^, who had failed
to meet his expectations of reward. CorUs, HesideTieia, ii. 17S-83. Bemal
Diaz, who supposes him dead in 1524, casts a slur on the moral character of this
professed anchorite by saying, *muri6 tullido de bubas.* Hist, Verdad,, 244.
^See HisL Mex., i. 6, 0, 25. Great rivalry existed among the difierent
orders, each exaggerating its share in the work of conversion. The Francis-
cans and Dominicans exhibit actual hostility in their relations, and the former
do not hesitate in their writings to claim the primacy as first comers, to which
end they either ignore the first laborers in the field, or argue that ihey came
without authority, and must consequently be regarded at most as spiritual
guardians of the soldiers alone. This spirit ia apparent throughout the vol-
umes of Motolinia, Mendieta, Torquemalda, Vetancurt, and Cronzalez D&vila.
Even BX)ecial papers have been written to defend the claim, among which may
be mentioned I indkias de la Verdad, MS., 1773, by Francisco ^tonio de la
Kosa Figueroa, wherein even the three Flemish friars who arrived in 152S
are ignored in their claim to primacy among Franciscans, on the ground that
they were not under the papal bull authorizing the great twelve who came la
1524. The real objection was probably that they were Fleroiiu;s, not Span-
iards. Olmedo, of the order of Mercy, was undoubtedly the first friar, but
the organ which proclaimed his fame did not command numy hearers, Hi»
best cmtmpion is the editor of Bemal Diaz' Historia Verdadera, who does not
scruple, like his rivals, to invent and interpolate in this history statements
wherewith to extend the merits of lus order. The learned Si^enza y G<Sn-
gora devotes much attention to the subject, particularly in his Anotaciones
Criticas, MS., wherein he refutes the claims of the Franciscans, yet fails to
exhibit sufficient facts for his argument. Grijalva, Cr6n,, 1, 2.
^Figueroa, Vindicia^, MS., 104-5, following a doubt of Vetancurt, sup-
poses with several others that he left New Spain forever shortly after tfi»
fall of Mexico, but on returning from Guatemala he appeared on October 27*
DEATH OF OLMEDO. 169
A more conspicuous role was filled by Father Olmedo
universally respected for his prudent zeal and humil-
ity, his devotion to Cortds and the soldiers, and his
kind interest in the nativea Not only this : he waa
in a remarkable degree for the age free from that
excessive zeal which controlled the conquerors, and
stained so many of their acts; and he possessed an
admirable clearness of mind and knowledge of tlie
world, which made him the trusted adviser and agent
of his leader, and saved the army on more than one
occasion from dangerous imprudence. When Cortes
left for Honduras in 1524 he placed him in charge
of the religious interests with which he was con-
cerned ; but the good friar died shortly after, deeply
regretted by his countrymen and the natives/
Some time before this friar Melgarejo came from
Spain, to grant indulgences for blasphemies, outrages,
on defenceless natives, and similar sins and crimes,
and set out on his return in 1522 with a considerable
sum, which was captured by French corsairs/ His
departure did not affect the financial interests of the
church, for the tithes were duly collected, amounting
in 1523-4 to five thousand five hundred and fifty pesos
de oro for Mexico city alone.^
1525, before the municipality of Mexico to obtain the confirmation of a land-
Smt. Libro de CabUdo, MS. In June 1529 he testified at the residencia of
varado. JRamirez, Proceso^ 124. Soon after he was killed during a tumult
between the Popolucas at Quecholac, together with three or four soldiers,
and waa partly eaten by the natives, of whom the ringleaders were burned
for their crime. Testimony of Indians, in ConrtViw Prop. y.5-:7J-/A5, 11-15. The
body is said to have been deposited at Tlascala. l^ojtjuemada, iii. 71-2; CVi-
brera, E»cudo de ArmaSy 215. In the hermitage of S. Estevan, adds Vetan-
cart, who doubts the statement of (>on2sale^ I)&vila that he was buried at
Puebla. TecUrOt ii. 14(5. Puebla was not founded till 1531-2. Brasseur do
Bourbourg treats of his career with some pains, but makes several radical
Uunders.
' He was bune<l at Tlatelulco, in Santiago sanctuary. Bernal DiiiZy Hint,
Verdad.f 211. It is said that he had baptized 2,500 persons, (rranados,
Tardett, 296, sends him off to Spain, and Zamacois, as usual, hazards several
doubtful assertions.
^ The corsairs captured nearly all the treasures and remittances sent on
liiat occasion. See p. 83, this volume.
* They were farmed out, and the money used by the royal treasurer for
building chnrchee, buying ornaments, and paying priests. Medellin and
Vera Croz tithes were worth at least 1,000 pesos; uiose of other settlements
are not giyen. Cdrtes, Carta$, 321.
160 APOSTOUC LABORS.
Nevertheless a bull had been issued by Pope Leo
X. as early as April 25, 1521, in favor of two Fran-
ciscan applicants, the promineiit Francisco de los
Angeles*^ and Juan Clapion, the latter a Fleming and
former confessor to the emperor, whereby they wer*
permitted to preach, baptize, confess, administer tht
sacraments, decide matrimonial questions, administei
extreme unction, consecrate churches, excommunicate
and absolve from excommunication, without inter-
ference from any secular or ecclesiastic authority. ^*^
While suitable companions were sought for, and the
necessary means, the death of the pope took place,
followed by that of Clapion ;^^ and other obstacles,
•chief among them the election of Angeles as general
of his order."
The election of the cardinal-regent Adrian of Spain
to the papacy, early in 1522, and the clearer accounts
from New Spain, caused more energetic measures
to be taken by the church, and on May 13, 1522,**
a new bull was issued, authorizing all mendicant
friars, especially the minorites designated by their
superior, to freely undertake the conversion of na-
tives in the Indies. Only those fitted by their life
and knowledge for the position should be selected.
The prelates of the orders and their delegates were
invested with all power needed for the conversion of
natives and the maintenance of the faith in the Indies,
including the exercise of such episcopal acts as did
not actually require the prerogative of a consecrated
bishop, in places where no such prelate existed, or in
places lying at a greater distance from the bishop's
' * Por otro nombre, de Quifiones, hermano del conde de Ltma.' Mendietaj
Hist, Eclea., 187.
^^Remesal, Hist. Chyapa^ 41, seems rather nettled at these vast privil^es
to a rival order, and assumes with an * of course * that they applied also to
the later coming Dominicans.
1^ In 1522, at Valladolid, says Beaumont, Cnin. Mich,, IL 501-2, who writes
the name Glapion. Torquemada, iii. 6, 7, following Mendieta, attributes too
much effect on the project to the demise of the pope. Yet the new pope maj
have objected to the privilege assigned so exclusively to two fiiars.
" In 1523, Mendieta. He afterward became cardinal. Vetanevrt, Chron, , I.
" So reads the Latin text, yet almost every author says either 9th or lOt^
THE FLEMINGS. 161
;abode than two days* journey." All privileges granted
to friars for the Indies by preceding pontifis were
confirmed.
Ever since the projected transfer of Cordoba's dis-
<x)verie8 to the admiral of Flanders/* the Flemings
had taken a certain interest in the new region, and
with the authorization issued to Franciscans generally
to engage in conversion, three friars of that nationality
obtained permission to begin the long delayed work.^*
They were Juan de Tecto, guardian of the convent at
Ghent, the emperor's confessor, and a most learned
man," Juan de Aora, and Pedro de Grante, lay-brother,
a man of talent and exemplary life, who acquired great
respect and influence, the latter chiefly through his
relationship to Charles V."
Leaving Spain in May, they reached Villa Rica
^* The permiflsion eave rise to nnmerouB quibbles, and by bull of Feb. 15,
1535, at tne request ^ the Franciscan commissary, tlus episcopal power was
extended to any place, without restriction as to distance, but subject to the
consent of the bishop in the diocese concerned. The text of the different
bulls is given fully, or in substance, in Mendieta, llist. Ecles., 18^96; Prov.
Stf» Evaiig., MS., pt iii. 83; Torquemadat iii. 6, 7; Vazquez, Chron, de Ghxa.,
18; Garcia, Hist, Bethlem., iL 13; Beaumont^ Crdn, Mich., ii. 507.
'^See Hisi. Mex., L, this series.
^^Cknning solely with the permit of their provincials, 'no con autoridad
apoetdlica. . .ni con mandate ael ministro general,' they cannot be recognized
as the first Franciscans in New Spain, observes Mendieta. Hist. Ecles,, 215.
" For 14 years professor of theology at Paris. Motolinia, Hiat. Ind,, L HI.
As his confessor, the emperor at first hesitated to let him go ; but his star
called him to perish miserably on the terrible Honduras expedition in 1525,
under Cort^. See Oante in Cartas de Indiaa, 52; also Hiat. Cent. Am.,i. 548,
this series. Bemal Diaz includes Juan el Flamenco among those who were
drowned in the vessel sent by Cortds to Mexico on arriving at Honduras. Hist.
Verdad,^ 208. This may refer to Aora, who acoompaniea Tecto, and died on
the same journey, as Gante affirms, LeUre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy,, s^rie i.
tom. X. 190-200, for Torquemada, iii. 424-5, declares that Tecto died of star-
vation and hardship durioff the march to Honduras. Mendieta on the other
hand writes that Aora £ed while catechisiuff at Tezcuoo, soon after his
■arrival, and that his body was removed to the jnranciscan convent at Mexico,
after its completion. Hi8i,EcU8.yGffJ, If so, he was the first missionary who died
in New Spain. The name civen to Tecto is the Spanish form for Jean de Toit.
^Beaumont, Crdn, Mich,, iii. 251. What relationship Ib not clear, though
Al^zre says, 'For la ilustre sanm de los reyes de Escocia,' Hist, Comp. Jews,
i. 1§0; and IxtUlochitl, Hot. Grueidades, 60, guesses at cousin, while Pres-
coit, Mex., iii. 256, and Brasseur boldly assert, his 'illegitimate son;'
'brother* would have been a better guess, since Charles was bom in 1500, and
at Ghent (Gante). His proper name was * Pierre de Mura, natif de la ville
dTguen, dans la province de Budarde.* Oand, Lettrt, in Temaux-Campans,
Fby., s^e i torn. x. 199. Hazart writes Petrus de Muro. Kirchen-OesdUchte^
ii 609; Fernandez, Hist, Ecles,, 47.
Hist. Max., Yoi.. II. 11
162 APOSIOUC LABORS.
August 30th,^ and were received with the demon-
strations suited to their sacred mission. Tezcuco was
chosen for head-quarters, none of them as yet speak-
ing Spanish well enough to secure the attention of
Spanish congregations at the capital. Indeed, the
Flemings do not appear to have been favorites among
the soldiers, and Gante, at least, took httle pains to
court them, or to employ their idiom. Their charge
was the natives, whose language they studied and
to whose wants they ministered, while rapidly ex-
tending the sway of the church, and raising her em-
blem in numerous edifices,*" assisted, according to
Mendieta, by two other Franciscans from the An-
tilles, who died soon after their arrival. ^^ Little is
known of their labors, however, for the chroniclers
confined their attention almost exclusively to those
sent out by the Spanish prelates.
The election of Francisco de los Angeles to the
generalship of the Franciscans enabled him to prose-
cute his scheme for the conversion of the new-world
natives with greater directness, and with the approval
of the king and council he selected a friar to accom-
plish his purpose in the person of Martin de Valencia,
provincial since 1518 of San Grabriel, wherein he had
earned a pious fame by founding the monastery of
Santa Maria del Berrocal. He had long sought in vain
for missionary glory, and now, in his fiftieth year, with
hope fast fading, his ambition was to be gratified.^
^'Gand, loc. cit. They had been nearly a year in Spain, learning the lan-
gna-ge and awaiting license no donbt.
^ Including St Joseph, the first seminary in New Spain. MendietcL, Hist.
Edes. , 407-8 ; Ponce, Ret. de las Cosas, in Col. Doc. IrUd. , 1 vii. , 181 . 'Gatequizado
y bautizado por su mano mas de tin millon de indios,* Alegre, nbi sap.
31 *De ciiyos nombres no tnve noticia. . .aunque snpe que se enterraron en
Tezcnco.* Bist. Ecles., 215. Ixtlilxochitl also accepts five friars. Hor, Cruel-
dades, 60. One of them was Varilla, no doubt; and perhaps his companion,
who is said to have died on board the rescue vessel sent for Zuazo, may have
been reckoned as the fifth.
^ He was bom at Valencia de Don Juan, Oviedo bishopric, in about 1474»
his true name being Juan Martin de Boil, according to Vetancurt. Menolog.,
93. * Martinus de Valencia de Alcantara' it is written in MoreUi, FcuU ^^ipi
Orbii, 103. He took the habit of the order at Mayorga ii^ Benavente. Although
Motolinia, Hist, Ind,, i. 148-56, followed by Mendieta, HiaL EeUs,, 571-9, and
MARTIN DE VALENCIA. 103
After selecting twelve companions, he received from
the general written instructions, based on the papal
decree, whereby Valencia, with the title of custodiOy^
was to proceed to New Spain and there establish the
Custodia del Santo Evangelio,** extending conversion
in accordance with the rules of the order.** By a
special patent, dated October 23d, he was invested, for
himself and successors, with all the power possessed
by the general in external jurisdiction, including
ecclesiastic censures, as well as in points of conscience^
save with two exceptions,*' and in a royal cddula the
friars were commended to the governors in the Indies. ^^
Torquexnada, iii. 392-9, devote many pages to his earlier life, yet they reveal
little save his character. Remesal assumes that Friar Garcia de Loaisa, the
Dominican successor of Fonseca as president of the India Council, appointed
Valencia. Bist. Chyapa, 9. This can be true only in «o far that he assented
to the choice made by Angeles. He would no doubt have chotien men of his
own order. According to Gomara, Hisl, Mex., 240, Cortes' own appeal to
Xngeles gave impulse to the mission.
^ The superiors in the order, aside from the agents and inspectors, occupied
four grades: prejfiderUey the chief of a group of two or more friars, collected at
any place, to which place the term of convent was usually given, while the
president was often entitled guardian by courtesy. The next higher grade
was that of guardian proper, in charge ef a full convent of 12 voters, by whom
he was elected; then the custodio, controlling a certain number of convents,
and provincial, the chief of a provincia, to which rank a custodia was raised
when the number of convents, the resources, and population warranted its
formation. Seven convents have been deemed sufficient in some instances to
claim the advancement, although a dozen were esteemed a more appropriate
number. Above the provincials ruled the general of the order, witn his com-
missaries, visitadores, and other officers.
** * En la Nueva Eispafla y tierra de Yucatan.'
^ The instructions issued at the convent of Santa Maria de los Angeles,
1523, on October 4th, it seems, accord to Valencia fuU control over the Fran-
ciscan friars in New Spain, any one Vho objects having to depart for Espaflola.
The right acquired by the friars in Spain would continue m force. At the
death of the custodio, or at the expiration of his three-years term, the eldest
priest must convoke a chapter, composed of those confreres who could gather
within 30 days, and by their votes elect the new custodio. The latter must
attend in person, or by delegate, the chapter held every sixth year for tlie elec-
tion of a general, there to vote, if permitted, and to receive instructions. The
friars should, if possible, live together in one place, in order to promote con-
version by their life and example; in any case they must live in groups of at
least two or four, one of them as superior, to maintain the law of obedience,
and within a distance of about 15 days' journey, so as to readily join their
prelate once a year for deliberation. Further rules were left to their discretion,
and to the general chapter, when the wants of the new district would be better
known. FranetKanoSf Instruc, 139-43, in Prov. Sto Evang,, MS.; Menditta,
HiaL Bcles., 200-2; Torquemada, iii. 10^12.
^The admission of nuns to any of the three grades of Santa Clara, and
absolving those excommunicated viva voce et in scriptis bv the general.
" This was dated December 12, 1523, and rec<»Yied in Libro de CabUdo,
Ma, Karch 9, July 28, 1525.
164 APOSTOLIC LABORS.
Toward the close of 1523 the missionaries gathered
at Belvis convent to perfect arrangements for the voy-
age. They numbered besides Valencia ten ordained
priests and two lay brothers, nearly all belonging to
the provincia de San Gubriel: Francisco de »>to,
Martin de Jesus de la Coruna, Jos^ de la Corufia,
Juan Juarez, Antonio de Ciudad Rodrigo, and Toribio
de Benavente, preachers and learned confessors ; Gar-
cia de Cisneros and Luis de Puensalida, preachers ;
Juan de Ribas and Francisco Jimenez, priests; and
the lay brothers, Andres de C6rdoba and Juan de
Palos. Soto was a man of recognized intelligence,
who had occupied the position of guardian ; Fuensa-
lida became successor to Valencia, and Benavente
figured as one of the leading apostles. They will
nearly all appear during the history in more or less
prominent positions.^
After a sojourn of a few weeks at Seville they left
San Liicar on the 25th of January, 1524, in company
with twelve Dominicans, commissioned like them for
evangelical work in the Indies. Jos^ de la Corufia
alone failed to join them, having been despatched to
the court on business.** At Santo Domingo the
^ PaloB replaced at the last moment Bernardino de la Torre, who figures
at the end of the list given in the patent already quoted, and waa K>und
'unworthy.' Camargo obtained a list of 15, not one of whom oorresponds to
the above. Hist. Tlax., 192.
^The family name of Benavente, known afterward as MotoUniay was
Paredes, it seems, for so he signs the preface to his Hist. Ind,^ 13. Juarez,
also written Suarez, became gu^*dian at iluexotzinco. Afterward he, together
with the lay brother Palos, an exemplary preacher among the natives, joined
Narvaez' expedition to Florida, where both perished miserably. Elected
bishop of Rio de las Palmas, according to Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. ilL, fol-
lowed by Vetamyvrtj Menoloa.f 32, without date. The other lay brother,
Cordoba, died in Jalisco, ana was buried at Izatlan, his bones being held in
great veneration. Their biographers may be found in Mendieta, ffisi. JSdes.^
611-28; Torquemada, iii. 432-47; Fernandez, Hist. Ecks., 52, 63, et seq.;
Vetanevrtf Menolog,, 32 et seq., and in other authorities which will be given
when they are spoken of in the course of history.
^ The pope had recently died, and Beaumont believes that a ratification
of the friar patent may have been sought from the new pontiff. Cr6n. Mich.,
iiL 181-3. Whatever his mission, Jos^ delayed, and after replacing an
' unworthy ' lay brother, so as to conform in number to the 12 apostles, 'pues
iban £ ejercitar el mismo oficio apostdlico,' Valencia embarkea with his 11
companions. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 207, 628. That 12, not 13, left, is con-
firmed by Motolinia, Hist, Ind,, 14, 267; 'el«padre Fray Martin. . .con once
frailes;' although Valencia's expression in a letter of 1531 is doubtful; * pn^*
CHBISnAN HUHUJTY. 165
Dominicans remained,'^ and the Franciscans, after a
stay with them of six weeks, due partly to the easter
celebration, proceeded to San Juan de Ulua, Valencia
being invested with the additional power of inquisitor.**
They arrived on May 13th,^ and although Cortes
hastened to send oflScers and servants with orders to
attend to their reception and comfort, the friars mod-
estly declined every indulgence, and marched bare-
footed toward the capital, attracting no little attention
from the natives. "Who are these so humble, yet so
revered ? " " What coarse and patched robes 1 " " Poor
men!'' Among the expressions thus employed was
frequent the term motolinia. " What means the word ? "
asked Friar Benavente. "Poor," replied a soldier;
"and it is applied, reverend father, to the humbleness
of your appearance." "Then shall it be my name,"
rejoined the friar; and henceforth he called and signed
himself Toribio Motolinia, a name spread far and wide
during the following years as that of a zealous apostle."
At Tlascala they sought, with the aid of an inter-
preter, to give the wondering natives an idea of their
mission, and as they approached Mexico,** its impor-
gertim illi dnodecim, qni misai Btmt vna mecnm.' Peter Martyr, De InsvUs^
146. The looseness of utterance in some parts of Motolinia and others has,
however, misled most subsequent authorities, said Gomara, Gonzalez B^vila,
Fernandez, and Cavo, all pronounce for 13.
'^ To await their prelate, it is said, though their long delay implies that
New Spain had not yet been definitely accepted as their destination. They
followed the Franciscans only in 1526. The equipment so far had been in
common for both orders, with a view to promote a good understanding. The
king had given to each ^[akrments of frieze and other necessaries, including 900
ducats for church para^emalia, 800 being payable in the Indies. Hetnenal^
HigL Chyajpa, 10.
^ His title was comisario of the inquisition for New Spain, conferred by
the inqoisitor Pedro de Cordoba, vicar- general of the Dominicans, then at
Santo Domingo. The slightly restricted authority lasted till the Dominicans
arrived in 1526. Id., 41.
"On Friday before pentecost, says Mendieta. Motolinia writes 12th.
The landing may have tskken place on the 13th.
**Men4&ta, Hint, Ecies., 210-11; Moltna, Vocabulario. According to
Bemal Diaz, the name was applied bv Mexican chiefs for the reason that
Toribio £^ve to the natives everything he received. Bist. VercUid,, 191. But
this version is less credible. Vazquez points out that the friar generally
signed 'Motolinia Fr. Toribio^' with true allosion to the meaning. Chron. de
GvaL, 627, 534.
"^ June 23d, I^oi, Jfex,, in MonummOoB Dom, Sap., MS., 322, though others
intimate a few days earlier.
106 AFOSTOUC LABORS.
tant and sacred character was fully impressed upon
them by the demonstrative reception on the part of
the governor, who came forth to welcome them witii
a brilliant retinue, including King Quauhtemotzin,
the leading captains and chiefs, friars Olmedo and
Gante, and with the entire city following. Dismount-
ing, Cortes knelt before them, and seized Valencia's
hand to kiss it. With the humility characteristic of
his profession, the father withdrew his hand, where-
upon Cortes kissed the robes of the friars in turn, an
example followed by his retinue, to the intense aston-
ishment of the natives, who had not hitherto been
offered so public and profound a display of humility
on the part of the mighty conquerors, men who had
barely chosen to doff the hat to the sacred Monte-
zuma, and who received the submissive salutes of their
lords with disdainful condescension. In brilliant array,
decked with gold and precious stones, these men
humbled themselves to the dust to the barefooted and
meanly clad strangers. Could they be gods in dis-
guise I ^
With sincere devotion to the church, Cortes com-
bined profound respect for its ministers, as we have seen.
Nevertheless, his extreme humiliation on the present
occasion was dictated chiefly by politic motives. The
friars possessed immense power, representing as they
did the church, wherein still lay deposited an influ-
ence before which the mightiest of princes bent sub-
missive, and at whose hands the sovereigns of Portu-
gal and Spain received the heavenly title to half a
world. Such personages must be courted, not alone
" According to Ixtlilzocbitl, who ever has in mind his own town and fam-
ily, the reception took place near Tezcnco, on June 12, 1523! The friars
were conducted to Nezahualcoyotl's palace, and there they transformed one of
the halls into a chapel, wherein on we following day King Ixtlilxochitl was
baptized as Fernanao, Cort^ acting as godfather. This example was followed
by his family, including the mother, though the latter needed much persua-
sion, said by all the nobles, as well as a large portion of the common people,
Srepared as they were by friar Gante. Hor, CrueldadeSy 73-6. There is evi-
enily a good deal of invention in this account. It is harder probable that
Oort^ went to Tezcuco to receive them. When the three Fleming arrived
at this city, there was no doubt a fine reception, but Cortes was siok at the
time, and his visit of respect must have assumed a more private ofaaractoe.
COBT^ PBOPITIATES TH£ FRIARS. 107
for their control over the soldiers and colonists, but for
their influence at court, to which they would report
directly or indirectly concerning the condition of the
country and the management of the royal interests ;
reports that would have more weight than those from
other sources. Then, again, these friars were destined
to exercise control over the natives far more effective
than that obtained by force of arms, and thereby as-
sure possession of the conquest to the crown and of
grants and serfs to the conquerora It was well, there-
fore, while propitiating these men to impress on the
natives their sacred character, and to set a striking ex-
ample of the respect that should be paid to them. This
politic deference Cortes constantly maintained, and
with good effect on all concerned. On one occasion
it is related that the inhabitants of Tezcuco were in-
dignant because one of their chiefs had been flogged
for not attending mass. Informed of this, Cortds
concluded for a little by-play to assume the role of
martyr. Informing the priests of his purpose, he
absented himself from mass; for which delinquency
he was sent for, and stripped and flogged by the friars
in the presence of a number of the mutinous natives,
and thus reconciled them to the despotic acts of their
spiritual guardiana''
Shortly after his entry into Mexico, Valencia sum-
moned the five friars who were already in the country,^
and thus seventeen were gathered in chapter to con-
sult on the best manner of proceeding with the con-
version. On this occasion, the 2d of July, 1524, the
custodia was formally established, and divided into
four districts centring round Mexico, Tezcuco, Huex-
^BetntmorU, Cr&n. Mich., iiL 186; Veianevrt, Chnm,, 2; CixrUs, Cartas,
«tc., in Padttco and Cdrdenae, CoL Doe., iv. 456, v. 449-50. The nativea
have commemorated several of these acts in their picture-whtings. Torque-
mackt, iiL 21-2; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ix.
** The three Flemings, Varilla who came with Zuazo, and Olmedo proba-
bly. Yet Mendieta speaks of the fifth also as a Franciscan, he as well as the
footh ' vinieron. . .al tiempo de la conquista.' BiHt. Ecles., 215. The meeting
4ir chapter was held a fortnight after arrival MoloUnia, Hint, Ind., 143. ' Dia
^ la Viflitacion de Knestra Seftora,* says Mendieta.
168 APOSTOUC LABORS.
otzinco, and Tlascala, to each of which were assigiied
four friars, Valencia making a fifth at the capital.
Temporary convents were founded at each of these
places, while means and aid were obtained to erect
permanent edifices, usually in prominent locahties, as
a standing exhortation to the flock from an architec-
tural as well as a religious point of view. At Mexico
the site of the first convent appears to have been on
Santa Teresa street,^ and since the building in the
* TorquemadOy iii. 25-8, 303, following chiefly Motolinia and Mendieta.
Those who lived in Tezcuco had been driven thither by the hostilities en-
countered from the Spaniards at Mexico, says IxtlilxochiU, Hor. Crueldades,
81, and not so incorrectly, for the Flemings were looked upon as intrusive
foreigners, and not well versed in Spanish. Valencia offered to resign if the
friars preferred another custodian, but this was unanimously opposed. The
chapters were held every three years to elect superiors, and every 18 months
an intermediate meeting took place to discuss affsiirs. They were attended
by the guardians of convents, and by discretos, one elected for each convent
to represent thepresidencia groups of friars. See note 23 for sigpificance of
these grades. The discretes must be elected by at least four presidencia rep-
resentatives, and be priests who had said mass for three years. They had
equal vote with the guardians at the chapter. This was held at the most con-
venient meeting-place, in New Spain, usually at Mexico, the sessions being
generally of seven or eight days' duration. At the present chapter, and sub-
sequently, the rules for the order were duly considered with regard to modi-
fications required in a different clime, and with new associations. Novices
had to submit in all strictness to the seneral constitution, and Indians, mes-
tizos, and Creoles could l>e admitted only by the provincial and discretos
jointly, after a probationary term at the convent, the vote of whose inmates
was required as one of the conditions for receiving them. By regulation of
1565 the examination of novices was made stricter. One hour of mental
prayer with lesson was required in the early part of the night, said another*
after matins; discipline three times a week, with extras during lent and feast-
days. Alms must be asked only for actual sustenance and sacristy purposes,
under penalty. If the collection did not suffice, then the sovereign and enco-
menderos might be appealed to, as the Indians were too poor to be molested.
The noonday and evening meal should conform to regulated rations, except
on feast-days, when a little extra might be taken at noon. The dress must
always be of sackcloth, and consist of only one robe and tunic. Blue was
adopted as the cheapest and most convenient color. Friars must not interfere
in disputes between Indians and Spaniards; or between Indian women, or in
appointment of rulers, or with judges, etc. A chorister and a lay brother had
no active vote till after wearing the robe three years and passing the 25th
year of his age. Guardian might be elected in a convent with 12 voters, not
counting presidencia members. Newly arrived meml)ers obtained a vote for
discrete only after one year's residence, and for guardian after two years,
unless given the privilege by chapter, in consideration of ability. None could
be elected provincial, delinidor, or comisario of the provincia until after &ye
years' residence. For every friar who died one mass was to be chanted in.
each Franciscan house, with vigil; in addition to this every priest received
four masses; every chorister, three funeral services; and every lay brother,
300 prayers, etc. Every Sunday services must be held for the dead members.
Fronds. CanstU,, 123-34, in Prov. Sto Evatuf,, MS.
^ According to Torquemada, iii 36, followed by Vetancurt, Chron,^ 31-2,
the site was the same on which afterward rose the oathedraL This appears.
HOSPITAL AND CONVENTS. 1<»
capital must ever be regarded as the centre for the
order, contributions for it came even from afar, chiefly
from the natives^ in men and material.**
Cortes also gave substantial aid in different ways
in promoting their benevolent aims, one of which was
the care of poor and sick natives. To this end he
had already erected a hospital, de la Purisima Con-
cepcioUy^ which still exists, a monument to his chari-
table devotion and a relic of the reedification period.
to be a mere snppoeition, bused on the fact that the friara had obtained a.
right to the cathedral ground, which they transferred to the bishons for a
ooasideration of 40 pesos and the reservation of a pulpit and altar. The acts
of the municipality. Libra de Cabildo, MS., May 2, 1525, January 31, 1529,
and other dates, with observations of Father Pichardo, are conclusive in this
respect. Alaman, Disert., ii. 142, indicates the house at present occupying-
the site. Orozco y Berra presents slishtly different arguments. Mex. iiem,,
102. While not wholly agreeing wiu these writers, Salazar admits in the
main their views in his critical notes of Mex, en 1654^ 213 et seq. ' Dove
dggidi h il Convento grande di S. Francesco,' says Claviffero, hastily, Storia
Megs. J L 272, and with total oblivion of the removal Prescott and others
fall partly into the error.
^^ Iztlilxochitl relates that his royal namesake led the Tezcucan nobles in
procession to carry stones, thus setting an example to the common people.
Rely 447. Humboldt, Eatai Pol., L 182, speaks of a splendid building,
which is doubtful, since it was erected in great haste; and that Gante buut
itw In 1534 the site was abandoned, and a really fine convent erected on San
Francisco street, so as to be near the Indians, to whom the friars had been
sent. Veicoicvrt, Chron., 31-2; Panes, in Monumcntos Domin, Esp,, MS., 62.
** The existence of the hospital at this date is shown by the Libro de
CabUdo, MS., August 26, 1524, and, although no name is given, it must be
that of Cortes, since the friars could not have erected one so soon after their
arrival. The building is of interest as the only relic of the edifices erected
by the first Spaniards, all others having either disappeared or undergone a
complete change. Orozco y Berra, Mex. NoL Ciudad, 160. It stands in
what used to be the Huitzillan quarter, and was most carefully constructed,
the site granted comprising originally 128 varas east by west. By bull of
April 16, 1529, the pope conferred on Cortes the perpetual patronage of this
and other similar establishments to be founded oy him, with the right to
appropriate tithes and preroices under certain conditions for their support.
A bull of approximate oate confers absolution on penitents who may attend
mere. All tne privileges of the buUs were not approved by the king, how-
ever, and even the cathedral sought to dispute the right to tithes, which was
confirmed to the hospital in 1^3. A part of its revenue came from rents
of buildings upon its ground. Cabrera, Escudo de Armas, 404, states that
Cortds proposed it as a sepulchre for his family; but this applies to the con-
vent which he intended to erect at Coyuhuacan, his favorite city. In 1663 a
sacred Christ image fell to the hospital, by lot, and henceforth it assumed the
name of Jesus that it still bears. Cort^ planned several other institutions
which were never erected for want of sufficient funds, and his descendants
did not consider themselves bound to supply the money, though appealed to
by Archbishop Manso and others; nevertheless they bestowed large gifts on
the hospital and other establishments. Alaman, Disert., li. 81-9, 2d app.
26-48, Orozco y Berra and Cabrera already quoted, and Ramirez, in notes to
Preacott's Mesuco, have given considerable attention to these and other points
170 AFOSTOUC LABORS.
Thus by precept and example Cortes sought to
impress the natives with the superiority of the friars
even to himself, the representative of the greatest
ruler on earth, and the conquered were only too eager,
to conform to the orders of their masters by tender-
ing respect and obedience to the holy men.^ So deep,
indeed, was the impression made that their arrival
became a starting-point in their chronology under the
term of "the year when the faith came." While rec-
ognizing the policy of maintaining a high rank among
the flock, the friars nevertheless dissipated the more
extravagant notions, and presented themselves as
humble and mortal servants of the ruler of heaven
and of princes, sent to impart the blessings of the
only saving faith, and to rescue the natives from the
misleading rites of the evil one. To this end they
requested that the children be intrusted to their care
for instruction, which afterward should be imparted
also to the elders, and that as the first step to its
accomplishment a building should be erected close to
the convent, comprising school, chapel, dormitory, and
refectory, suflBciently large to accommodate a thou-
sand children.**
The chiefs hastened to obey, but when the time
came for surrendering their children several held back
partly from devotion to native gods, and sent instead
oonnected with Gortte and Mexico city. Another hospital, San L&zaro, ex-
isted in the first decade of the conquest, which may be identical with the
infirmary spoken of by Gante, near the convent, wherein as many as 400 sick
and destitute natives were cared for. He asks the emperor to give it alma.
Letter of November 1532, in Cartas de Indias, 51-2. It was removed .to a
new site by President Guzman, for sanitary reasons, and since then no data
appear. Puga, Cedulario, 40. In 1572 a license was issued to Pedro Lopes,
who erected a hospital for leprous persons chiefly at his own expense. Comra,
Eeeudo de Armaa^ 434-5.
^ Ixtlilxochitl relates that a princess of Tezcuco on first meetinff the friars
imitated the example of the Spaniards by bending one knee bdore them.
TThis unusual form of courtesy on the part of a lady created a smile even
among the reverend fathers, so much so that the princess drew back with an
air of ofiended dignity. Hor, Crueldadea, 75-6.
^^Gante writes in 1532 that he had from 500 to 600 under his charji^.
Cartas de Indias, 51. While this building and the convent were in course of
erection the friars stayed with Father Olmedo, perhaps in one of Cortte'
houses. BemaiDiaz, Hist, Verdad., 191, their wants being provided for chiefly
by him. Oomara^ Hist. Mex., 240.
HOW THE NATIVES WERE TAUGHT. 171
children of their servants. The deception turned to
their own disadvantage, for the instructed children,
though of low origin, obtained preferments which
• otherwise must have been given to the young chief-
tains.** At first the instruction was confined chiefly
to learning prayers and participating in the frequent
religious exercises. Then were added reading, writing,
and other branches. Motolinia jroes into t^cstasies
over the quick apprehension and docility of the pupils.
After a short training they could copy elaborate man-
uscripts in so perfect a manner that it was difficult tc?
distinguish the original. Illuminations and drawings
were reproduced with equal skill, and sent to Spain av
specimens, creating no little admiration. Singing
proved particularly attractive to them, and was readily
acquired, though taught by an old-fashioned friar
who addressed the children in studied Spanish phrase-
ology to the amusement of listeners. Although
the pupils gasped in astonishment at the harangue,
without comprehending a word, signs and example did
wonders, and it was not long before an excellent choir
existed, several of whose members were sent to train
their young countrymen in other towns. Their voices
were not as good as those of the Spaniards, but in
other respects no objection could be found A Tlas-
caltec composed a few years later a mass that received
high approval. Instrumental music was also taught,
at first the flute, by Spanish professionals, who were
paid for their lessons, though the progress of the
youth soon rendered foreign masters needless. A
band of these flute-players formed an acceptable sub-
stitute for organs, and aided not a little to render the
services impressive. Clarionets and other wooden
wind-instruments were used to some extent, as well
as several stringed instruments. Some of them the
boys learned to play within a few days, and at Tehua-
^ ' Pado ser, qne lo ordenaae Dios aai, para que cesase do todo pimto el
Sefiorlo, que tan tiraDica, y cruelmente tenian,* is the pious reflection of Tor-
qncmada, iiL 29.
172 APOSTOLIC LABORS.
can a native youth formed an admirable band, which
within one month was able to assist at mass.^
While aiding at the erection of their school-build-
ing, the boys were able to observe the operations of
the different artisans, such as carpenters, oricklayers,
masons, and to offer their services at the bench or
trowel. Within a few days they showed themselves
so expert that the friars were only too glad to hasten
the work by intrusting even complicated sections to
them, including the construction of arches, the placing
of hewn stone foundations, and the decoration of
fa9ades. Churches in the native towns, which began
rapidly to rise, were frequently erected even during
this early period without the least direction from the
Spaniards. One acquisition led to the desire for
another; but instead of offering themselves for a seven
years' apprenticeship to artisans who would probably
have refused to teach their trade under apy considera-
tion, they managed by brief surreptitious watchings,
with the aid of bought or borrowed specimens, soon to
produce imitations fully equal to the European model.
A saddler found a set of horse furniture missing one
day. The next morning it was replaced, and shortly
afterward he heard pedlers crying wares in the street
exactly like his own, and at prices which put an end
to his extravagant demands. A number of other arti-
sans succumbed to the same acquisitive spirit, notably
a weaver who being alone in his business made even
the friars suffer from his monopoly. Rather than pay
his prices, they went about in such tattered garments
as to excite the pity of the natives. A devout chief
took the matter in hand, and sent his servants to spy
out the secrets of the weaver. He thereupon con-
structed a loom, and soon supplied the friars with both
cloth and ready-made robes. *^
** A youth at Tlascala made a rabel^ a thrce-striDged violiii) imitating <m»
owned by a Spaniard, and in three lessons he learned aM that the master
could teach. Ten days later he joined the flute band at ti^e church, playing
in perfect accord. Motolima, Hint, Ind,, 211.
" The good chief was Don Martin, lord of Quauhquechollan. TorguenuMda^
AFT LEARNERS. 173
Equally adept were the youth in acquiring finer
arts. Embroidery was taught by an Italian friar,^
and thenceforth the churches were liberally provided
with most elaborate work of this clasa Images were
<;aryed and adorned in perfect imitation of the originals,
and large numbers distributed among the natives to
help them remember their lessons. So also with
paintings and mosaic-work in feathers, both of which
were applied to sacred art. In the latter branch the
natives needed no lessons, but in painting they had
much to learn, though it did not take them long to
equal and even excel the mediocre amateur talent to
be found among the Europeans then in Mexico. The
training of the boys extended even to daily duties
and conduct, for while a large proportion attended
school during the day only, quite a number remained
night and day under the care of the good fathers,
many of them supported wholly by the alms which
flowed in for the convent/*
The friars had in their turn to be pupils, striving
to acquire the language with which they hoped to
carry out on a grander scale their self-imposed mission.
Aguilar, who acted as the chief interpreter, gave
lessons, and additional teaching was obtained by the
different convents from the Flemings, who had the
advantage of several months' residence. At Mexico
the chief aid in this direction was obtained from
Alonso de Molina, the son of a Spanish widow, who
had acquired an almost thorough knowledge of the
Aztec. Still, the best means to obtain both fluency
^A lay brother named Daniel, who afterward went to Michoacaa and
Jalisco. IcU, 212.
^Gante appealed in 1532 to the emperor for a regular grant of com, to
«apgort the school and hospital. Cariaa de IncUaSf 6\S,
^ He remained as interpreter till his age permitted him to join the order.
He labored actively as.a friar for over 50 years, and wrote a number of works
in Aztec which were much used by novices and teachers, notably Aqui comi-
ern^ vn vocdbulario enla lengua CcuteUana y Mexicana, Mexico, Mayo 1555,
4**, 259 leaves, exceedingly rare, and remarkable as one of the earliest books
prmted in the New World. Hardly less rare is the enlarged edition of 1571,
folio, in two parts of 121 and 162 leaves respectively, Sie first devoted to
fipaniBh-Azteo^ the aeoond to Aztec-Spanish. The first title-page bean the
174 APOSTOLIC LABORS.
and accent" was found to be intercourse with the
natives, and to this end the friars unbent their dignity
so far as to gambol with their little disciples, noting
the words that fell from their prattling lips, and study-
ing them at leisure. The elder children soon caught
the spirit and strove to act as teachers.
In a few months fathers Fuensalida and Jimenez
were so far advanced that, aided by the most intelli-
gent pupils, they were able to address themselves to
the older portion of the community, who in accord-
ance with instructions issued to the chiefs were mar-
shalled in procession to the convent. Here they were
made to recite hymns which they neither understood
nor cared to understand, and to join in ceremonies
that to them had no significance. The friars them-
selves recognized the want of sincerity and the small
effect of the exercises, but they persevered, ever
hoping for improvement. One encouraging sign was
the quick mastering of the points of doctrine, which
Gante with native aid had translated into Aztec, in the
form of a hymn.^^ Set to a pleasant tune this proved
quite attractive, possessing, besides, the peculiar pop-
ularity to be expected where an imperfect form of
writing prevails. Many were deeply impressed by
the new faith, and looked up to the friars with great
veneration, pleased even to find their shadow fall
on them, and to be allowed to deliver a confession of
their sins in picture-writing. It was hoped that the.
sacred influence of baptism might aid in fructifying the
words of faith, and to this end quite a mania was de-
veloped among the worthy apostles to bestow the rite.
It was deemed requisite for the prospective neophyte
escutcheon of Viceroy Enriquez to whom it is dedicated, the second, a kneel-
ing supplicant. This work may still be regarded as the standard in its fields
and has proved of great service in my stu(£es of Aztec history and literature.
^^So difficult did this prove that many a one thou^ght of St Jerome's ex-
pedient of sawing his teeth to learn Hebrew. It is even said that one friar
followed the example. Cartas de Indias, 659-60.
^^ Vetancurt, Chron., 3, gives Gante andTectothe credit; Mendieta points
to Fuensalida and Jimenez. He has evidently less desire to applaud foreign
talent.
BAPTISM OF THB MULTIIUDES. 175
merely to listen %r a few days to the sermons and
exhortations of the teachers, sorely distorted as they
were by perplexed interpreters, and to imitate the
devotional ceremonies in order to become worthy of
admission into the church. Frequently even this
requirement was evaded by the native, who felt either
indifferent or unable to master the intricacies of the
new creed, and by merely joining the crowd which
gathered to attend service at the convent or at the
village square, or at the roadside, he could readily
persuade the unsuspecting friar that he had been
duly prepared for baptism. This was thereupon ad-
ministered with all the zeal bom of lofty enthusiasm
and assumed victory. Father Gante himself writes
without hesitation that he and a companion used to
baptize "oight thousand, sometimes ten thousand, and
even fourteen thousand persons in one day."**
With such numbers the formalities prescribed in
the ritual could not be observed, and a readier method
was adopted. Those who declared their willingness
to be christened were assembled in formidable groups,
the children being placed in the first ranks. The
ritual was then performed with a few select, and the
rest was merely sprinkled with the water. In apply-
ing names, all the males baptized on one day received
the appellation of John, and the females Mary. The
following day the names of Peter and Catalina were
given, and so on through the list of sainta To each
person was given a slip with name inscribed, and in
case of forgetfulness he had merely to exhibit the slip
to prove his baptism and identify himself." The rite
** In tJX, during five yean, they had baptized ' one telle moltitnde, que je
n'ai ^as pa les compter.' LeUre^ 27 Jnin, 1529, in Temaux-CompajUf Vo^.,
a^rie L torn. iL 197. Others admit large numbers, and even Torquemada, lii.
156, allows such instances, mentioning that one priest at Toluca baptized
3,600 in one day. *0n the eve of St John,' says Vetancurt, Chron., 5, 10,
' 40,000 were baptized in the chapel of St Joseph, Mexico. ' Motolinia appears
to attribute this lavish extension of the rite to impatience at the failure to
produce any effect on the natives by catechising, and he scolds the misaion-
ariea for allowing such a weakness ev«i for a moment to encroach upon their
dutv. HitL Ind., 112-13.
^Jd.; Torquemada, iii 165; Vekmevrt, OhrwL, 5. Ckunargo assumes that
176 APOSTOLIC LABOKS.
had an attraction for these superstitious people in its
similarity to their own, which conveyed purification
from spiritual stains not alone at the lustration of the
child, but in the immersion of self-scarified priests
and ascetics, at the midnight hour, into the conse-
crated pools within the idol temples. It is but natural
that they should look with no less veneration on the
solemn sprinkling received so devoutly by the mighty
•children of the sun, and imparted by the hands of
men as benevolent in aspect as they were saintly in
conduct. So impressed, indeed, were many by a belief
in the mysterious virtue imparted by the rite that
they sought again and again to share in its blessings,
yet without feeling bound by the assumed discarding
of. paganism.
As time passed on and revealed the many abuses
and deceits practised upon the guileless teachers,
doubts began also to creep in regarding the legality
of the informal baptisms, though authorized by Father
Tecto and other canonists, mainly on the ground of
necessity, with so small a number of ministers, and in
accordance with the precedent furnished by many of
the early fathers, and recently by so eminent a per-
sonage as Cardinal Jimenez, during his mission to the
Moors. Another objection was the use of merely
blessed water, instead of duly consecrated water and
oil. The friars being unable to settle the question,
submitted it to the supreme pontiff, who, by bull of
May 15, 1537, confirmed the baptisms so far per-
formed, and authorized the friars thenceforth to apply
the salt, saliva, candle, and cross to a few only of a
group, though consecrated oil and water must be
given to each person.^ Another knotty question con-
this method was pursued already during the conquest years by Gort^' chap-
lains; but he must be mistaken. Hist. Tlax,, 159.
^ The necessity for this is pointed out by Vetancurt in the observation,
' whence, indeed, could saliTa come for a lar&;e number 1' Chron., 9, 10. Tor*
quemada reviews the (question at some length, and defends the friars, in ih»
opening chapters of his 16th book. See also Mendkta^ Hist. Ecles., 267-6.
When the consecrated oil came, Sunday and Thursday were set aside for ad>
miniatering it to those who had not been so favored, thus rendering the rit#
MAKRIA6E BEGULATIONS. 177
<;emed marriage. Although the greater part of the
people, the lower and middle classes, possessed but
one wife, yet many of the rich and the noble had
quite a number, and since the Christian religion per-
mitted no such indulgence, the polygamists were
ordered to discard all but one spouse, to whom they
like the other husbands must be joined anew with
Christian ceremonies. It was found no easy matter
to determine which of the wives, as the legitimate
consort, had the right to be preferred, and so it was
decided, after years of doubt, to accord it to the first
wife, and when this could not be determined, to the
one chosen by the husband.** Meanwhile little atten-
tion was paid by polygamists to the exhortations of
the fathers, and even in later times the law was dis-
regarded.
These and other rites in connection with Indians
were discussed in a council of friars and jurists which
appears to have been held in the autumn of 1526,
with the assistance of Cortes. Therein were deter-
mined not only points bearing on baptism, confession,
and communion, but on the treatment and rule of
natives, the more diflficult questions being embodied
in representations to the transatlantic authorities.
The importance of the meeting, both in respect to the
number and quality of the attendants, and to the dis-
cussions, has caused it to be signified as the first synod
of the church in New Spain."
more 'satisfactofy/a term used also by Archbishop Lorenzana in his com*
meniB on the sweeping baptism. Coneilioe Prov.^ 1655-66, 2 ot seq.
^This is the ball of Paul III., the wisdom of which must have been in-
spired by Crod, exclaims Torquemada: ' Non rccordantur, quam prim6 occe-
perint, Conyersi ad Fidem unam ex illis accipiant, quam yolueriut.* About
the same time was issued another bull reprimanding those who liad hinted at
the incapacity of Indians to partake of holy communion, and affirming their
capacity. Before these decisions were sought, Bishop Zum^rraga hod sent
to Spain for adyice, and Cardinal Cayetano among others proposed the hus-
baDa*8 choice when the legitimate wife could not be }K)inted out. ConcUios
Prov.f 1556-65, 5, 0. Herrera blames the inexperience of the friars in not
being able to select the true wife. dec. iii. lib. ly. cap. yiii. The lirst native
marriage with Christian rites was Prince Femando*s, at Tezcuco, October 14,
, 1526. Seren of his retinue followed the example. MotoUniii, HUL Iml., 124^
*^ There is a great uncertainty among the authorities as to the time it
Ebb. Mix., Vol. U. U
178 APOSTOLIC LABOBJS.
In their eagerness to extend conversion the friars
found themselves altogether too few for the task under-
taken, and as soon as their older pupils revealed suffi-
cient knowledge of religion and of Spanish, they were
impressed into the service. At first they accompanied
the ministers in their tours through the districts, to
preach and establish c^oc^W/ww,*® acting as interpreters,**
or delivering under their eyes the sermon already
learned. Afterward they were sent forth alone to
impart the lessons acquired, and war against idolatry,
often with a zeal that brought martyrdom. This
devout spirit had been well inculcated among the
children, and even the youngest did good work at
their homes and in the neighborhood. On the way
to the convent one day the scholars met a procession
of natives, brazenly parading the living representa-
tive of an idol. In a twinkling they were upon him,
and before the skirmish ended he had been stoned to
death.*^ Regular raids were also made on the temples.
At Tezcuco, for instance, the friars themselves led a
procession amid chants to the famous chief teocalli^
and after breaking the idols to pieces they fired the
waa held. Ixtlilxochitl, Hor, Cruddades, 77 1 confounds it with the informal
meeting of 1524, wherein the Flemings were consulted on conversion methods.
Others, like Vetancurt, assume the year 1525, and Zamacois guesses at June
1526. But the letters of Father Valencia, acting governor Aguilar, and
Alonso de Castillo, speak clearly of a formal meeting of friani and officials
held in September to October 1526, to consider matters touching the Indiaiuk
Icazbalceia, Col, Doc,, ii. 155-7, 202-3, 545-53. Lorenzana odls it Junta
Apost61ica, and observes that title of ConcUio Provincial, as applied by some
writers, is wrong. ConcUios Prov,^ 1555-65, iv. 8. It was attended by
Cortes, 19 representative friars, including no doubt Dominicans, 5 clergymen,
and 3 jurists, some say 5 or 6. Veiancur, Chron., 6, Trot, Mex,, 22; OcmsMlez
Ddvila, TecUro Ecles,, i. 20; Panes, in Monumentoe Domin, Eftp,, MS., 63.
Beaumont, who argues hard for June 1526 as the time, sides with Torque-
mada for the convent church of San Francisco as the place, contrary to
Vetancurt, who names San Josd chapel. Crdn, Mich,, iii. 223-4.
^ Indian towns and villages newly converted to Christianity, to which
parochial organization has not been given.
^These preaching interpreters were employed formany decades, since frian
were continually arriving from Spain, who knew not tiie language, or who
entered into new districts. Mestizos gradually supplanted the pure Indiana
as interpreters. Many of these aids were taught Latin, partly as a mark of
favor. Mendieta, Hist, Echs., 413-14.
^It occurred during the Ometochtli festival at Tlasoala, and not wholly to
the satisfaction of the friars, who sought to avoid similar extreme meaanres.
Motolima, Hist. Ind,, 214-16.
lOONOCLASM. in
building. It was market day, and a vast gathering
of natives rent the air with lamentation, their tearfiu
eyes and boding hearts following the smoke columns
as they dissipated into space, the concrete syinbols of
their faith, without rousing a single angry god to
avenge the act. Similar destructions were perpe-
trated in different towns, the Franciscans alone claim-
ing to have destroyed more than five hundred temples
and twenty thousand images within seven years.
Fear of the Spaniards made idolatrous exhibitions
rare, except in the remote districts, nevertheless the
rites retained their hold even upon a large proportion
of the converts, for it proved no easy matter to uproot
superstitions cherished during a lifetime, and to ruth-
lessly cast aside idols to whom so many blessings were
attributed. Many placed the images behind the crosses
and saint tablets, or worshipped them with elaborate
ceremonies, in common with others, in secret local-
ities.*^ When remonstrated with for his obstinacy,
a cacique once exclaimed: "How is it," pointing to
a picture of a saint, "that you Spaniards preach so
much against idolatry while you yourselves worship
images? ' The Spaniard replied with the usual ex-
planation "that they did not adore the images, but
gazed on them in meditation of the great virtues of
the saints whom they represent." Hereupon the chief-
tain remarked : " Neither do we worship images of gold
or wood; our prayers and sacrifices are offered to
Grod." The friars made strenuous efforts to stop this
evil, and aided by their young disciples great progress
was made, though not without sacrifice, notably in
Tlascala, where the son of a cacique fell a victim to
^Oainargo states that several caciques were handed by Cortes, with con*
at of the Tlascaltec leaders, for relapsing into idolatry. Hut, Ttax., 178.
The obstinacy of the idolaters was attributed both by friars and converts to
the evil one, and in their paintings the latter depicted this personage hover-
ing with his servants round the Qiristian meeting-places and seeking to entice
a.way the worshippers. Leon, Camino del CieHo, 95. Several of these curious
npectniflns of native art» merging into Spanish, are ffiven in the MS. work of
BeammviA, Cr&n. Mich, and aid to give this a value not possessed by tha
Jafcely printed issne.
180 AFOSTOUO LAB0B3.
his excessive zeal. His father Axotecatl had at first
sought to prevent his attendance at school, but the
friars carried their point, and soon the boy was bap-
tized under the name of Crist<5baL Eager to convert
also his family, the boy destroyed the idols and wine-
butts, as the main obstacles to the desired end, only
to rouse the bloody spirit of fanaticism in the father.
Half dead with wounds, the young iconoclast escaped
to his mother's side. The infuriate parent pursued
him, nearly killed those who sought to interfere, and
cast the boy into a fire. Presently he drew him forth
and ended the flickering hfe with dagger blows. Rage
now turned to fear, the body was buried in a comer
of the house, and other precautions were taken to
keep the murder secret. The friars made inquiries,
however, for their missing pupil, and Axotecatl was
executed.^ About the same time two other Tlascal-
tec youths were killed by the obstinate idolaters of
an adjoining district, while assisting two Dominican
missionaries. Thus the little republic attained® dur-
ing the first decade the glory of presenting three
widely applauded martyrs.
Tlascala enjoyed the additional preeminence of giv-
ing the earliest voluntary converts to the faith, with
one or two exceptions,** and in the persons of her
leaders. The lords of the adjoining state of Huexo-
tzinco embraced the faith under the name of Francisco
de Sandoval y Moreno and Juan Juarez ; at Mexico
Quauhtemotzin himself thought it prudent to set his
^Different versionB relate that the body of the boy was cast into the firo
to be consumed, but the flame would not touch the sanctified martyr. The
mother was killed to prevent disclosures, or on account of her Christiaa zeaL
Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 170-81. It is also said that a quarrel with a Spaniard,
brouffht before the courts, led to the apprehension of the murderer. MotoU-
nioLf llist. Ind.y 22Q-3. The deed took place at Atlihuetza^ a league and a
half from Tlascala. Loremam^ in Corii&y HisL H, Esp., 208; Mendkta^ BiaL
Ede8., 23(M5.
^They were Antonio, grandson of Xicotencatl, and his aenrant Juazu
Their bodies were cast over a precipice at Quauhtinchan or Tecalpan. Uhi
sup.; DdvUa Padilia, Fvnd. Santiago de Jfex., 66-74. Camargo states iha4»
in this case the murderers were not punished, owing to the implicatioa 6i ao
many and prominent people.
•^See Hi8L Mex., L 568-60, this aeries.
TEMPLE-BOILDING. 181
people the example, while at Tezcuco the Flemish
friars had alreaay gathered a rich harvest, chiefly
among the children, for here the worthy Gante estab-
lished the first public school in New Spain, in connec-
tion with the first convent.*^ More friars arriving, the
work of conversion was forwarded so rapidly that soon
hardly a village in the lake regions, and the adjoining
convent districts, was without its church or chapel,^
Gante claiming to have built in Mexico city alone,
within five years, more than one hundred temples.
There were several reasons for this success, won-
derful in its extent, though shallow at first. Fore-
most stood fear and policy, for it was dangerous to
disobey the conquerors, while favors could be gained
by courting them. Then came the undefined belief
with many that the religion of men so superior in
prowess and intelligence must contain some virtue,
something superior to their own. In the districts
occupied for some time by Spaniards the idea of their
being divine had long since faded; still, their origin
was involved in obscurity: the land whence they
came, the gilded regions of the rising sun ; the august
ruler beyond the great sea; the pontijff who repre-
sented the Infinite — all this loomed dimly forth in
mystic grandeur and awe, the great prompter of wor-
ship, laid its influence upon their mind. In the newer
districts, where Spanish vices and weaknesses were
less understood, these ideas liad greater effect, and
tended to infuse greater veneration for their rites.
* Several prominent men had been baptized before this time at Tezcuco
and other places, by Olmedo and his companions, and vonng princes had
been taught the racuments of secular and religious knowledge, but impulse
in this direction was first given at Tezcuco by the Flemings, and at Mexico,
Hnexotzinco and Tlascala^ b^ the 12 Franciscans. When Quauhtemotziii
uid Ixtlilxochkl received baptism is not clear, though it must have been before
the end of 1524, when Cortes took them to Honduras. A convent existed at
Tlascala in October of that year, but the permanent edifice was still building
in 15C6, when Chirinos created a dispute by taking refuge there. Hrrrera,
dec. ii. lib. z. cap. xiii; Panes, in Momumentoa Domiiu £ip., MS., 73-^, and
later references.
** Gante claims to have baptized, with aid of one friar, in Mexico province,
moire than 200,000 souls. LeUre, in Temaux-Campana, Voy., serie i. tom. z.
197, 202. The letters of Cortes and Albomoz, in JcazbcUcetc^ CoL Doc, L
4S7-8^ also bear witness to the progress.
182 APOSTOUC LAB0B3.
Further, the new rites and doctrines had many simi^
larities to their own to commend them to the natives.
Baptism was used for infants generally, and purifying
water was applied also by ascetics; the communion
was taken in different forms, as wafer or bread, and
as pieces from the consecrated dough statue of the
chief god, the latter form being tenned teoqualo, * god
is eaten;' confession was heard by regular confessors,
who extended absolution in the name of the deity con-
cerned. The idea of a trinity was not unknown, and
according to Las Casas' investigations, even a virgin-
born member of it; the flood existed in recorded
traditions, and Cholula pyramid embodied a Babel
myth; while the mysterious QuetzaJcoatl lived in the
hopes, especially of the oppressed, as the expected
Messiah. Lastly, the cross, so wide-spread as a
symbol, held a high religious significance also here,
bearing among other names that of 'tree of life.'^
Although these similarities appeared to the friars
partly as a profanation, and were pointed out as a
perversion by the evil one, nevertheless they failed
not to permit a certain association or mingling of
pagan and Christian ideas in this connection with a
view to promote the acceptance of the latter. The
Indians on their side availed themselves so freely of
this privilege as frequently to rouse the observation
that they had merely changed the names of their
idols and rites.®
Even more effective than the preceding features,
from the permanent allurement it offered, was the
ceremonial pomp, the gorgeous display, in connection
^ A very similar term was apjplied to an £g3rptian cross according to lip-
eius. De Cmce, lib. iii. cap. viiL ' Several more similarities of rites and
beliefs could be pointed out, but for such, as well as for a full consideration
of the above points, I refer to my loathe Races, particularly volume iii., bear-
ing on mythology.
^ * La Vierge immacuUe, . .c'est Vimage qui approche le plus de celle de la
m^re de leur dieu HuUzilojmcJuU,' observes Beltrami in this connection.
Mexique, ii. 62. Mexican writers also find objections in the picture used by
Indians. Monumentos Domin, Esp., 360. Viceroy Mendoza sought to remove
one obstacle to conversion among nobles by restoring the tecles order of kni^t-
hood. Cartel, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc, ii 201-2.
PLEASING WORSHIP. 18S
with the services, so fascinating to the cultured Euro-
pean, how much more therefore to the ruder Mexi-
can. The eflTect can be readily estimated by compar-
ing the rapid progress among the northern Indians of
Catholic missionaries, and their stronger hold upon
them, as compared with Protestant ministers. With
the ruder man, as with children, the appeal to the senses
is always the stronger. When the eye is dazzled, the
ear soothed, the emotions of the heart can be the more
readily stirred and kept awake than by the unaided
efforts of oratory. And who shall question the legiti-
macy of such aids in so good a cause as the substitu-
tion of a gentle, elevating religion for a bloody, debasing
ritual ? Religion is primarily an appeal to the senses,
and even the cultivated philosopher who may enter-
tain a vague pantheism is allured by the object-lessons
of nature to thoughts beyond the material.
The priests took pains, therefore, to make attractive
the place of worship : the altar with lace, and gold,
and flowers, all resplendent with lights; pictures and
statues with colors and attitude appealing to the ten-
derest feelings; solemn chants and gorgeous proces-
sions, while around in the recesses an awe-inspiring
half-gloom impelled the thoughts and feelings of the
worshippers yearningly toward the enchanted scene
before them. The numerous feast-days gave the friars
frequent opportunity to indulge the natives with
alluring pageantry, varying in its nature with the
significance of the festival. Christmas came with
appropriate and brilliant tableaux ; epiphany had its
representative magi following an imagined star to
render homage. Palm-Sunday revelled in flowers, and
master-tide followed with impressive scenes and ser-
vices. There were processions brilliant with gala-
dresses, flowers, plumes, and banners, with here and
there crosses and saints' images borne by chiefs and
chosen ones, and attended by large escorts of candle-
bearers. The priests chanted solemnly, and now and
then the refrain was taken up in swelling volume.
184 APOSTOLIC LABOBS.
Arches rose at frequent intervals, and embowered
chapels. Motolinia describes a Corpus Christi cele-
bration at Tlascala for which more than a thousand
floral arches had been erected along the streets taken
by the procession, with ten larger arches in form of
naves, and four artificial scenes of wild and placid
nature, rocks, trees, moss, and lawns, one representing^
Adam and Eve in paradise, a second, the temptation
of Christ, the fourth, Saint Jerome and Saint Francis,
and all elaborated with surjfrising skill, and with
hunters and animals, some natural, others imitated.**
Many pagan ceremonies were introduced, endeared to
the congregation by long association, and frolics and
dances lent a cheerful after-glow to the solemnity, and
gilded the remembrance of the feast.
Another factor remains to be considered among the
causes for success with conversions : the saintly char-
acter of the friars; their benign appearance; their
kindness of heart; their benevolent acts; their exem-
plary life; all so worthy of admiration, and in so
striking contrast to the fiercer aspect and bloody
doings of the native priests, in harmony truly with
their horrid idols and rites, as the appearance and
acts of the friars accorded with the gentle virgin
image and the pious teachings of their faith. The
records of the chroniclers are filled with glowing
testimony to the self-sacrificing conduct, in private
and public life, of these missionaries, misdirected
though they often were from a more active and use-
ful path by excess of zeal, and by hallucination, which
caused too many of their heroic acts to be spent
against the bare cell walls, instead of furthering the
real good of individuals or communities. Yet they
remain heroes in their sphere, ennobled by a lofty
though empty purpose. Others there are, like Va-
"This celebration took place in 1538. Motolinia describes several others-
hardly less elaborate. Hist, Ind,, 73-81; Torquemada, in. 230-1; Ddvila Pa^
dillat Hist, Fvnd. Santiago, 79-84. *Souvent quatrc-vinffts et m^me cent
mille personnes aaaistent.* Bohgnt, in TerruxuX'CompaaiBt roy., s^rie i. tonu
X.220.
MIRACLBS. 185
lencia and Motolinia, who, heedless of hardships, of
dangers, seeking not even glory save perhaps martvr-
dom, passed in toil and travel even their declining
years, when comfort lures most men to repose. They
penetrated to distant provinces, now following in the
wake of ruthless invaders to act the part of Samari-
tans; now intruding on the golden arena where rival
governors were ranging the forces to wage hot battle
for possession of the shackled native; now entering
alone on some primeval scene to plant the crucifix,
harbinger of a gentle culture, even though it serve
only too often to guide the way to vultures, in the
shape of rapacious and cruel soldiers. If the mission-
aries could not prevent this evil, they could at least
soften it by interposing at times the shielding arm of
the church, and range themselves as champions of the
oppressed. In this work they shine with brightest
glory, undimmed even by that thirst for gold which
overshadows them in many another part. Yet even .
here tb^ more immediate end, at least, may be sum-
moned to justify the means, embracing also doubtful
mummery and miracles. The latter were not so
numerous in New Spain, says Mendieta with unin-
tentional significance, for the reason that the natives
embraced the faith readily enough without much
stimulant of that nature. There are records, how-
ever, of rains produced or stayed by carrying around
the cross and saints' images; of the resurrection of
dead persons, and the like.^^
Several of the miracles are properly attributed to
Father Valencia, as the chief of the Franciscan apos-
tles, and because of a saintly life. While most exem-
plary in conduct, and rigid m the observance of rules
laid down by the order, he was a stout defender of
the prerogatives of the church and of the oppressed
natives, and on more than one occasion assumed a bel-
ligerent attitude toward the local authorities. His
^ MotoUma, HisL Ind., 105, 145-6; Mendieta, Hist, Eclee., 697-600, and
oUier authoritiefl.
186 AFOSXOUO LABOBS.
apostolic zeal was so great that, although approaclimg
the age of seventy, the confined limits of New Spain
were evidently too narrow for him, and he inade
more than one attempt to go to China. '^ As if -dis-
heartened by the failure, he retired to a spot near
Tlalmanalco to meditate and mortify the flesL So
severe was the self-imposed penance that he fell sick,
and on being removed for nursing to Mexico, he died
on the way, and was buried at Tlalmanalco/* His
dress and other belongings were preserved as relics,
and his grave was for years a point of attraction to
worshippers/* No less revered figures are to be found
^^ The plan was conceived in common with biahop Zomfoaga and the Do-
minican Betanzoa. The first attempt was frustrated by the rotten oondition
of the vessel for which he had been waiting some seven months at Tehnante-
pec. Id., 394^-8, 584-8.
"^^ He died at Ayotzinco, the 21st of March, 1534, and was taken back to
Tlalmanalco convent. The journey to Tehuantepec in 1533, barefooted, had
broken his health. Motdima, Hist Ind., 158-9; Mendieta, HiaL Eclea,, 695-6,
601-2; Vetancurt makes the date Auff. Slst. Mtnolog., 95.
V' The corpse was several times msinterred. In 1567 it suddenly disap-
peared, by a miracle, it was said, as a chastisement for curiosity and lack of
reverence. Up to that time it had shown no putrefaction. Mendieta writes
that only one of his several letters had been preserved, but in Temctux-Cofn-
pans, Voy., s^rie i. tom. x. 224, and in IcaahaXxta, CoL Doc, iL 155, are oth-
ers, speaking well for his zeaL Authorities, in addition to those elsewhere
cited, that treat wholly or in part of church history: Pacheco and Cdrdenatt,
CoL Doe,, iv. 456. 568-9; v. 449-50; viii. 19; xii 281-3, 485; xiii. 60-1;
IcaaibaUxta, CoL Doc, i. pp. xlv.-cxix. 487-8; Puga, Cedularw, 21, 40; OH-
jalva, CnkL S. Aug., 1, 2; Oviedo, m, 469-71; Cartas de Tndias, 64-6, 712,
780-857; Lff^ro de CabOdo, MS., 65-6; IxOOxochUl, Belachnes, in Kmga-
borough^s Mex, Antiq,, ix. 429-47; Remesal, HisL Chyaipa, 9, 10, 41; Temaux-
Compans, Voy,, s^ie i. tom. x. 199-200; Vaarjuez, Chroru Oval., 2-3, 19, 20,
627-35; CoL Doc Indd., Ivii 181; Archivo Mex., Doc, i. 49-^, 92, 160-62;
ii. 178-83; Becop. de Tndias, i. 29 etc.; Ramirez, Proceso, 246-8, 299-302;
CorUs, Hist. H. Esp., 208, 389-95; Peter Martyr, de InsvUs, 145-6; Prov.
Sto EvangeUo, pt i. iiL v.-vii. xvii.; Monumenios DonUn, JSsp., MS., 63,
255-79, 322, 360; Mex. Extr. de Cidulas, MS., 1; Fernandez, HisL Eciea.^
45-65; Ddvila PadiUa, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., 66-74; Rimro, Mex. in 1842.
225-7; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecies., i. 20, 25, 74-5; Frgjes, HisL Oonq.,
70; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 103, 112-14; Medina, Chrdn. San Diego, 9;
Mex,, Not. Ciudad, 66; Figueroa, Vindicias, MS., 22-4, 98-110; Alm-ey
HisL Camp, de Jesus, i. 180-1; PrescoU's Mex., ii. 96-8, iiL 265-8, 380-9;
also notes in Mex. eds.; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 26-7; Cabrera, Eseudo Arrnaa,
404-^; Alaman, DiserL, i. 198, 209, app. 109-12; ii. 109-91, app. 26-48;
Heredia, Serm. y DiserL Quad., pt. L 139; Pizarro y Orellana, Vcuvnes
Ilvstres, 102-10; Zamacois, Hist. Mex., iv. passim; v. 168-71, 496; Vetan-
cvH, Trot, Mex., 22; Id., Menologia, 32, 54r-105, 149, 297-304; Id., Chrdn.
Sto EvangeUo, 4-10; Id., Teatro Mex., ii. 146; Mex. Hieroglyphicai Hiti.,
113; Oranados, Tardes Am,, 270-4, 298, 327-9; U. S. Cath, Mag,, 1844.
488-93; Id., 1846, 263-5; FrosCa Pict. HisL Mex., 126-30; QuarL Rev., L
214; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 84-6; MarshaWa Christian Missions, u. 229-^;
TORIBIO MOTOLINIA. 187
among his companions, the apostolic twelve, whom we
shall meet frequently in the course of our history.
Oarcia, Hist. Beth., ii. 13, 14; Mosako Mex., ii 448-^; AbboU*8 Mex. and
If. 8., 19-26; Miller, Seisen in Mex., iii. 178-80; Zamara, Bib. Leg. UU.,
iv. 383-93; v. 320-48; Salasar y OlarU, Conq. Mex., ii. 207-11; Salazar,
Mex. en 1544, 233-6, 248-^60; If^eU, Cardinal Xinuaua, 508--30; Helps'
CorUs, iL 149; Mexicanische Zustdnde, i. 278-81; Brasseur de Bourbourtj,
Hist. NaL Qiv., iv. 575-93, 712-30; Doc Ecles. Mex., MS., i. pt. v.; l)e-
fensa de la Verdad., 4r-6; Burke's Europ. SeUl, i. 124-9; Camargo, Hint.
Tlax., 158-60; Hazart, Kirchen-Oesehichte, ii. 531-2; Dice. Univ., ii. 314r-15,
601; ▼. 253; vu. 227; viii. 217-18; x. 739-48; Leves, Varias Anol., 8-12; Mag-
Uano's St Francis, 538^7; Beltrarni, Meaanue, li. 62-3; Partilla, Espafla in
Mex., 40-5; Bivera, HisL Jalapa, i. 82; Id., Gob. de Mex., i. 18; Fricius,
Jnd. Beligionstandt, 50-118; Condlio Prov., 1555 and 1565, pt. it. 1-10;
Clemente, Tobias Chronoldg., 227-8; Bussierre, VEmp, Mex., 324-31; Tcuron,
Hist. Qen, Am., iv. 204-19; v. 1, 2, 35-56.
One of the leading authorities on the ecclesiaatical history of Mexico for
the first period snoOeeding the conquest, is Father Toribio de Benavente,
known as Motolinia, whose family name appears to have been Paredes, for so
he signs the preface to the Historia de los Indios, He was bom at Benavente
in Leon, and early evinced a devout disposition and a leaning for the priest-
hood. After entering the Franciscan province of Santiago, he was transferred
to that of San Gabriel, and came as one of the apostolic twelve to Mexico.
Hearing frequently from the wondering Indians who clustered along their
route the word Motolinia, and learning that it meant 'poor,' in allusion to
their threadbare garments and careworn appearance, he adopted it as an
appropriate name for himself, and was ever after so called. He even signed
himself Motolinia Fr. Toribio, with true reference to the meaning. Vctzquez,
Ckron» GvaL, BSH, 534 The name, indeed, became identified not alone with
a man of profound humility, but of a zeal that bordered on fanaticism,
as instanced by his fiery advocacy of forcing conversion with the sword,
which involved him in bitter altercation with Bishop Las Gasas. While im-
bued with views different from those of the apostle of the Indies, he was no
less a champion of the oppressed natives, devoting to them his best talents
and energy; now appearing in hot contest with political powers in their be-
half; now shielding them from cruel taskmasters; and anon following with
crucifix in hand the bloody path of conquerors, to act the good Samaritan.
Already during the first decade of the Conquest he had penetrated into Cen-
tral America, wandering through Guatemala and Nicaragua, and adding
thousands to the list of converts baptized by his hand. Yetancurt allows
him to have baptized 400,000 during this tour alone. Menolog., 85. Torque-
mada» liL 441, makes this the total number of his recorded converts 'per
cuenta que tuvo en escrito. .. sin los que se le podrian olvidar. ' On his return
he became superior at Teccuco; later, comisario, and vice-comisario general
lor GoatemaJa, and attained to the dignity of sixth provincial. The last
years of his life were spent at San Francisco convent in Mexico, in devout
^xenaaes, and during the performance of one he expired in 1568, says Beri-
atain, probably August 9th, the last of the apostolic twelve, according to Men-
188 APOSTOUO LABORS.
dieta. HtaL Bcks., 620-1; Beri8taiz^ Bib. ffisp. Am,; Bamire^ in IcaBbakxta,
CoL Doe.9 i- ?• cxviiL, etc.; Daioa Biog., in Cartas de Indku, 810; Fernan-
dez, HisL Edes,, 62-^; Salaair y Olarte, Conq. Mex., 207-11. His robe waa
kept aa a relic of a saintly man to whose prayers many miraculous happen-
ings were attributed. His intimacy with the natives led to a careful study
of their customs, religion, and history, whUe his admirable knowledge of Aztec
caused him to prepare several writings for their instruction. The list includes :
J>e tHorHms Indorum, used to a great extent by Torquemada; Adventua dti^-
deehn Patrum, qui primi eaa regiona devenerurU, H de eorum rebus gestis; giving
an account of the apostolic labors of himself and his companions; Doeirma
ChhsHanOf in Mexican, for the benefit of the converts, to which Torquemada,
iii. 386, alludes: "Hi^o luego una breve Doctrina Christiana, Fr. Toribia
Motolinia lo qval anda impressa; Ouerra de los Indies de la Nueva Espafla;
Camino del EspirUu; Calendario Mexicano, to which Henrico Martinez makea
reference. Memoriales Ifistdricos, quoted sometimes by Herrera and often by
Torquemada; and some letters, notably that of January 2, 1555. But the
most important of Motolinia's writings is the ffistoria de los Indios de la Nueva
Espafia; to which Antonia and Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 711, refer under the original
title of Retadon de las oosas, IdoUUrias Ritos, i Ceremomas de la Nueva
Espafla, MS., foL It forms three tratados, the first* Lu 15 chapters, relating
to the idols and religious ceremonies of the Mexicans; the second, in 10
chapters, to missionary labors, and acceptance of Christianity by the natives;
the third, in 20 chapters, to a medley of civil and ecclesiastic, scientific points*
resources, towns. One of these chapters was intended for the second part.
In chapter ix. of third part the author promises a fourth tratado, which he
failed to add. It was probably Intended as an amplification of the AdvetUus
duodedm, to judge by the productions of other monk chroniclers, and oonae-
quently of great value. As it is, the treatise contains a vast amount of
information of which later writers have eagerly availed themselves, baaed aa
it is on personal inquiries and observation. While it exhibits a rambling
order, and a naive acceptance of the marvellous, yet it is pervaded by a vein
of candor that wins confidence. The manuscript circulated in several copies,
two of which have of late years been published, in Kingsborough^s Mex, Antiq.,
wherein the first tratado by the duplication of a chapter number, doses with
chapter xiii. it^irt*^ of xiv., and in the admirable collection of Icazbaloeta,
prefaced by an exhaustive biography from the pen of the Mexican scholar
Ramirez.
There were several others, who with a longer period and a wider range of
subjects at their command, assumed a more important position as chroniclers,
such as Mendieta, Torquemada, Vetancurt. They will be noticed in more
appropriate places. All the orders had their annalists, though the writings of
most appeared to the public only in compiled form, in the books of favored
ones. Among these, Juan de Grijalva early appeared as the historian of the
order of San Augustin, which enjoyed a comparatively small representation in
New Spain. The writer is the more Interesting to us in being a Creole, bom in
Colima about 1559. As a child already he displayed a literary taste, and as a
priest he delighted the public with hia oratorical powers, whUe the order es-
teemed him as authority on theologio and other topics. He figured successively
GBUALVA, GABCiA, DlVILA. 189
aa rector of San Pablo college, as definidor, and prior, ffia Chxnidoade la Ordem
de y. P. 8, AugugtmefUaBprx>vhieia$deNueva Btpafia, Mezioo^ 1624, 218 pp.
folio, in foor tratados, oorers the labors of the mrder from 1533 to 1692, and
contains a number of biographies, together with an aoconnt of the strifs
between the orders and the secular clergy for the possession of parishes.
Both order and style are abore the average prodactioDS of contemporaries,
and less rambling is apparent, as Pinelo observes: " Es Historia bien escrita i
que no sale de lo que en el TUuh promote. *' BpUome, ii. 761, 838l According
to Vetancurt, he also wrote the book on which Cisneroe founds his Hist, de
Jf, Snu de lo8 Bemtdios, A special history of the Augnstinian sub-pro-
vincia of San Nicholas appeared at a later date, under the tide of Ntstoria de
Setn NiehoUu de TolenHno del drden de San Angu&tin of 215 folio pages in three
libros, wherein is recorded the mission work of the order in Michoacan and
adjoining regions from 1537 to 1648, at first under the provinciales of Mexico^
later as independent provincia. Half the space h devoted to the lives and
particularly the virtues of the missionaries, the remainder to the founding
and progress of the different convents and stations, with few allusions to
political and civil affairs.
The history of the Bethlehemite order has been written by friar Joseph Gar-
cia de la Concepcion, who had acquired some fame as a* preacher and pro-
fessor, and it exists under the title of Hi&toria BetMehemitiea. Vida exemplar
y admirable del venerable Betanarr, Seville, 1723, folio, 203, 173, 39 pp. re-
spectively. The first of the four tratadoa is devoted to a biography of Vetan-
curt, who founded the order in the middle of the 17th century; the second
relates to the life of Bodrigo de la Cruz, and the missions in Mexico and Centra]
America; the third and fourth to minor biographies and progress of the order.
More attractive, if less valuable to the present historic field, is the rare
and curious Nova Typis Traneada Navijatio. Novi Or}na Indim Occidentalism
Admodvm Bev, BveUU, Avihore Fr, Honario Phihpono (Monacho), 1621, folio,
which relates to the labors of Benedictine missionaries in America chiefly
under BuH, the vicar of the pope, and the first patriarch of the New World,
who accompanied Columbus on his second voyage with instructions to take
charge of the education of Indians, and who afterwards became so bitter
against the admiraL It opens with a treatise on ancient knowledge of a
western world, and of St Brendan's discoveries In this direction, and treats
of the aboriginal beliefs in Mexico and other regions. On the finely engraved
title-page are given full-length portraits of St Brendan and P. Buil,
engpraved by Kilian, who furnishes several other plates illustrating sea-mon-
sters and Indian barbarities. The book is dedicated to Casparus Plautius,
the abb^ of the Seittenstotten oonvent^ to which the author belongs. By
some the two are regarded as identical. Philoponus takes a decided stand-
point in several places, particularly where the prerogative of his cloth is con-
<:emed. In a reference to the journey of Cabeza de Vaca, for instance, he
attacks him severely for daring to perform miracles among Indians.
Notwithstanding the extent and importance of the church in the New
World, it was not till 1649 that the first church history of America appeared
in Teairo Mldeaidgtico de la PrindUva Iglema de las Indias Ocddeniaks. By
Maestro Gil Gonzales D6vila> Madrid, 1649^-55, 2 vols, folio— ^ving an aooooni
190 AFOSTOUC LABOBS.
of the foundation and progrees of the church in each province of Spaaisb
America; its officials and coats of arms, together with the bic^graphy of bish-
ops and pious members ; an account of the introduction of literature and art^
and some valuable vocabularies. It was Divila*s first work as chief chroni*
der of the Indies and the two Castiles. The dedication to Felipe IV. refer^
ring to him as 'mvy alto y mvy Gatolico y por esto mvy poderoeo Sellor Rey, »
shows Ddvila to be at least a devout reasoner, since the subject of the book
and the character of the age hardly permit the supposition of veiled irony in
the simple 'por esto.* For a royal chronicler the work is very carelessly
written, with glaring faults on all hands, and in poor style. Pinelo gives
1645 as the date of one volume, but tiiis is probably intended for the Teatro
EeUMstico dt laa do» CastilkUt Madrid, 1645-^, 3 vols., with a 4th volume in
1700, concerning which D&vUa had sent to the king a memorial, referred to
by Pinelo. This and his Teairo de las Orandegas de Madrid, 1023, were
probably better written, since they must have aided in obtaining for him the
position of chronicler.
A rarer and earlier work than DdvUa's is the HitUma EdeakuUea de Nve»-
troa Tiempw, by the Dominican Alonao Femandes. Toledo, 1611, folio. The
chief object of which claims to be the recording of the glorious deeda of zeal-
ous sons of the church outside of Spain, particularly oontemporarias, with a
view to animate her children to remain steadfast. The first and largest of
the three libros is occupied with America, beginning with the Antilles, but
soon passing to Mexico and Central America as the main field, and closing
with South America. The entiy of friars and the progress of missions and
ecclesiastic provincias are related, with innumerable passages on miracles*
martyrs, and saintly men, and with some account of native idolatry and of
books printed in native idioms. The rest treats of the other continents and
islands. The titie-page bears an engraving of the madonna adored by St
Dominic and St Francis.
Another general work on the church is the Kercbdyc3» Historie van de
ghefteeU Wereldt, by the Jesuit father Cornelius Hazart Antwerpien, 1667,
4 vols, folio. Among its several editions the most notable is the Gemuui
Kirchen'Cftaehiehte, Wienn, 1678-1701, 3 vols., rearranged and improved by
M. Soutermans of the same order. Besides giving an account of miasionaiy
labors, particularly by Jesuits, the political and social condition of each
r^on of the world is considered, though not with any care or critique.
Opening with Japan the first volume proceeds to treat of other parts of Asia*
while Prester John's country heads the second volume for the African divi-
sion. The last two thirds is filled with the New World, beginning with South
America, and proceeding with Florida, Canada, Mexico, and Maranhan. The
hundred pages of the Mexican section treats of the origin and belief of the
Indians, the omens preceding the Spanish arrival, the conquest and descrip-
tion of Mexico, and the conversion. The copperplates are chiefly illustra-
tive of martyrdom, with fancifully drawn natives, headed by a portrait of
St Francis Javier, not only as missionary apostle, but as a Jesuit, one of the
first nine companions of Loyola, as the author vehementiy ina.in»jLinM
Regardless of the efibrts made by the church historians already mentioned^
and by others. Father Touron of the order of Preachers comes forward with
FERNANDEZ, HAZART, T0X7R0N. 191
a HuUwrt G^n^rah de rAmirique, Fkris, 1768, 8 toIs., 12*, wherein he propoeee
to repair the neglect of general histories to folly record the important branch
of spiritual oonqnest. Dividing his work into four parts, relating to the juris-
dictions of Santo Domingo, of Mexico, of Pern and Chile, and of New Granad*,
he relates under three epochs for the three centuries, the progress of Chris-
tianity in each section. Aware of the necessity of rendering eoclesiastio
records acceptable to *Lecteurs dans un si^le d'autant plus frivole,' he re-
Bolves to ' marcher sous I'eeoorte de I'Histoire Politique et Naturelle,' in short
to sugarooat the pill. While several religions chronicles have been the guide
for the main subject, the rest is evidently borrowed from one general history,
without much digestion of either, since this was probably deemed irreverent
with respect to the former and unnecessary with the latter, as contributing
merely to a minor topic. With the progress of the work the author gradually
throws off the political shackles which have so far bound the guileless student*
and leaving him adrift he abandons himself wholly to his clerical gride.
In connection with these may be mentioned the CirHnonieg tt coutumu
rdigieuaesy Amsterdam, 1723-43, 8 vols, folio, to which belongs SvperttUiona
anciejtnea et moderj^ea, 1733-f , 2 vols. It opens with a full account of the
Jewish religion, with the rites and social institutions in connection therewith,
and proceeds with the Roman Catholic, to which are appended lengthy
memoirs on the rise and operations of the inquisitions. Then comes an account
of American religions and features relating thereto, particularly those pre-
vailing in New France; but Mexico receives a considerable space, followed by
South America, chiefly Peru. The origin of the Indians ii naturally considered,
and analogies with Old World customs are consequently numerous. The nations
of East India and other countries are next taken up. The work was compiled
by J. F. Bernard and others, and owes its success chiefly to the fine engravings
after Picart. Among the several editions is The Religious Ceremonies and Cus-
toms of the Several Nations of the Known Worlds London, 1731-0, 7 vols. The
plates are the same bearing the mark of Van der Gucht.
One of the main sources for the history of missions and of the condition of
the church in remote lands must be sought in LeUres £diJUmtes et Curieuses,
ieriles des Missiom Hroaigirts par quelques Missionaires de la Compagnie de
Jesus. Paris, 1702-76, 34 vols. 12°; to which belongs Mimoires des Missions
du Levant, 0 vols. As indicated by the title, the contents is a series of letters
by Jesuit missionaries in different parts of the world, addressed to their
superiors and to one another, describing the progress of conversion, together
with historic events, native customs, geography, and other scientific matter.
BibHugraphers are greatly ^t variance as to the date of the set, owing to the
different title of the first volume, published in 1702 as Lettres de quelques Mis-
skmaireSy etc., for which the sanctions of the Jesuit provincial and king are
dated 1702. These, followed by the LeUres 6difiantes, were reprinted in 1717,
forming, according to Charlevoix, the first whole issue of the set. An English
translation of the first three volumes appeared in 1707. In 1758 the work was
interrupted with the 28th volume, owiig to the persecution of the Jesuits in
France; but it was resumed in 1773. Another cause of confusion is in the several
r^rinta and abridgments of sets or partial sets, among them the issue in
1780-3, in 26 volumes, of the first systematically arranged edition, and for
192 APOSTOLIC LABOSa
this reaMm esteemed above others. A oontinnatioa "waa isaaed in 1818-23 aa
2foueeUeB Ldtrta ^dtjianie§, which also enters into several foreign editiana in
connection with the first set. The Spanish tranahition is interesting from the
fact that it shared in the troables which fell npon the original, and stopped in
conaeqnenoe with toL 16. Cartas EdificanUes, Madrid, 1753-7. It waa com-
piled by P. Davin from the Lettres as well aa the MSmoireB du Levant, and
prefaced in each yolnme with a review of the contents, and of miasioa
progress. The letters of the original collection were published as soon
as a sufficient number had accumulated, without regard to the country
they related to^ so that a lamentable want of order resulted, which had
to be rectified in later editions. In that of 1819 they are separated into
sets called Mimoirt9 du Levant dCAnUrique^ etc.; but are otherwise not
well arranged. In the earlier volumes, for instance, relating to America^
lY. is devoted to the north-east coast of the northern continent, and to
South America. The latter region extends over the greater part of V.,
wherein is given also a memoir on Lower California. P. Charles le Oobien
was the first editor, succeeded by the talented P. Du Halde, well known
through his History qf China, and after them came Ingoult, de NeuviUe, and
Patouillet. The value of the letters to science as well as to history becomes
apparent from a mere comiideration of the extensive learning and zeal of the
Jesuits, and their power of observing and of acquiring influence with rulers
and people. But the valuable material is interwoven with a mass of prosy
tedious details, chiefly of a religious nature, and it is to be noticed that the
contributions of the Spanish and Italian fathers appear more exaggerated and
credulous than those written by men from France and adjoining countries in
the north. The needless prolixity was the chief cause of the many abridg-
ments which taxed the forbearance of the worthy editors by their irreverent
omissions, and by frequently giving no credit to the original. The Mimoirea Q^
graphiques, etc., Paris, 1767, 4 vob., afibrds an instance. A more ungrateful
borrower is Lockman, who, in condensing the first ten volumes of the Letters
in his Travels of the JesuUa, announccj that he omits prosy accounts of miracles
and conversions as 'riiiculous to all persons of understanding.' The prom*
ised continuation of the work failed to appear, to the delight of the pious
fathers, who no doubt saw in this non-success a condign punishment of blas-
phemy.
CHAPTER X.
INTRIOUES AGAINST CORT&.
1524.
inSBIGUBS Ot DlSAPFOIlTTKD OFFICIALS— INSINUATIONS AGAINST CoRTAs—
His Fourth Lxttbb^Thb Silver Gannon— Convoy St8tbm«>Dkferrbd
Contract with thb Sovxrbion— Cort^ under a Cloud — Prepares
FOR thx March to Honduras — Acting Qovsenors Appointed — Machi-
nations OF Salazar— The Hypocrite and the Tool— Attempt to
Oust the Treasurer— Subtle Duplicity— Zuazo Made Prisoner—
Casas and Gonzalez Appear on the Scene.
Housed by the glowing reports of soldiers, the royal
officials had come to Mexico full of high anticipations
concerning the great treasures obtained from native
princes, a small portion of which had sufficed to dazzle
the court of Spain. They were disappointed, like
most of the crowd, yet with the men of Velazquez
they clung to their belief. Gold existed; but where?
Directed by gossip, they looked upon Cortds as pos-
sessing countless coffisrs filled with the fabled wealth
of Montezuma, and others filling with the constant
stream of tributes and presents from cities and prov-
inces. Such a man must be won; and straightway
they began to fawn upon the captain general. Though
pompous with their own importance and power among
the colonists, they readily sank all pride m bending to
Croesus. They were quite willing to hide from the
crown and others the deposits, if they were but allowed
a share for themselves; and this regardless of their
duty as royal officials. They had not left comfortable
homes in Castile to brave the dangers of the sea,
and the hardships of a new settlement, only to swell
Hnv. Xiz., Vol. n. 2t (IIS)
IM INTRIGUES AGAINST COBT^S.
the royal coflers ; they must have something foi them-
selves. But Cortes neither possessed the treasures,
nor was he inclined to share his receipts with the
cormorants. He preferred to extend the inflowing
revenues on further expeditions, whereby to enhance
his fame and his credit with the king. " So," they
said, "this upstart ignores us; then shall he sufler.'"
And while still bending low to pour the oil of flat-
tery, they prepared a venomous sting behind his back-
Soon rivalry was displayed* in their efibrts to cata-
logue his defects, and build a reputation for zeal in
his overthrow. In this work of libel the vanity and
presumption of the royal bastard Estrada were added
to the insidious caution of Albomoz, and the subtle
cunning and ambition of Salazar, supported by Chiri-
nos. Though divided among themselves they were
united in their opposition to Cortes.
Despatches were sent by every opportunity partly
in cipher,^ repeating every tale that could in any way
injure their opponent. The treasures of Montezuma,
and those lost during the retreat from Mexico, were
all in his possession, they said, to the value of three
or four millions, buried in different spots, and vessels
were building in the South Sea to carry them to
France or to lands that were to be wholly under his
control. Countless provinces with vast rent-rolls had
been seized for himself; caciques were made to swell
his wealth with presents, and common natives to work
in the mines for his benefit, whUe to the king he sent
a few jewels which might please the royal fancy. He
thwarted their every effort to increase the royal rev-
enue, partly by marking his gold with false stamps, so
as to avoid paying the fifth.^ Worse than this, he
was preparing vast armaments which could not be
^ 'Arcans vero ac particulares litterse a solo compntatore Albamono, regio
a Becretis, veniunt bud ignotiB caracteribua, quoa Zlfraa noncupat iisus.' Peter
Martyr^ dec. viii. cap. x.
'Ixtlilzochitl of Tezuco had given liim presents worth 60,000 castellaacM^
and since this was a royal province, the acceptance of snch gifts was robbery.
These and bimilar statements are given also in CorUs, Hegid^ficia, i. 209.
JEALOUST AND DENUNCIATIONS. 105
intended for Indian warfare^ though such was the
pretence, and with this rebellious aim he had even
seized over sixty thousand pesos de oro from the royal
treasury. The natives looked upon Cortd^ as a king,
and would follow him anywhere, and so would the
soldiers, whom he had attracted by his magnetism or
won with his gold. This strength, supplemented by
manifold resources, had made him so ambitious and
imperious that he gave no heed to royal orders, but
dealt with the country and the offices as if they were
his own. A change was urgent, or all would be lost
to the king. The best means was to give them author-
ity to proceed against him, withdraw his arms, and
gradually dispossess him of the government. He
should be ordered to do nothing without the approval
of the royal officials, and blank commissions should
be sent for them to distribute to loyal men so as to
strengthen their party, and they should be given a
place among the regidores, whose votes were at pres-
ent controlled by their patron Cortes.' Authority
shouitj also be given them to make a fresh reparti-
mierito of the natives who had been appropriated by
the supporters of the captain general.*
In this tirade of denunciations they spared not one
another, and foreseeing the evil effect of such jealousy,
the wily Salazar intimated that Cortes was creating
discord betAveen them for his own purposes; adding
that he had sent one hundred and thirty thousand
pesos to Spain wherewith to bribe the members of the
council, and to his father other large sums embezzled
from the royal treasury.
*The kinff had ordered regidores and other officials to be appointed
aiiniially by tne governor and royal agents, but this had not been done, says
Albomoz, Carta, in Icazbalcetat Col. Voc.t i. 495, implying that Cort^ pre-
ferred to keep his retainers in these controlling positions. His adherent Lope
de Samaniego was the bearer of the chai|;es, directed also to the powerful
Comendador Cobos, the patron of the officials.
* * Y one se permitiesse, que ellos pndieasen tener Encomiendas.' Ilerrera,
dee. iii Ub. vi. cap. ii. To hold encomiendas had been expressly forbidden
tiie royal officers, vet they had eagerly scrambled for a share. It was also
chaiged that the followers of Cort^ appropriated all the daughters of nobles
lor mistresses, so that honorable men oomd obtain no wives. Bernal Diaz,
BuL Verdad., 102.
196 INTRIGUES AGAINST COBT^.
Aware of the machinations of the officials, having
learned much in his relation with the Velazquez
party, Cortds takes pains in his fourth letter to the
king to ppint out many things that may explain
charges, yet he cannot peer into those cipher de-
spatches and counteract ail. To promote the subjuga-
tion of the country he has expended all his funds,
over one hundred thousand pesos de oro, and has been
obliged to take a sum from the treasury, though this
would be recovered a hundred-fold after securing such
provinces; he has also borrowed thirty thousand pesos
wherewith to buy in Spain arms, implements, plants,
and other needful material for the colony. He asks
that the royal officials be ordered to recognize these
expenditures and repay his outlay, or he would be
unable to settle his debts.
In a special letter of the same date, 15th of Octo-
ber 1524, he thanks the sovereign for ignoring the
calumnies of his enemies and favoring him as he had
done. He submits a number of proposals for bene-
fiting the country and the natives, particularly the
introduction of more friars to educate and pacify the
natives, and he urges that the royal officials be told
not to meddle with his affairs. This he supplements
by letters to his friends and agents, relating how Al-
bornoz, for instance, has become implacable because
he does not receive all the encomiendas and noble
maidens he desires.*
With his usual prudence he resolved to strengthen
his observations with such glittering tokens as he
could gather, including a quantity of silver from
Michoacan, some pearls, and gold- work, besides feath-
ers, skins, and fabrics, and a revenue remittance of
seventy thousand pesos de oro. These presents, he
observes, were far inferior to those sent before, but
their capture by the French made him desirous of
tendering some compensation. The object of Cortes
^ All these letters went in duplicates so that if the bishop of Bdrgos
one set, the other might reach its destination, lb.
THE SILVER CANNON. 197
being to attract attention to himself and to his reprer-
sentation, he recognized that the presents were inade-
quate, and bestirred his ingenuity to discover a means
to enhance their value. Finally he hit upon the idea
of forming the silver into a cannon of about twenty-
three hundred weight, costing nearly thirty thousand
pesos de oro.* It was engraved with several artistic
designs " to be worthy of appearing before so high
and excellent a prince."^
The chief ligure was a phoenix in relief, with the
inscription:
Sprang from out fire, a peerleos thing
Type of the servicea I bring
To thee, unrivalled mighty king.'
Cortes also sent twenty-five thousand castellanos in
gold, and over fifteen hundred marcos in silver, to his
father, with instructions to buy arms, dresses, plants,
and other eflTects for the colony. In charge of the
presents was Diego de Soto, accompanied by Diego
de Ocampo and Francisco de Montejo, procuradores
for Cortds and New Spain.*
Orders had been issued from Spain to send only a
limited amount of treasure in one vessel, so that the
loss might not be great in case of capture; but Cortes
'Twenty-four quintals and 2 arrobas of silver were used, some lost in
the double smelting, the metal costing 24,500 pesos de oro, at 5 pesos de
oro for the marco, of which 2 went to the pound. Engraving and smelting
coet 3,000. CorUSy CarixM, 317. ' Por este precio se ve que la plata. . .estaba
mezclada con cosa de una tercera parte de cobre,' observes Alamanj Disert,^
L 194. Oviedo, iii. 468, who saw it at the palace in Spain, calls it * media
colebrica de metal rico de oro 6 plata.' A list of the other presents is given
in Pacheco and Cdrdeiuu, Col. Doc., xiL 339-52.
^ It was among the last specimens of native art, for about this time work-
ers in precious metals were forbidden to exercise their calling in New Spain.
This order was affirmed in a special decree of the 9th of November 1526,
wherein the penalty of death was applied to its infringement. Puga^ CeduLa-
rio^ 16, 20. Proclaimed at Mexico on the 3l8t of July 1527. Libro djs Cabildo,
Its. Mexican writers lament this as one of the greatest blows at native
coltore.
> Aqnesta nacio sin par,
yo, en seruir os sin segnndo :
TOB, sin ygniAl en el mando.
Hone ever made a silver gun, save Cort^, I trow, observes Gomara, and many
sought in vain to form a similar verse. Hist. Mex., 241. Bemal Diaz begins
the first line, Estaaue.
*Herrera states that a son of Montezuma accompanied them, and was
plaoed wiUi the Dominicans at Talavera. dec. iii. lib. vii. cap. i.
198 INTRIGUES AGAINST CORTfiS.
chose to disregard the injunction in view of the press-
ing need for money at the court, as he pleads. Soto
reached the Azores in safety, and receiving news of
French cruisers off the coast he resolved to stay there
awhile, together with half a dozen other vessels, some
bringing valuable collections of pearls. Great was
the alarm in Spain among the traders, whose ship-
ments of merchandise to and from the Indies were
gradually assuming large proportions. Convoys had
been provided for several years to protect their fleets,
but owing to trouble in collecting the convoy tax,
and other causes, the protection had been withheld
for some time. Strong efforts were made to reestab-
lish the convoy, which were successful, and a regular
board was formed to assume the management of this
department, known as the Contaduria de Averia: to
collect the averia tax from the merchant- vessels, and
attend to its distribution for the benefit of the ships-
of-war.^^
The first fleet under the new arrangement consisted
'^The ofBcialfl of the department consisted in conrse of time of four conia-
dares de averia, or accountants, appointed for life, two being proprietary, a
contador mayor, equivalent to superintendent, a r^^ceptor, or receiver, and a
few sub-officials. The office was situated in the Casa de Ck)ntratacion, and
subject to its president and Judges, who assigned much of the work, and
decided in cases of dispute. One of the officials of the Casa, termed juen q^
cial, who attended at the departure of the fleets, together with visUadores, or
inspectors, to watch over their outfit and despatch, gave also a certain super-
vision in the interest of the averia department. The veedorea and pagadoreSy
inspectors and pajrmasters, and other officials of the fleets, attended to the
collection of the tax, and renaered account to the averia office. The levy was
at first not regular, but on the formal establishment of the office it was fixed
at one per cent. In 1528 this was increased to five per cent, and subse-
quently to a higher £gure, reaching at times 14 per cent, according to the
risk and loss involved. This was collected from every part of the cargo, in-
cluding the royal treasures, and in course of time also from every passenger,
without exception. The fund was increased by certain fines, seizures, and
prizes, and kept in a strone box under three keys. All warrants for disbane-
ments must be orawn by Ime president and judges of the Casa de Contrats-
cion. With the beginning of the eighteenth century the averia tax proper
appears to lutve ceased, and the expenses of the convoys were covered oy the
public treasury; but in 1732 the government was so pressed as to accept an
oifer of the merchants to convert the former averia into a contribution of four
per cent on gold, silver, and first-class cochineal. Yet one per cent of
averia continued to be collected till 1778 to pay the expenses of mail and
despatch boats to the Indies. After this, only a half per cent was collected.
For details of the laws governing the office, see Becop. de Indian, iiL 8^120;
Zamora, Bib, Leg. UJt., i. 490-7; Montemayor, Svmariosde CeduUis, 143; also
Ilerrera, dec. iii. lib. vii. cap. i., and IJist. Cent, Am., i, 282-3, this series.
A KINO'S REWARD. IW
of five vessels under Sancho de Herrera, obtained
from different grandees, and reenforced by three Por-
tuguese cruisers. Meanwhile the French fleet was
destroyed by a storm, and without waiting for escort
a score of trading-vessels hastened to escape from
their confinement at San Liicar. So did the treasure-
ship at the Azores, and Soto reached San Liicar, May
20, 1525.
All this time the affairs of Cortes had been promi-
nently before the court. Now his deeds were extolled,
and again his fame was sullied by malicious reports,
or tossed about by contradictory rumors. In response
to the appeal of the king for money, in 1523, Cortes
had empowered his agents Juan de Ribera and Friar
Melgarejo to meet the demand and secure advantages
for himself- In the early part of 1525, accordingly,
ijhey offered to provide two hundred thousand pesos
de oro within a year and a half, partly through the
regular channels of royal revenue, partly in the form
of loans. The two agents pledged themselves to fit
out three vessels, and in them proceed to New Spain
And procure the money. To this end letters were to
be given them for the leading Spaniards and chiefs in
the colony, some unaddressed, to support their appeal."
In return the king promised to duly remember the
services of Cortes. The welfare of the country and
natives being left to his care, he might make what
appointments he thought fit, and exercise the pardon-
ing power in connection with certain crimes and in-
fringements. In addition to previous dignities he was
to be made adelantado of New Spain, with the title
of Don, and the habit of the Santiago order, a coat
of arms commemorative of his achievements being
-also granted." It was cheap recompense, truly, for
" Any 8um over 50,000 aent to Spain after the date of this agreement was
to be oonnted as part of the 200,000; the 6,000 ducats to be spent on fitting
ont the vessels should be repaid from the treasury.
" This was conferred in a special despatch dated March 7, 1525, wherein
are recounted with some minuteness the sendees and deeds of the captain
during the oonquest. It consisted of a quartered shield bearing on the upper
200 INTRIGUES AGAINST C0RT£S.
one who had performed such services, achieving vast
conquests without cost to the crown.^*
After all this had been arranged," the letters came
from the royal officials, so full of abuse and insinua-
tions against Cortes that the king began to doubt
what course to pursue. The intimation that immense
treasures had been collected by the conquerors, con-
firmed by the liberal offers of Ribera, indicated that
equal or larger contributions might be obtained with-
out this agreement. It was, besides, dangerous to con-
fer more authority upon a man whose ambition leaned
toward an empire of his own, over a pliant and numer-
ous people, aided by a host of devoted soldiers. The
charges of the Velazquez party had proved exag-
gerated, yet the suspicions scattered by them kept
smouldering, now to burst into flame on the arrival
of confirmatory statements from all of the four royal
officials. About this time also a quarrel arose between
Ribera and the father of Cortds concerning some funds
which the former had failed to deliver, and finding his
master falling in favor the secretary thought it best
to secure himself by keeping the money and currying
favor with the opposition by offering damaging testi-
mony.^^
Under such circumstances it is not surprising that
the king took alarm; he might lose great treasures*
right-hand division a double-headed black eagle on a white field, the acma of
the empire; in the lower division a golden lion on a red field, significant of
Cbrt^s' deeds. In the upper left division, three golden crowns in pyramidal
position on a black field, denoting his subjugation of three sovereiffne; in the
lower division a representation of Tenochtitkkn city. The yellow Durder dis-
played seven heads of leading chiefs linked by a chain with a padlock. A.
plumed closed helmet surmounted the shield. Real Cidvla^ in CoL Doc, /n^.,
iii. 196-204.
*' The agents received a proportionately greater reward, Melgarejo being
appointed royal preacher with permission to call himself of the Council of the
Indies, and Ribera was made royal treasurer of the South Sea, 'por contiiiao,
de su casa,* with 50,000 maravedis in pay, and permission to wear an open.
helmet in his coat of arms. Jlerrera, dec. iii. lib. vii. cap. iv.
^* *Se les dieron los despachos dependientes desta capitulacion,' etc. Id,
^^ While engaged in defaming Cort^ he died from overeating, says Gomara.
'Comio vna noche vn torrezno en cadahalso, y nmrio dello.' HitA. Mex., 275.
Bemal Diaz ^ves him a bad character. HUt. Verdcui,, 190-1. His premature
death is doubtful, for the Lihro de Cabildo, March 1, 1527, mentions Joan dd
Ribera as regidor of Mexico, evidently the same man.
OOKQUEROBS AS GOVERNOBS. 201
and the New Spain empire aJso. It had been found
prudent in other cases to replace a conqueror by crown
agents, so as to guard against the control and influence
acquired by muitary leaders in distant provinces.
Even the Great Captain was recalled from Naples
with delusive promises lest he should grow too power-
ful. With others it was often deemed sufficient to let
an agent suddenly appear and take the command from
the leader, unsupported by any other power than the
royal commission, which in those days received devout
obedience. The complaints of the humbled conquis-
tador met with Uttle consideration where the interests
of the crown were at stake. In pursuance of this
policy it was decided to supersede Cortds, and at the
same time offer the government as a peace-offering to
Diego Colon, who through his offices as admiral and
viceroy pretended to certain claims over New Spain
as well as other regions. ^^ Since Cortes with his im-
periousness and large armaments might resist a re-
moval. Colon must take with him an army sufficient
to enforce respect."
These measures were not made public, lest Cortes
should receive warning and prepare for resistance, yet
they leaked out, and created no little conflict of opin-
ions. Even the opposition clamored against Colon as
head of so large a government, to the acquisition of
which he had contributed nothing. The father and
agents of Cortes were greatly alarmed. Fortunately
they possessed a powerful friend in Alvarado de
Zdiiiga, duke of Bdjar, with whose niece, Juana Are-
llano, a marriage had already been arranged for Cort^s^
for the famous conqueror of Mexico, the rumored pos-
sessor of millions, controlling the greatest empire in
the western Inde, was an acceptable suitor even in
the house of a duke. Attended by a number of
friends and Martin Cortes, this grandee appeared be-
>**E1 Almiranttt^o de la Nueua Espafia.' Id,, 193.
" The cost of which was to be recovered from Cort^ aaya Bemal Duiz.
If guilty he was to be beheaded.
202 INTRIGUBS AGAINST CORTES.
fore the king to protest against the intended injustice
to a man who had gained such vast domain and treas-
ures for the crown, and whose loyalty was impugned
solely by greedy and jealous intriguers. He showed
the letters of Cortes to his father and agents, breath-
ing the most devoted sentiments for the king, and re-
vealing the cunning artifices and hostility on the part
of the royal officials. Finally he offered himself with
all his estates as surety for his prot^g^.
With such influential and explanatory representa-
tions the king was induced to await further develop-
ments, particularly as Soto arrived at this juncture
with the fifths and the presents. " In good truth,"
says Gomara, "it was this gold that saved Cortes
from removal." This was not Uterally true, however.
The money value of the presents could have had little
effect on the decision of the king, in view of the pecul-
iar nature of his suspicions. Moreover, he seized the
{)rivate remittances of Cortes to his father, and with
ittle scruf^le, since this money was declared to be stolen
from the crown and intended for armaments where-
with to strengthen his position. The seizure was
made under pretence of a loan, with a promise of re-
payment never intended to be kept." The strength
of the treasure shipment lay wholly in the silver gun,
and it no doubt assisted with its boastful and flatter-
ing volley to make a breach in the barricade of preju-
dice raised against its sender. Brought to the palace,
it created great attention, from the novelty and the
inscription, as Cortes had intended. Not a few took
umbrage at the pretentious triplet, even among his
friends, though the greatness of his achievements was
conceded.
The silver gun may have embodied also a propitia-
tory idea, for at the time of sending it Cortds, con-
I'Long after his final retnni to Spain, in 1540, Oort^ wa« still preanng for
the fnlfilment of the royal promise. Col. Doe. IrUd.^ iv. 227. Othrr persooa
in the same vessel as Soto were allowed to retain their property, obaerves
Herrera, loc. cit.
IGNOBLE IDLENESS. 203
traiy to the wishes of the colonists, was preparing to
enter upon fresh paths, which were to lead to com-
plications no less troublesome than those menacing
him at the court. Hampered on all sides by med-
dling oflScials, and annoyed by begging intruders with
exorbitant demands and illusory expectations, his
position was becoming less enviable. The Pdnuco
affair was now settled, and accustomed to the stir of
battle and the adventures and novelties of the march,
his spirit began to feel the pressure of monotony, to
pine for new scenes, allured also by reports of the
victorious advance in Guatemala under Alvarado.
Still greedy for gold and glory, he longed to secure
to himself the fame of such conquests, or excel them;
and while excited by glowing rumors which filled the
region to the south with great cities and treasures,
he desired above all to be the discoverer of the long-
sought strait. " It seemed to me," he writes to the
king, " that my person had long been idle, without
performing anything new in your Majesty's service."^
When news came of Olid's defection, he felt
prompted to go in person against him ; but owing to
certain pressing duties, and the remonstrances of
iriends, the task of reducing the rebellious lieutenant
was intrusted to Francisco de las Casas, his relative,
and a man of valor and energy.*® Soon, however, he
bethought himself of OUd's skill as a leader and the
number and devotedness of his followers; and he
began to doubt the ability of the comparatively un-
tried Casas to effect his object. Therefore, yielding
to his fears and to the allurements held forth by a
roving fancy, he prepared for his departure. At once
arose an outcry both among adherents and opponents.
What would become of the country without its direct-
ing spirit, its bulwark! Dissensions would ensue,
perhaps anarchy, and the still unquiet natives might
» Letter of September 3, 1526. Cartas, d9&-6.
'"For a fall accoiint of this expedition, aee Hiat, Cent, ^m., i. 528-34,
this aeries.
204 INTRIGUES AGAINST CORTfiS.
take advantage of this to rise and exterminate the
Spaniards. His mere presence sufficed to prevent all
this. The road to Honduras was unknown and full
of danger; the punishment of Olid belonged to the
king, though Casas might by this time have effected
it. The royal officers also considered it their duty to
remonstrate against an expedition which must take
away so many of the much needed soldiers, and en-
danger the safety of all. They no doubt felt delighted
at the blow struck by a rebellious lieutenant at one
whom they both feared and envied, and would, under
ordinary circumstances, have preferred to see him de-
part.
Cortes had expected these remonstrances, and re-
plied that prompt chastisement wqs needed to prevent
other officers from revolting and creating disorder,
with a loss to himself of respect and territory. He
would take due steps for the government and safety of
Mexico. This was not deemed satisfactory, however,,
and a formal protest was lodged, which Cortes could
not altogether ignore. He pretended to yield, and
declared that he would merely proceed to the Goaza-
coalco region, where troubles demanded his presence.
He even wrote to the king that he had yielded to
the general desire.
As rulers during his absence he appointed Treasurer
Estrada and Licentiate Zuazo, the latter more prop-
erly as justicia mayor, to control all matters pertain-
ing to justice. It may appear strange that he should
have overlooked his many faithful followers in this-
selection, and it must be assumed that the reason lay
greatly in the mistrust created by the conduct of Olid,,
who had been one of his three most intimate friends.
To prevent jealousy he must have given the preference
to the leading captains of the conquest, and with their
military skill and authority among natives and colo-
nists they might become dangerous. The appointees
had neither experience as soldiers nor great popularity,
while the selection of a royal officer would be a proof
THE HONDURAS EXPEDITION. 206
before the sovereign of his loyalty, and might aid to
conciliate a libellous clique. It must be mentioned
that Estrada was the least obnoxious of the ofBcials,
less false in his friendship than the others, and Zuazo
was a most estimable man, for whom Cortes had
great respect and admiration. To promote good
feeling, a distribution of natives was made to the
officials and other persons. Francisco de Solis was
appointed commandant of the arsenal, with control of
the fleet and sufficient arms for an emergency, and to
Rodrigo de Paz, his own cousin, a rather turbulent
fellow, Cortes intrusted the care of his house and
property, as mayordomo mayor, with the offices of
alguacil mayor and regidor.**
For greater security he took with him the three
late sovereigns of Mexico, Tlacopan, and Tezcuco,
also the actual ruler of Acolhuacan, Ixtlilxochitl, and
several of the leading caciques, nearly all destined to
succumb to the hardships of the march, or perish by
the hand of the executioner, as in the case of Quauh-
temotzin and Tetlepanquetzal.^ The patriotism and
influence of the former had ever rendered him an ob-
ject of suspicion, particularly after his unjust torture,
and he must fall a victim to the first adverse circum-
stance that seemed to threaten the safety of the Span-
iards from his side. His seeming strength and his
friends caused his fall, for their muttered remonstrances
^ His f omial installation aa algoacil mayor did not take place till Febmary
17, 1625. Liifro de Cabildo, MS.
** For a detailed account of the charges against them, and their execution,
see HigL CenL Am,, i. 551-6, this series. Among the other hostages, as they
may be called, are named Oquitzin, lord of Azcapuzalco; Panitzin, lord of
Ecatepec; Andr^, lord of Mexicaltzinco, a brother of the king of Mi-
cfaoacan; the cihuacoaU, or lieutenant of Quauhtemotzin; Tlacatecatl, a
brave and spirited chieftain. As lieutenants for the three sovereigns,
or nominally so, were appointed Mexicaltecuhtli at Mexico, Cohuatecatl
at Tlacopan, and Alonso itzcuincuani at Tezcuco. None of them mem-
bers of the royal families, it seems, who were excluded for the very rea-
sons that caaaed hostages to be taken with the expedition. Ixtlilxochitl,
Bel., 435, 446, who gives the above names, rather tardily admits this motive,
after offering several imlikely reasons. According to Chimalpain, Hist.
Conq., iL 120, 153, Don Andres Motelchiuhtzin was elected by the Mexicans
-as their captain-general in place of the cihuacoatl. See also Herrera, dec. iii.
lib. vi cap. z.; Cfomara, HitL ifesc, 246; Cam>, Tre» Sigloa, i. 31.
206 INTRIGUES AGAINST CORTJfeS.
in behalf of themselves and their leaders, under the dif-
ficulties of the march, rose as damaging evidence, whil^
their number, overwhelming as compared with the sol-
diers, made a severe example appear necessary. Tha
control of the natives of Mexico was left partly to the
influential friar Olmedo, with the injunction to pro-
tect them and promote their conversion, which he
faithfully did during the short term of life left him.
The preference given Estrada in the appointment
of rulers was a source of bitter annoyance to the other
officials; and rather than be subject to him Salazar
and Chirinos offered to accompany the expedition^
much as they disliked it. Albornoz would probably
have joined them, but he fell sick, it is said, and the
factor suggested that, since he must remain, a share
in the government ought to be accorded him. This
was done with the malicious expectation of creating
mischief, for he well knew that the treasurer and con-
tador nursed a strong dislike and jealousy. Cort6*
could not have been wholly unaware of this, yet he
acquiesced.'*^ The appointment was most mischievous,
for Estrada, who prided himself on being an offspring
of the Catholic king, despised Albornoz, and felt not
a little annoyed at the partnership, while Albornoz re*
garded himself as under no obligation for an appoint-
ment tardily granted at the instence of others.**
Cortds set out from Mexico in the latter part of
October, with about one hundred and fifty Spanish
followers, chiefly horsemen, and three thousand natives^
both largely reenforced on the way.*^ During the
march news overtook him of repeated disagreements
^ * Como fue importnnado, y desseaxia complazer. . .lo hizo/ sayB Herrera,
loc. cit. Gomara assumes that Cort^ took the acoompanying officials with him
of his own accord, to soothe them. In the acts of ^e municipality all three
rulers are termed tenientes por el gobemador, Zuazo standing at the head.
Libra de CabildOf MS., 24-5; Zumdrraga, Carta, in Pacheeo and Cdrdena$r
Col, Doc, xiii. 109.
** Alluding to this appointment, in a letter written after the reported death
of Cortes, he relents so far as to admit the loyalty indicated thereby. Caria,
in IcazhaJUxta, Col, Doc., i. 487. Albornoz had been worsted by (jortte in a
love af&ir previous to the conquest, and ho never forgave him.
^ For a full account of the expedition, its strength, sufferings, and achieve-
ments, see H%«t, Cent, Am,^\, 537-S3, this series.
INFAMOUS OmCIALS. 207
between Estrada and Albomoz, who on one occasion
went so far as to draw the sword on ea^h other before
the town council. They were warned to desist, or
their commissions would be revoked. This had no
effect, and on reaching Espfritu Santo, Cortes received
an urgent demand for a remedy in the matter; his
presence was imperative. Salazar and Chirinos were
not displeased at the success of their machinations.
The condition of affairs was now more favorable for
their return, and they certainly would never proceed
farther than Goazacoalco. By stirring the discord
and using their influence over the weaker Albomoz,
they might emerge into a commanding position. There
were even better prospects, for if they could so readily
procure the appointment of their associate, their own
could be obtained, and for this, indeed, they had been
striving. None could have shown greater attention
to Cortds than they, particularly Salazar, who always
doffed his hat in addressing him, says Bemal Diaz;
ever obsequious and intent on flattery. Finding his
importunities unavailing for Cortds' return,^ he did
not fail to detract from the character of the rulers at
Mexico, and to insidiously urge his own ability and
devotion.
Cortes was a good judge of human nature, much
of his success being in fact due to this instinct, yet he
often misplaced his confidence. Like many men of
genius, he was irregular, erratic in certain lines of
* According to the castom he gave them a poetic formy singing:
Ay tio, boln&monos,
Ay tic, bolubmonofl.
To which Cort^ replied:
Adelante ml Bobrino,
AdeUte ml sobrlno,
Y no creais en uueros,
Que aevjk lo que Dlos quUlereb
Adelante ml sobrino*
Which may be translated:
Alas, uncle, let us return,
Alas, uncle, let us return.
Keply:
Onward, my nephew,
Onward, my nephew.
In yaln omens put no trust:
What Ood wills to happen, must
Onward, my nephew.
Bemal Diaz, Hist, Verdad., 196.
^8 INTRIGUES AGAINST OORTfiS.
action, and allowed weaker traits to overcome his
judgment. Such missteps are noticeable in the career
of the most illustrious leaders, and create astonish-
ment even in commonplace minds. Grenerally it is
the result of miscalculation, often of preoccupation.
In this instance Cortes was too absorbed by his im-
mediate projects to sound their hollow deceit, though
he accepted but Uttle they said as true. At any rate
he was persuaded to issue a commission for Salazar
and Chirinos to rule jointly with the other lieuten-
ants at Mexico; and further, to give them a secret
mandate to suspend the treasurer and contador, if still
creating trouble, and to rule jointly with Zuazo alone.*^
Cortes is said to have been warned against these
men, particularly by the friars, to whom he ever lent
an attentive ear, but their voice had not the influence
of good Olmedo. He could not endure the idea of
returning to Mexico to settle the difficulty, for this
involved not alone delay, but a probable abandonment
of the expedition. Agents must be sent, and he did
not see the danger of selecting these officials who
besides were proving irksome witnesses to his acts and
movements. Their appointment might prove a bond
of gratitude, and an additional commendation before
the sovereign. It is not unlikely, as Herrera suggests,
that he also hoped through their dissensions to find
his own conduct and policy placed in a more favorable
light, by contrast and by the discredit to be thus cast
upon their testimony.^ The officials were eager to
hurry away with the precious commissions, and on
taking leave, says an eye-witness, Salazar sobbed as
he embraced his dear friend, Cortes, the commissions
heaving in sympathy from the breast-pocket.^
^ *Para que caatigassen los exceasos del Tesorero, y Contador. . .pero oon
limitacion, qui si los hallaaaen conformes, no tratassen de castigo, sino qae
todos jnntos gouemassen.' Herrera, dec. iii lib. vi cap. xi. Bemal Diaz
intimates that the commisBions were made out by a secretary friendly to Sal-
azar. Hist. Verdad,, 196.
'^Even Salazar is said to have made some faint objections to the distriba-
tion'of power among so many. Herrera, ubi sup. Torquemada, L 689.
** *Que parecia q queria llorar al despedire, y cO sus prouisiones en el
•de la manera q d laa quiso notar. ' BerruU JHaz, loc. cit.
CONSPIRACY AND TREACHERY. 209
On reaching Mexico, during the Christmas holidays,
they found Estrada and Albornoz in harmony;* but
since this did not suit their plans, concocted on the
way, they exhibited merely the secret commission
empowering them to remove these two oflScials and
to assume their places. On the 29th of December
1524, accordingly, they were received by the cabildo
as sole rulers in connection with Zuazo. Soon the
trick became apparent, however, probably through
letters from the camp,'^ and presenting themselves
before the town council, Estrada and Albornoz de-
manded to be reinstalled as lieutenant-governors. The
case was referred to Zuazo, as one learned in law and
at the head of the tribunal, and he deciding in their
favor, they were admitted as joint rulers with the
others on the 25th of February.'* Salazar and Chi-
rinos had sought to win Zuazo to their side, but be
was incorruptible, and in their disappointment they
vowed vengeance. To resist the decision of the
council was out of the question, for this body was
really more powerful than the combined lieutenants.
It could be made an instrument, however, through the
power possessed by the governor to appoint regidores.
The present members being of Cortes' selection, his
word and interests were law to them. By and by
the new rulers, through intrigue and forcible appoint-
ments, managed to obtain a controlling voice in the
assembly, and consequently the power to carry out
their own schemes.
Matters went smoothly for some time, during which
Salazar, seconded by Chirinos, was maturing plans for
the removal of his obnoxious partners in the govern-
ment. The most influential man in Mexico at this
*^They had become reconciled the very day after the sword-drawing.
Memorici^ in IcazbcUceta^ Col, Doe,, i. 512. A document attributed to Estrada.
'^Zam&rraga states that on arrival the twain had taken Albornoz into
their confidence, and he offered to withdraw from the government so as to pro-
mote the removal of Estnda and thus be revenged upon him. Soon tney
became friends again, and now Albornoz demanded the reinstallation ot both.
CiMrtOy in Pacheeo and CdrdenaSf Col. Doc., ziii. 109-10.
Libro de CaJbUdo, MS., 25, 31-8.
Hm. Msz., Vox.. IL U
210 INTKIGUES AGAINST CORTES.
period was Rodrigo de Paz, who, as relative of Cortes,
in charge of his vast interests, and figuring as alguacil
mayor, stood the conceded leader of his controlling
party. The success of Salazar's schemes required the
cooperation of such a man; but he was the friend of
Zuazo and Estrada. The first step, therefore, must
be to alienate him from them. Finding that some
old offence of Paz still remained unpunished, Salazar
demanded that the joint governors should sign an
order for his arrest. Estrada suspected sinister
design on the part of his opponent, and objected,
declaring the ofltence insufficient for the proposed
penalty. The others were persuaded, however; the
joint signature was obtained, and the alguacil mayor
found himself suddenly carried off in shackles to Sal-
azar's house. This selection of a prison was part of
the plan.
After allowing time for his feelings to foment^
Salazar presented himself "This is rather severe
treatment your friends subject you to, senor," he said.
" Had you been so devoted to me as to them, I never
would have permitted such an outrage." Nor did he
fail to paint their motives in colors as black as their
deeds; he declared his aversion to them and his sym-
pathy for him, and finally proposed an alliance. He
would liberate him, cost what it might, and jointly
they would drive the others from the government and
share it between themselves. The prisoner acquiesced-
Within two hours their compact was ratified by solemn
oaths and tokens,^ and within two days the other gov-
ernors had been prevailed upon to allow the liberation
of the prisoner.
Rumors of the compact reaching the ears of Sala«
zar's partners, they challenged his conduct. He de-
nied the accusation, and pretended to be angry with
Paz, and proposed a combination for his overthrow.
To strengthen the proposal, and lull their suspicions,
^ Bello, chaplftin to Salazar, administered the oaths. Paz surrendered a
valued ring as token. JHemoria, in JcazbcdcetOf Col, Doc., i. 514-15.
THE CONSPIRATORS IN COUNCIL 211
he joined them at communion,** and on Easter Sun-
day he dined with Estrada. Next day the three con-
spirators proceeded to the council, where Paz had
managed to win the majority to his side, and had
arranged for the exclusion of Estrada and Albomoz
from the government, partly on the plea that they
were seeking to ignore the authority of Cortes. On
the 19th of April 1525*' they were accordingly de-
clared excluded, on the strength of the secret com-
mission already so effectually used by Salazar and his
companion. Zuazo protested, as did the minority in
the council, and the excitement became so great in
the city that bloodshed was feared. Indeed, Pedro,
a brother of Paz, came to blows with Albomoz. Es-
trada rushed to the rescue, and Rodrigo de Paz joined
in the mfil^e with a large force, showering stones.^
Peace was restored, and Pedro placed under arrest,
only to be released by his patrons.
Francisco Ddvila, one of the alcaldes, now issued a
proclamation, forbidding any recourse to arms under
heavy penalties. This being directed against the
Salazar faction, they indignantly attacked him, broke
his staff, and carried him to prison. Here an effort
was made to win him to their side, and this failing,
an assassin was instructed to remove him. He es-
caped, however, to a place of refuge, and his pursuers
wreaked their vengeance on his property.*^ Estrada
and Albornoz continued to sign documents as lieuten-
ant-governors, regardless of the injunction, and orders
were issued for their arrest. Fearing more trouble,
the Franciscans interposed and prevailed on them to
submit.^ This effectually excluded them from the
government
** ' Pars que sn oonformidad f aease maa notoria al pueblo, y nadie se atre-
meoM a aasiBtir a Rodrigo de Paz.' Herrera, loc. cit; Memoriae nbi 8up.
»Libro de CaJbUdo, MS., 41-5.
"* Pedro de Paz intended to kill Albomos, three of whose companions were
wonnded. Memoriae in IcasbaLceta^ Col, Doc., i. 516.
'^ He was reinstated under the later rule of Estrada. lAbro de CaMldo,
MS., February 22, 1526.
'"At their respective residences, under the guard of Paz. Zumdrraga^
Cartaj in Pacheco and CdrdenaSt Col. Doc,, xiii 110-11.
212 INTRIGUES AQAINST COBT&.
The removal of Zuazo was equally desired, but this
could not be effected for want of grounds. It so
happened, however, that a c^dula arrived demandu^
the licentiate's presence in Cuba to undergo residencia
in connection with his administration there. This
fell into the hands of Paz in opening the despatches
for his master, and was only too eagerly seized upon
to further his plans. On the evening of May 23d,
JZuazo was summoned to confer with Salazar and
Chirinos, and in their presence the alguacil mayor
^xultingly snatched from him the staff of chief-jus-
tice, and he was ordered to be immediately removed
as a prisoner to Medellin, there to await the first
departure for the Islands. "I thank Grod for taking
me from a country so rife with discord," he exclaimed,
as the guard bore him away.^
This treatment of a man so irreproachable and so
universally respected created no little excitement, and
many residents prepared to abandon the city, but Paz
came forward with the c^dula and reassured them.**
Shortly afterward news was received of the approach
of Casas and Gil Gonzalez, on the way from Honduras
to report to Cortds their overthrow of Olid. While
they were advancing along the easy highways of con-
quered Guatemala, their chief was marching in the
opposite direction, along the eastern borders of Vera
Paz, wading through marshes, climbing rugged ranges,
and cutting his way through dense forests, struggling
with famine, disease, and discontent, and all in pur-
'* According to Oviedo 200 men Burrotinded his dwellinf^ at midnight;
Having a number of armed men with him, he prepared to resist, but Paz as
^his friend' persuaded him to surrender, promising tliat his person and prop-
erty would be respected. Casas joined nim at Medellin with 200 cavalry,
and offered to install him at Mexico as sole ruler, but Zuazo refused to create
trouble. All tlus is unlikely. He was embarked at San Juan in shackles, in
the middle of August, for B[abana, where all vied to do him honor. He
passed fche residencia without a stain, and was thereupon appointed oidor of
the audiencia at Santo Dominco with a ^y of 300,000 nuiravedis. There he
died in 1539, rich and honored. Oveido^ lii. 518-21, i 542; Navarreie, in Col.
Doc, In6d.y ii. 376-9.
^Estrada and Albomoz appear to have been among the alarmed ones, and
to have gone in hiding in the suburb, while the forces of Paz scorned the city
for them. Memoria, in IcasUHdceta, Col, Doc., L 516.
GASAS AND GONZALEZ. 213
volt of an object already accomplished. Estrada and
Albomoz were the first to receive the information,
and with a view to obtain news of Cortes, and to take
counsel with Casas about the policy to be pursued,
they proposed to meet them. As they could not
leave the city without permission, they obtained this
on the plea of conveying a quantity of gold to Medellin
for shipment to Spain. No sooner had they gone
than Chirinos also learned of Casas' approach, and
hurrying after them with a squad of men he brought
them back to their houses, seizing their arms and
horses.*^
A week later Casas and Gonzalez arrived in the
city, and proceeded to Estrada's residence. Rumors
of their intention were rife, and formal charges against
them were made before the notary, concocted prob-
ably by the lieutenant-governors, who resolved not to
afford time for conspiracies.** That very night they
appeared before their house and demanded the sur-
render of certain armed men harbored by Estrada
contrary to orders. Whatever may have been the
projects of the treasurer and his guests, they were
not prepared to resist this prompt summons, sup-
ported by a strong force with artillery, nor did Casas
feel it proper to oppose Paz, the relative and repre-
sentative of Cortds, and so the gate was opened.**
All the arms were now seized, even those of Casas'
party, and five armed adherents of Estrada were car-
ried off to be lashed and exiled, regardless of their
rank as hidalgos. Salazar did not fail to wreak his
^ The hostile ohject of their jottmey was oonfirmed by the absence of the
xoyal treaanre whidi they pretended to convoy. Ocafla in Icazbalceta, Col.
Doe., i. 524-5. This is stated also by other witnesses. Estrada declares the
Ouas meeting to be an invented charge, and states that they did convoy gold,
yet with the object also of sending private despatches to Spain. Memorta, in
/J., 516. Herrera says the friars interfered to prevent bloodshed when
Chirinos overtook them.
^ Estrada proposed to seize them, including Paz, and assume the govern-
ment, with Casas for alcade mayor. Tegtimonio, in Cort^, Rsaidencia, i.
217. Ocana, nbi snp., was the notary who recorded the charges.
^ 'This was done at the instance of Casas,' says Herrera, yet other testi-
mony intunatee that he wonld have been ready to aid Estrada in resisting.
CorUs^ Ruidenda^ L 77, 402.
214 INTRIGUES AGAINST COBT^.
hatred on Casas in abuse and insinuation, and the
latter being a high-spirited cavalier retorted in no
measured terms.** Such insolence was beyond endur-
ance, but as it was conveyed by a relative of Cortes,
whom Paz would most Ukely protect, the factor was
obliged to nurse his wrath for the present. Casas
thought it prudent, however, to leave for his estates
in Oajaca.**
^ He even Yentared to attack Salazor's party one day, and maltreat Al-
bomoz, whose vaciUatiDg demeanor did 00 much to aid the former. Ocmamp
Hist. Afex.f 248. He would hardly have dared to raise his hands aigainat
Salazar. Bemal Diaz gives some doubtful details about Casas' conduct against
Salazar. Hist, Verdad., 210-11. He was not present. Estrada was oootfined
in another house, and Albomoz in the arsenat Memaria, in Icazbalceta^ CoL
Doe. J i. 619.
^ <£ziled by Salaar,' says a witness in Ocrtis, Betidenda, L 403.
CHAPTER XI.
8ALAZAB*S USURPATION AND OVERTHROW.
1525-1526.
OVZBTBBOW OF PAZ— Hlfl TkKRIBLS FaTE — PXBSICUTIOK OF THS FRISNDS
OF CORTiS — AlVARADO GONSIDEB8 THX MaTTSR — SSAROH FOR CoR*
tAs— His Funeral Honobs^-Spoliation of his Pbofkrtt— Lashino a
Wife— Tyrannical Proceedings of Salazabt— It Leads to Revolt-
General ALABM^EXPEDinONS AGAINST REBELS— ChDUNOS' FlASGO —
The Fbiars Hurl Anathemas— The Governors Humbled— The Mys-
terious Messenger— Rising of the Men of GortAs— ELScnoN or
Estrada and Albobnoz— Assault on the Government House— Sa-
LAZAR Engaged— Conspiracy to Release Him.
After aiding Salazar in the achievement of his
plots, Paz was no longer indispensable; indeed, he
was an obstacle to the free sway of the lieutenants.
Their longing for uncontrolled action was fostered
partly by rumors of disasters to Cortes, borne from
the natives of the south, and all the more alarming in
the absence of news from him. The ruling faction
<lid not hesitate to magnify these reports and to cir*
oulate fantastic stories about Cortes, Marina, and San-
•doval having been seen burning in vivid flames in the
Tlateluco church-yard.^ Machinations against the
immediate adherents of Cortes could accordingly be
ventured upon, but their leader must above all be re-
moved. Aji additional incentive existed in the wealth
of the captain-general, of which Paz was the guardian,
and in the enmity of Chirinos, who had lost to him
at the gambling-tisible the greater part of his fortune.*
' The man who saw it became rick with horror. Their ghosts were seen
aiso at Tezcuco. Bemal Diaz, Hist, Verdad,, 210.
' Some 20,000 pesos de oro. Estrada assumes this to have been the prin-
cipal caoae for the plots against Paz. IcasbaloUa, Col, Doc,, i. 519-20.
216 SALAZARTS USURPATION AND OVERTHROW.
In futherance of the design, the devoted friends of
Cortds had been gradually replaced by more pliable-
members. An able adviser and promoter of these
machinations existed in Diego de Ocana, who had
lately arrived as royal notary, probably at the recom-
mendation of Cobos, the powerful pateon of his prin-
cipals.*
Paz had given umbrage to the Franciscans by a
neglect of religious duties and want of respect for the
friars, a proceeding which was aggravated by his pas-
sionate and reckless nature. Salazar represented this
to Father Valencia, the custodian, and agent for the
Inquisition, and proposed that authority be given to
seize and arraign him. The friar replied that the
anger of the church had been propitiated by humble
penitence, and that Paz stood absolved. This answer
may have been dictated partly by a repugnance
toward the applicant, whose every proposal seemed to
cover some deep-laid plot, and whose reverence for
the cloth was by no means conspicuous. Thus foiled,
Salazar turned to another quarter.
After the treatment received from Paz, neither
Estrada or Albornoz could be expected to harbor
any good- will for him, and they were readily induced
to join in the not altogether improper demand upon
the mayordomo of Cortds to exhibit what treasures
his master had sent to Spain, so that the royal fifth
might be collected where still due ; and further, since
Cortes was evidently dead, to repay to the treasury
the sixty thousand pesos de oro taken by him. Paz
naturally objected, and his refusal was made to appear
as contempt for the officials of the king, strongly
indicative of treason. With loud words about the
necessity for protecting the royal interests, Salazar and
'In Fcaghaicela, Col Doc., i 524-37, is printed a letter of this {>ersoa,
addressed probably to officials of the Casa de la Contratacion, with which he
seems to have been connected. It is full of malicious charges and insinua-
tions against Cortes and his party, and reveals him as a base hypocrite, as old
in wickedness as in age, whereof he claimed over sixty years.
HIDDEN TREASURES. 217
Chirinos began to summoTi men to their support,
promising repartimientos and other favors to some,
and assuring others that no harm should come to Paz
himself. Observing this movement, the latter also
began to muster for defence. A proclamation was
issued forbidding any one under heavy penalties to
resist the royal cause. Nevertheless, when the lieu-
tenant-governors appeared before his house on the
. 19th of August, Paz had quite a force within. Es-
trada now spoke to him, and, representing the treason-
able appearance and danger of resisting royal oflScials
in discharge of their duty, he prevailed upon him to
yield, after receiving the solemn oath of Salazar and
Chirinos that his person should be respected.*
After disarming and dismissing the opposing force,
and sending Paz to the arsenal, the four royal officers
took possession of the residence of Cortds. An ex-
amination of the premises, followed, and a number of
valuables at once disappeared, while the native prin-
cesses and ladies of noble birth there living as wards
were grossly insulted, to the deep humiliation of their
people. The belief was that vast treasures lay hidden
in or beneath the palace, and Estrada and Albornoz
were directed to retire so that the lieutenants might
have no official witness to their further search. The
better to promote their designs these worthies caused
themselves on the 2 2d of August to be sworn in as
lieutenant-governors for the king, till his Majesty
should decide, with the same power as that possessed
by Cortds in his offices of chief justice ana captain
general.* A devoted adherent named Antonio de
Villaroel was at the same time installed as alguacil
^Thifl oath, termed pl^to homenagty was tendered before several cavaliers
and friaiB in the presence of Jorse de Alvarado and Andres de Tapia. Both
of these being afterward proecnbed, Salazar may have considered the oath
less valid. Gil Gonzalez was among those who persuaded Paz to yield, says
the Memoria, in Id,, 520.
^The ooancil swore to obey them as ' Tenientes de Capitan General 6 Go-
bemador y Jnsticia mayor de esta N. £. por SSMM.* Lioro de CabiUio, MS.»
70-6. 'Till Cort^ should return,' was one of the clauses. Henceforth they
are spoken of as governors, though the record title remained lieutenant-gov-
^1% SALAZAR*S USURPATION AND OVERTHROW.
mayor, in place of Paz, and the subservient council
was made to issue permission to the new governors to
take an inventory of the property of Cortes.
. The search for treasures proved comparatively bar-
ren, though every corner was examined and the ground
dug up beneath and around the palace. They were
fully convinced, however, that treasures existed some-
where, for a belief in the wealth of Cortes was too
wide-spread not to be true, and it seemed incredible
that he should have neglected his opportunities to
enrich himself. The only question was about the
hiding-place. Paz must know, and must be made to
speak. Regardless of their oath they submitted him
to torture, applying among other means boiling oil to
his feet, which were then slowly roasted before a fire.
In his agony he declared that Cortes had taken his
treasures with him: he knew of none. This answer
was not accepted, and the torturing continued till the
toes fell off, and the feet were charred to the ankles.*
Regarding it as unsafe to leave alive an. enemy so
terribly outraged, to bear convicting evidence against
them, the governors concocted fresh charges against
him, notably that he intended to excite an insurrec-
tion, and condemned him to death. The popular
feeling was strongly in favor of the prisoner, and
efforts were made to enforce the appeals against the
sentence; but the safetv of his persecutors demanded
its execution, and effective precautions had been taken
to cloak the proceedings in the royal name, and sup-
port them with a considerable force, while stringent
orders existed against armed gatherings on the part of
ordinary citizens. Still hoping to extort a confession,
Salazar held out to Paz the delusive promise of pardon
if he would reveal the treasures. " I have none,"
replied the outraged victim, "and I implore Cortds to
' ' Di^ronle grandes tormcntoe de agua ^ de cordeles 6 de fuego.' MemoHa,
in Icaabalcettij Col. Doc.,, i. 521. This authority believes the treasures to have
been sent away before Paz came to serve Gort^, a year previous. ' Con hierro,
y fuego le atormetard.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vi. cap. xiL 'De (|ue no podi»
vivir.^ Testimonio Afex., in Pacheco and Cdi-denaa, Col. Doc., xiii. 34.
EXECUTION OP PAZ. 219
pardon me for saying in my agony that he had taken
them away; it is not true." Unable to walk he was
carried to the square on an ass, and hangedJ What
a fall was this of the haughty leader of a faction which
but a few weeks before controlled the destinies of an
empire I How far removed were such proceedings from
those of savages? It is a singular coincidence that
the representative of Cortes should have suflFered the
same torture for the same end as Quauhtemotzin, and
have been hanged about the same time as this prince,
under a similar pretext.®
• Pedro, the brother of Paz, was seized to please
Albomoz, but he escaped from prison and took refuge
in the sanctuary of San Francisco, followed by a num-
ber of adherents of Cortes, such as Jorge de Alvarado
and Andrfe de Tapia, for none knew where the tyrants
would stop, or whom they had marked for their next
victim. The desire was now paramount to find Cortes
if perad venture he still lived, as the only one who
could save them and the country. Aware of this
feeling, the governors ordered the sails of vessels at
the gulf ports to be removed, so that none might go
without their knowledge.* Efforts were made, how-
ever, to send intelligence through Guatemala, and
Pedro de Alvarado was urged to come to the rescue
and assume the government. The proposition fell on
no heedless ears, for this leader was only too willing
to figure as the savior of a country he had assisted
^ ' EstoTO en piemaa ^ desnado 4 un pafio sncio tocado en la cabeza. . . todo
QD dia^* Memoruij loc. at. Daring his imprisonment of a month and a half
hia nroperty was appropriated by Salazar and Chirinos, partly to repay the
rambling losses of the latter. Albomoz, who had been left as his heir, says
Merrera, nbisup., with little probability, failed to receive any of the property.
Villaroel claimed 12,000 pesos of it won from him at the gambling-table. Paz
was evidently fortunate on the green cloth.
"Patriotic Mexicans did not fail to recognize in this occurrence, and in the
rooliation of his estates, the divine vengeance for the torture and execution of
the Aztec emperor by Cort^.
*Gomara writes that Casas had done a similar thing, shortly before, to
prevent Salazar from sending false reports to Spain, or transmit royal moneys
in his own name. Higt, Mex., 248. Bsmal Diaz states something similar, and
adds that it was mainly this that drew upon him the persecution of the gov-
ernors. Jlisi. Verdad,, 210.
220 SALAZAR'S U8UBPATI0N AND OVEETHROW.
to conquer, and if Cortds proved to be dead it waar
necessary to foster his own pretensions to independent
sway in Guatemala. He accordingly prepared to set
out with a small escort. At the last moment, how-
ever, the trip was abandoned, partly because it became
apparent that a larger force was needed for the project
than could be spared from Guatemala, and partly be-
cause his interests at court might be imperilled by an
armed demonstration against officials cloaked in royal
authority and protected by the powerful Cobos.^®
Shortly before this, Diego de Ordaz had arrived
from Spain, proudly bearing the new coat of arms
commemorating his famous ascent of the Popocate-
petl volcano. He was naturally interested in the fate
of his former chief, and rumors coming from Xicalanco
of the death of Cortes in that region Salazar agreed
that he should sail down the coast with two vessels
to investigate. On reaching the Usumacinta he ob-
tained confused versions of disaster to the forces both
bv land and water, the latter under Cuenca and Me-
dma having been destroyed near the coast. Among
those captured was Medina who met a fearful death
as a sacrifice to the idols. Wooden splinters were
stuck into his body, and fired. Thus bristling with
torches .he was made to walk in solemn pace round a
hole, till he dropped from agony and exhaustion, and
was then burned to death." This story by no means
encouraged Ordaz to penetrate the country, and ascer-
tain the truth of the reports that Cortes and his land
'^ Brassenr de Bourbonrg aasnmes that a great outcry was raised against his
departure, but the municipal records show nothing of the kind, an escort
Deing actually offered him on October 4, 1525. Arivalo, Adas, Ayunt,, Ouat.^
15. Sec also Bemesalf Hist. Chf/apa, 7. Bemal Diaz, loc. cit., writes that he
returned on receiving fresh news of Salazar's despotic measures and evident
stren^h. Chirinos^ expedition against Oajaca about this time is supposed to
have been intended chiefly to intercept him. Testimonio Mex,, in Pacneeo and
CdrdenaSj Col, Doc, xiii. 40.
'' Gomara, Hist, Mex, , 247, relates that he met his fate when going in search
of Ck)rt^8. See also Remesal, Hist. ChyapcL, 164. But Medina was of Gort^*^
party, as shown by his companion Benial Diaz. Hist. Cent. Am., i 543-4^
this series.
G0RT£S reported dead. 221
party had been killed some seven moons before at a
<;ity in the interior." He contented himself with ac-
<;epting the reports, and returned to curry favor with
the new ruler, who rewarded his devotion with the
office of alcalde mayor.^
Salazar and Chirinos eagerly circulated his state-
ments with the authoritative declaration that Cortes
was indeed dead. To impress this upon the people
solemn funeral honors were ordered by the local
authorities to be held throughout the country. The
sermons on the occasion were duly tempered in defer-
ence to the hostile feeling of the ruling faction. At
Mexico a monument was erected in the parish church,
and a sum of money was assigned from the estate of
Cortes to pay for masses."
The evident effort to enforce the acceptance of this
view, and by men of Salazar's intriguing nature, ex-
cited doubts among many. Such suspicions were
regarded as mischievous to their projects, and the
governors forbade their expression under heavy pen-
alty. Juana Ruiz de Marcilla, wife of Valiente, sec-
retary to Cortes, not only criticised the permission to
marry granted to women whose husbands had left oh
the Honduras expedition/* but loudly declared that
the followers of Cortes were not such poltroons as
^' Albomoc raves the report with detaiL Gorite had maltreated the lord
of Cozamelco, a lake city, Beyen daya' joomey from the coast— evidently Itza —
and the natives had resolved to be avenged. At the next camp they fell
Qpon the sleeping forces with sword and &e, and slew the greater number,
llie remainder, including Gort^, were sacrificed, not a man escaping. Carta,
in Icazbaketa, Col. Doc,, i. 485-6.
^ Libra de Cabildo, MS., November 2, 1525. ' Afirm6 que era muerto y
trajo ciertos Indios que lo decian. ' OcaHa, Carta, in Id. , 526. He swore before
Oort^ afterward that he never afiBrmed the death of his party; he merely
reported the native mmors. He sailed on to Cuba. Hist. Verdad., 221. Her-
rera intimates that Ordaz pretended to have made greater investigations tlum
he did, in order not to be regarded as intimidated by the natives. He com-
ments on Salazar's neglect to properly search for a party engaged on royal
aerrice. dec. iii. Ub. vi. cap. xi.
^* When C!ortte sued for the recovery of this and other funds, Juan de
Ctoeres, nicknamed the rich, bought the masses for his benefit I Bernal Diaz,
k)c dt
''Chiefly with a view for the covemors to obtain possession of two of
these women. Their new husbands were given repartimientoe, and con-
veniently witiidrew from the city. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vi. cap. zii.
222 SALAZAR'S USURPATION AND OVERTHROW.
the soldiers of Chirinos, to allow a horde of nativeEt
to cut them down. This contumacy must not be tol-
erated. Regardless of her sex, position, and wealthy
she was ordered to be publicly lashed, as a warning^
to others. ^^
A certain portion of the estate of Cortes which
could not well be secretly appropriated by the despoil-
ers had been placed in the depository for the property
of deceased persons. Salazar now ventured to have
this sold at any price, and appropriated the proceeds,
to the payment of real or fictitious claims by himself
and friends, also cancelling any of their indebted-
ness to the estate. So rapidly did the property dis-
appear that when the royal treasurer made his claim
for the sums which had served as pretext for the
spohation, there was not enough left to pay them.^''
When remonstrated with for this reckless manage-
ment both of private and royal interests, he declared
that the king did not know what orders were issued^
nor the Council of the Indies what was observed. Be-
sides, he had authority to seize Cortds, should he ever
return, and might even hang him, a piece of bombast
which tended to intimidate quite a number."
^'January 4, 1526. She received 100 lashes, acoording to her own foniial
complaint presented on the return of the husband. Pacheco and Cdrdenas,
Col. Doe., xxvi. 19S-223. Cortes made amends by carrying her in processioik
on his horse, followed by all the cavaliers of the city, and oy ever afterward
giving her the noble title of Dofia. Bhymster scoffingly alluded to this en-
noblement. * Dixeron por alia q le anian sacado el don de las espaldas, como
narizes del bra^o.* Gomara, Hist, Mtx., 248. Bemal Diaz states that Es-
trada made this amend. He relates that Gonzalo Hernandez of Goazaooaloo
narrowly escaped hanging for expressing a doubt. On humbly declaring ttuft
a falsehood told to console a sorrowing widow he was rewarded, but made to
leave the city. Hist, Venlad., 211. Cortes was later accused of having as-
sumed the privilege to confer knighthood on several followers. CorUs, Besi-
dencia, i. 163-4; li. 119.
^^ This is Estrada's formal declaration, yet the obsequious Albomoz inti-
mates that the royal claims could be covered Inr the real estate yet remain-
ing, valued at 200,000 castellanos. Carta^ in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., L 503.
Cortes estimates his losses through the spoliation at 300,000 ducados. BeL
Servicios, in CorUs, Eecritos SuHtos, 224-6. Salazar borrowed large snms^
which were sent to a safe place in Spain, says Zumirra^ Carta, in Pacheco
and Cdrdenas, Col D<K.y xiii. 113. Certain gold deposited by Cort^ in th»
coffers of the sanctuary was also seized. Herrera, ubi sup.
^^*Aunque Fernando Cort^ fuese vivo, y bolviese, no le recibirian, sino
que lo avian de ahorcar.' Torquemada, i. 603. Tutimonio Mex,, in PocAeo*
HIGHHANDED PROCEEDINGS. 22»
Not only the estates of Cortds, but the offices,
lands, and Indians of his followers, were appropriated
for the benefit of the governor's friends, and many
who had failed to take refuge in the sanctuary were
arrested. This created a further dispersion, and not
a few fled to the mountain regions, preferring to trust
themselves among the half-revolted Indians rather
than to the tender mercies of the executioners of
Paz. In this persecution Casas and Gil Gonzalez
were not overlooked, the former indeed being too dan-
gerous. They were arraigned for the murder of Olid
and condemned to death; to decapitation in this in-
stance, since the culprits were by their rank exempt
from the ignoble noose. Their appeal to the sover-
eign was at first disregarded, but their friends were
sufficiently influential to prevail upon the governors
to modify the decision and order their removal to
Spain for judgment.^
By the vessel in which Gonzalez embarked, the
governors sent a paltry remittance to the king, and a
large number of costly presents*^ for friends and their
patron, whose favor and efibrts in their behalf would
be more effective than any services they could perform
for the crown. The fate of the chivalrous Vasco
Nunez, and the success of the nefarious schemes of
the tyrant Pedrarias had proved a lesson to many
another besides Salazar, and the sovereign suffered
and CdrdenaSt Col. Doc., ziii. 35. He came not only as factor, but to seize
Cort^, and would have done so had he not departed for Honduras. Zumdr^
raga, ubi sup.
» Gonzalez gave bonds on Kovember 22, 1525, as knight of Santiago, to
embark. Concerning his fate, see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 534, this series.
Although most authorities assume that Casas also embarked, this is doubtful,
for he is said to haye been with Cortes shortly after his return in the middle
of 1528. Testimony, in CorUSy Hesidencia, i. 310, etc He probably re-
mained in hiding on his estates in Oajaca. Herrera includes Hurtado de Men-
doza in the condemnation.
^ These went in charge of Juan de la Pefia, with instructions how best to
promote the governors* interests. The remittance to the king was merely
12,000 dncadoe says Loaisa, in Oviedo, iii. 523. Albomoz enumerates two
remittances of 20,000 and 21,000 castellanoe in cold, and 102 marcos of silver,
sent in August and December by way of Espafiola. He remarks on tho insig-
njfieaaee of even these amounts, due to reigning disorder. Carta, in Icazbai'
ceia. Col, Doc., i. 501-2.
224 SALAZAR-S USURPATION AND OVERTHROW.
deservedly for listening to partisans to the discourage-
ment of loyal and zealous servants. For support of
their pretensions the governors convoked the delegates
of the Spanish settlements in the country, as well as
the town council of Mexico, and by subterfuge and
intimidation compelled them to sign a representation
to the king recommending their confirmation as gov-
ernors in lieu of the defunct Cort^s.^ The same per-
sons were made to elect as agents or procuradores in
Spain two of Salazar's friends, Bernardino Vazquez
de Tapia and Antonio de Villaroel, to replace those
appointed by Cortes. They reached Spain, though
the vessel was wrecked on Fayal Island with the loss
of the treasure and most of the documents, including
the process against Casas and Gonzalez.^
With a view to render themselves secure, the gov-
ernors fortified their residence with artillery and arms
from the arsenal, appointing Luis de Guzman captain
of the battery, and several others as captains of their
guard and house.** The apparent devotion of their
followers made them quite overweening in their con-
fidence, and they ventured to sneer even at demands
and regulations connected with the royal interest, de-
<;laring that any royal judge who might arrive and
presume to interfere with them would find it difficult.**
*i Francisco Cortes and other procnradorea of setUemeutB swore that
they never affixed their signature to the document for their appointment
as ffovemors. Ortega, in Pacheco and Cdrdeiuu, CoL Doc., xxix. 83. The
authorities of Mexico in their representation to the kins, February 1526,
declare that they were obliged to sign documents without leaming their con-
tents. Testimonio Mex., in Id., xiii. 36-8. Though confirmed by the dele-
gates as governors for the king, the municipal acts allude to them as
ueutcnant-govemors. Libro de CahUdOy MS., I>ecember 16, 1525, etc. In
January, however, the absent Chirinos is called simply by his royal office of
veedor, while Salazar figures as the '^^obemador.'
^^ Herrera, dec. iii. Ub. vi. cap. xii. Yet Loaisa, loc. cit, states, ^salv^tee
el oro.* The agents were further secured with large salaries and fees, Villaroel
recovering 12,000 pesos of gambling losses from the estates of Paz, says Her-
rera. His office oi alffuacil mayor was conferred on Ordaz.
^ Arteaga was made captain of the guard, Gin^ Nortes received another
important trust, etc. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 211.
** Alcalde Bonal of Villa Rica declared that he had orders from Salaar to
arrest any royal judge who might arrive, and send him back to Spain. J7«r-
rera, ubi sup.
OFFICIAL ROBBERY. 226
They hampered the treasurer and contador iu their
<luties, and transferred crown lands and diverted reve-
nues into diflFerent channels whereby they and their
fidends mi^ht profit, going even so far as to appropriate
them partly as presents to influential friends at court.*^
In this process of enrichment the defenceless natives
were subjected to every extortion. Salazar's agents
scoured the provinces, and entering the houses of all
who appeared rich, carried off every object of value,
maltreating those who failed to satisfy their expec-
iiations. Many caciques out of fear or self-intorest
•assisted to extort property from their wealthy sub-
jects. Itzcuincuam, the Ueutenant at Tezcuco, aided
to sack the palaces of his royal master Ixtlilxochitl,
absent on the Honduras expedition, and to persecute
his family, distributing, besides, his lands and reve-
nues, in the belief that he must be dead.* All this
greatly excited the natives, and in a number of dis-
tricts the feeling led to serious demonstrations. Yet
a general revolt was prevented through the numerous
matrimonial alliances established with the conquerors
and colonists, and through rivalry between tribes,
elasses, and caciques, for the hostUe feeling of pro-
vincial peoples against those of the lake valleys was
still bitter, the former clinging to the white leaders
who had guided them to the long-desired victory, or
vying for the favors which flowed through them alone.
The frairs also had acquired great influence, and knew
how to apply their warnings and counsel, informed as
they were by the children, of the projects of their
elders.^
* Some treftsnres discorered in a certain building, and properly claimed for
the king, were appropriated by Salasar on the ffround that the house adjoined
his own. Id. EstraaiBb presents a doleful complaint against the criminal mis-
management and treasonable conduct of these rulers. They are prepared to
do anything against the king. Memorta, in TcaahcUcetti, Col. />oc., 1. 522-3.
Ocafia defends their management, aa may be expected. Id.^ 626.
* IxtUtmehUl, i?et, 446.
^ The lingering doubt about the death of Cort^ had also an effect. ' Mbb
•esperaoan que Quahutimoose lo embiasse a dizir,' says Oomara, Hut, Mex.,
2Sb, in aUusion to the proposed revolt of this prince during the march to
Sondoras.
Hist. Hex., Vol. n. 15
226 SALAZAR'S USURPATION AND OVERTHROW.
As it was, the natives did rise in several directions^
notably in Oajaca, Goazacoalco, and Pdnuco regions,
attacking the Spaniards not only on the road and in.
the mines, where isolated, but in the settlements.
Quite a number were killed, and many under the
most atrocious tortures that gradually accumulated
wrongs could exact or invent. Some were kept with-
out food until famished; then one of their legs or
arms was cut off and cooked and eaten before their
eyes. Some were flayed alive, or roasted over slow
fires ; others were used as targets.^
The absence with Cortes of so many of the influen-
tial conquerors tended to increase the alarm, and the
colonists retired to the larger settlements, particularly
to Mexico, to prepare for what might happen.® As.
it would not answer to encourage the natives by a
neutral or vacillating policy, several expeditions were
formed to chastise the revolted districts, and to keep
the others in awe. One party of sixty men, under
Captain Vallecillo, proceeded in the direction of Ta-
basco, there to encounter great hardships, the leader
among others becoming incapacitated for active ser-
vice. Under these distressing circumstances, one
man, Juan de Lepe, ventured to find his way to
Medellin alone, and thence to Mexico, where his ap-
peals were responded to with a fresh force, under
Captain Baltasar de Gallegos, bearing extra supplier
and arms. The conquest was now completed ; the
country was divided among the soldiers, and near the
spot where Cortes had gained his first victory in New
Spain a town was founded under the commemorative
name of Nuestra Senora de la Victoria.*^
^ In Tatntepec region, toward the North Sea, a number of captives wei%
placed in a ya^ enciosed by a stone wall, and goaded with pointed poles,
like bulls. Some climbed the walls to receive a quicker death; others Knelt
in resignation. Remesaly Hist. Cht/apOj 164. Fifteen were killed at one town.
HerrerOj dec. iii. lib. vi. cap. xii.; Testimonio Mex,, in Pacheco and Cdrde*
iiasy CoL Doc., xiii. 39.
'^ Torquemada, iii. 57, assumes that before the influx Mexico contained
but 200 defenders, but tiiis is evidently too low a fiffure, as will be seen.
"* One league from the sea, where vessels could load close to the bank.
Jferreroj dec. iii. lib. vii. cap. iii. The name applied by Cort^ to the na»
REVOLT IN OAJACA. 227
The chief expedition sent out in consequence of
the revolt was directed to Oajaca, where the most
serious slaughter of colonists had taken place,*^ in the
Coatlan Mountaina The party consisted of about
two hundred men,** commanded by Chirinos, who
prided himself on his military qualities, and preferred
to figure as captain-general, while Salazar was only
too glad to rule as sole governor. In these inclina-
tions and qualities of the worthy pair, respectively
soldier and diplomat, may be found an explanation
for their continued harmony, when all other bonds
were disregarded, Chirinos had evidently been con-
tent to cede the first place to his partner in civil mat-
ters, receiving in turn supreme control in the military
department. A still stronger bond was perhaps that
both were prot^gds of the king's secretary, to whom
they owed everything. The leading men in Mexico
attributed the present elaborate expedition chiefly to
the prospect of an encounter with Pedro de Alvarado,
who was also supposed to have incited the revolt in
Oajaca.*^ However this may have been, Chirinos
found occupation enough with the rebels, who, unable
to face him on the plains, took refuge in the hills with
their treasurers, and finally concentrated on the pefiol
Coatlan. This was impregnable, or nearly so, and the
party was obliged to invest it. The siege continued,
with gambling and feasting in the camp, until the na-
tives were almost forgotten. The besieged were more
watchful, and one night they surprised the camp and
killed a number of men before they were driven back.
live town here appears to have been slightly changed. See Hutt. Mex., L 92^
this series. Bernal Diaz names Balta^r Oasorio, an hidalgo of Seville, aa
the leader sent by Agailar to settle Tabasco. Hist. Verdad., 221. Aguilar
nled after July 1526.
"^ Fifty Spaniards and from 8,000 to 10,000 slaves being killed in the
mines. Oviedo, iii. 518. It is more likely that the 10,000 slaves killed the 50
tMkmasters. Gomara places the incident in Uuaxacac and Zoatlau. Jluti,
Met., 247.
**OviedOf iii. 514. The Testimanio Mex. has ' 60 infantry and 50 cavalry,'
'wUieh may be the force taken from Mexico city alone, as Herrera places
ilie total at 300, of which 100 were horsemen.
" ' Sn principal motive fa^ ir & resistir el capitan Pero de Albarado.' Tes^
' i Mex.f in Paeheco and Cdrdenaa, CoL Doc,, xiiL 40.
228 SALAZAR'S USXJRPATION AND OVERTHROW.
Shortly afterward the Spaniards awoke to find the
penol evacuated, and all the effects, including a serpent
of pure gold, carried away. Circumstances now com-
pelled Chirinos to take a hasty departure, leaving in
command Andres de Monjaraz, who had lately ar-
rived with reenforcements.**
Affairs had been gradually assuming a different
aspect at Mexico, where the overweening confidence
and attendant excesses of the usurping rulers were
preparing the way for their downfall. Particularly
unpleasant to their sight were the refugees in the
San Francisco sanctuary, whose mere presence there
seemed a defiance of their power, against which they
were known to be plotting. Repeated orders were
issued for them to leave the temple and return to
their Tiomes, but this demand implied in itself some
nefarious project, and after the disregard shown by
the authorities for solemn oaths, none could trust
himself in their hands. The obsequious council now
assisted in condemning the refugees as traitors, with
confiscation of property.^ In his bitterness Salazar
even went so far as to forcibly take them from the
sanctuary." Friar Valencia, the custodian protested
against this desecration, and no heed being given to
his words, he laid the whole city under excommunica-
tion, and departed from it with his Franciscans, carrying
away also the sacred vessels and other paraphernalia.
Imagine the excitement created by this withdrawal of
the divine favor I The church was no longer so om-
nipotent as in the days of Hildebrand, who compelled
the mighty Henry to creep for mercy at his feet, vet
among the Latin races it still appeared as an arbiter
invested with superhuman attributes, by whose decree
*^ The news of Cort^ being alive contributed to their rednction soon after.
Bemal Diaz, Hist, Verdcul,, 215; Loaisci, in Oviedo^ iii 624; Herrtra^ dec in.
lib. yiL cap. Tiii
^ Their houaea would be torn down and salt scattered upon the site. iJbro
de Cabiido, MS., December 16, 1525.
''To despatch them to Spain, says Herrera; yet it is probable that i
were intended for a worse fate.
OORTfiS MAY BE AUVE. 229
a world was partitioned^ and by whose servants mil-
lions of souls were redeemed from paganism. Men
who had tamely submitted to Salazar, even yielding
their leader to his executioner, now dared to raise
their voices, so that his adherents wavered and fell
back. Comparatively free from the passion of the
others, the governor had failed to weigh the effect of
his step. It dawned upon him with the first protest ;
but he was too proud to retract. Now he must yield,
however, and with curses on his lips he bent to implore
forgiveness of the friars. The prisoners were restored,
and he received absolution.^
This humiliation of the tyrant brought about a
revulsion of feeling, as he probably had feared, for
the result of the excommunication revealed how slight
was his hold on the community, despite his seemingly
unbounded sway. Men who had hitherto shunned
their neighbors with suspicious fear now began to
reveal their feelings, encouraged also by the mute
support of the friars. Opinions were revived that
Cortes was alive, and these appear to have been based
not alone on hope, or a longing for relief, but on a
letter from Pedro de Alvarado, and probably on re-
ports from the Islands, whither Cortds had despatched
vessels from Honduras, in the early part of the sum-
mer.** The friends of Cortes grew confident again, and
began to collect arms and discuss the best means for
removing .the usurpers, whether by the hand of an
assassin, or by declaring open war. Salazar became
alarmed, and proportionately profuse with favors and
promises to his adherents. So serious did he regard
the movement that he convoked a meeting of citizens
to consider repressive measures, and sought at the
same time to propitiate them by tendering an enter-
" ' Con poca reverencia de la Iglesia, diciendo xnuchas injurious. ' Torque-
madOf L 593; iiL 67-^. The friars had gone to TlascahL He and other
chroniclers comment on the frequent service the friars rendered by their inter-
ference, but he forgets that this very meddling frequently allured the best
^ »n from the determined action demanded agaust nefaiious schemes. MotO'
■a, EitC. ItuL, 20-1.
"See Hut. CenL Am., I 571-2, this series.
230 SALAZAR'S USURPATION AND OVERTHROW.
tainment at his gardens, a league from Mexico,
whither he led them with great pomp.^
In the midst of this turmoil, on the night of Sun-
day, the 28th of January, 1526,*^ a man in laborer's
attire, knocked at the gate of San Francisco convent,
and was admitted. In a close conference with the
inmates he revealed himself as a messenger from
Cortes. He related how poignant had been his mas-
ter's grief and anger on receiving from the exiled
Zuazo an account of the outrages and misrule in
Mexico;*^ how he had prepared to come in person to
restore order, but had been deterred by a succession
of mishaps wherein he perceived the desire of God
for him to remain and achieve the conquest of Hon-
duras.*^ He had accordingly contented himself with
sending instructions by the hand of his groom, Mar-
tin de Orantes, a man of great intelligence, who left
Trujillo during the new-year celebrations, accompanied
by several cavaliers and chiefs, through whom the
statement of the messenger might be verified The
captain and pilots of his vessel had been well paid to
observe every precaution, and Orantes was landed
alone, some distance above Vera Cruz, while his com-
panions sailed onward to the safer district t)f Pdnuco.
Disguising himself as a workingman, in bushy beard,
with the despatches concealed round his body, he pro-
ceeded to Mexico on foot, avoiding Spaniards as much
as possible. The despatches which he now exhibited
revoked the existing gubernatorial commissions, and
invested Casas with the supreme command. In case
of his absence, Pedro de Alvarado should govern.
If neither appeared, Orantes was to institute inquiries,
"On January 19, 1526, several gardens were granted by the council to
Chirinoa, Salazar, and other prominent persons, those of the former lying at
San Oosme. Libro de Cabildot MS.
** Salazar*s own letter gives it with great precision as 3 A. M. on Monday.
Pacheco and CdrdenaSf Cot Doc, xxix. 95.
*^ 'Dixo: Al ruin ponelde en mando, y vereys quienes.' Chmarc^ HuL
JfftB., 270.
*^ For a full account of these singular mishaps and their result, see HisL.
Cent. Am,,L 573-6, this series.
OORT£s UVES. 231
guided by the friars, in whose judgment and devotion
Cortes reposed great faith, and if Estrada and Albor-
noz appeared in accord and trustworthy, to surrender
to them the despatches and command.**
The treasurer and contador were accordingly sum-
moned, together with the refugees of the Cortes
party, among whom Andrds de Tapia and Jorge do
Alvarado were the leading spirits. These two imme-
diately summoned the less hostile members of the
council and the reputed adherents of their party, and
sent to traders and friends for lances and other arms.
A su£5cient number having gathered, including thirty
horsemen, Alvarado led them through the city in the
moonlight, shouting Viva el rey ! and calling upon the
citizens to assemble at the convent in the service of
the king. The news had spread by this time, and
soon a large crowd was gathered. As Tapia read
the letters of Cortes, cheers upon cheers rent the
^ir, revealing clearly enough the popular feeling. He
thereupon reviewed the usurpation and despotic rule
of the incumbents, now dispossessed by their chief,
and indicated his wishes in the appointment of Es-
trada with Albomoz, who had governed so acceptably
before. This selection was by no means to the liking
of a large number; but the evident wishes of Cortes
must be respected ; and it would have been difficult
to find one more fitting for the position than Estrada ;
for the condition of affairs demanded a man of influ-
ence, like the leading royal official, upon whom the
^ Such is the intimatioa of Bemal Diaz, HUi. Verdad., 213, and of Gomara,
JfitL Mex., 248-9, both of whom must have known the facts; yet Herrera
writes that Andi^ de Tapia and Jorae de Alvarado received the confidence
and despatches of Orantes, and that ^^pia in particular managed to impress
jLwm the adherents of Cort^ summoned to the sanctuary the necessity for
choosing Estrada and Albomoz as rulers, since Casas was absent dec. iii. lib.
viiL cap. v. This is probably taken from the memoirs of Tapia, to judge bv
the prominence siven him for several pages. Zuazo had not failed to speak
favorably of his ^How-sufferers Estrada and Albomoz, whose government had
prcKressed smoothly till Salazar overthrew them, and although he preferred
saea. able militarv men as Casas and Alvarado under the circumstances, yet
there could have been no reason for him to set aside these royal officials. The
acts of the town council allude to no appointee save Casas, but Cortes could
not have failed to signify several selections, by which the council must have
iwen guided.
292 SALAZAR'S USURPATION AND OVERTHROW.
majority could unite without the reproach or jealousjr
which might have tended to division and consequent
failure if any of the refugees had been chosen. The
objections centred probably in Albomoz, and the
feeling was not diminished when he was met shortly
after, coming from the house of Salazar, whom he had
hastened to warn of what was brewing, promising to
take no active part against him. Not possessing
sufficient confidence in the strength of the new party,
even to voluntarily accept the position then oflTered
of joint governor, he insisted that they should take
him prisoner, so as to give an appearance of compul-
sion to his election.**
The meeting before the convent having declared in
favor of Estrador and Albornoz, and having promised
to assist in overthrowing the usurpers, Tapia, Alva-
rado, and Alvaro de Saavedra Ceron, a cousin of
Cortes, were chosen captains to plan the operation
and lead the party. While a portion scoured the city
to obtain fresh arms and supporters, Tapia proceeded
with the rest to the house of Regidor Luis de la
Torre, to which the council members had been already
summoned. Having nothing more to gain from Sala-
zar, the majority of these were readily induced to
listen to a deputation so numerous and well armed,
appearing, besides, under the auspices of the mighty
Cortes. The two candidates were accordingly sworn
in as lieutenants of the real governor and captains-
general,** and they in turn strengthened their position
< ** * Para que si la parte contraria veii9ie8se, pudiesse de9ir que yha for^ado/
LooMOy in Oviedo, iii. 524.
^The members who elected them were: Alcalde Juan de la Torre, and
regidores Garcia Holguin, the captor of Emperor Quauhtemotzin, Comen-
dador Leon de Cervantes, Heman Lopez de Avila, Luis de la Torre, and
Francisco Verdugo. The new governors appointed Cervantes alcalde in place
of the hostile Diego de Valdenebro, Botlrigo Rangel receiving his vacated
office of regidor, and Andres de Barrios that of an obstreperous regidor named
Carbajal. Arriaga and Tirado, the procurador and mayordomo of the city,
were removed in favor of Miguel Diaz and Hernando de ViUanueva, and the
irascible notary Ocafia was dispossessed in favor of Heman Perez, while his-
gwtien was given to Orantes. libro de Cabildo, MS., Jan. 29, Feb. 3, 9, 1526.
The plea for the election of the governors was that they had held the office
before, by the appointment of Cortes, and that the choice would obviate die*
orders.
INSURRECTION. 235
and rewarded supporters by appointing Bachiller Juan
de Ortega alcalde mayor of the country, Andrds de
Tapia, alguacil mayor, Jorge de Alvarado, alcalde of
the arsenal, and Saavedra Ceron, lieutenant at Vera
Cruz and adjoining ports, while the council was
strengthened with two new men to take the place of
obstreperous members, Comendador Cervantes being
promoted to joint alcalde with Juan de la Torre.**
On leaving the council, the party joined the gath-
ered citizens, now about five hundred strong, and
marched to the residence of Salazar. The new gov-
ernors were kept in the centre, Tapia and Alvarado
led the van, and a notary and a crier attended to
attest and announce the new order of affairs. On
reaching the house they found it held by some two
hundred men, protected by a strong battery.*^ After
arranging for the distribution of his force, Tapia
demanded a parley. Although he and his comrades^
had been deeply injured, they bore no malice, but
desired peace. Salazar had declared himself empow-
ered to arrest Cortes. Let him exhibit this and other
orders from the authorities in Spain, and they would
obey him. If he possessed no such anthority, it
behooved all loyal men to adhere to Cortes, or his
substitute, as the legal representative of the king.
Salazar replied that he had no such orders, but had
acted as he thought best under the circumstances.
He w^ould continue to rule or perish in the attempt.
"Gentlemen, yovf hear I" cried Tapia to those attend-
*• Tapia claims to have been invested with the office of captain-general, or
rather with the control, nnder the governors, of the military department.
HerrerOy dec iii. lib. viii. cap. v. Ortega was afterward arraigned for ac-
cepting the office of alcalde mayor. He was a graduate of Salamanca Univer-
sity and aboat 50 years of age. Ortega^ in Pacheco and Cdrdetuui, ('ol. Doc.,
xxix. 7. Ocai&a, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doe., i. 527, and witnesses iu
CortSs, Bewieneta, i. 81, Btamp the changes made by the new movement as
effected by intimidation and force. According to them two rcgidores and one
of the alcaldes were placed under arrest. One of these regidorcs was Mejia,
probably an alternate, who figures shortly after among the loyal ones in direct-
ing a statement to the king against Salazar. Testwumto Mex., in Padieco and
Cdrdenas, CoL Doc, xiii. 34-45.
*'^ LoauOf in Oviedo, iii 525. Herrera raises the number to 1,000, with 12
234 SALAZAR'S USURPATION AND OVERTHROW.
ing Salazar. " Seize him, for you cannot afford to be
traitors to your king!" "Be still, or I will fire!"
shouted the other, at the same time taking up a
match. No less resolute, Tapia gave the signal for
attack, whereupon his opponent applied the match,
calling on all to rally round him. The men of Cortes
had watched the movement, and had opened a path
along the range of the cannon, so that the ball sped
harmless into the church wall. The next moment
they rushed forward amidst ringing cheers. Little
resistance was offered, for no sooner had the waver-
ing supporters of the usurper observed the number
and determination of the assailants than they threw
their arms right and left and turned to escape, a large
proportion joining the opposite party. Among the
first to desert was Guzman, captain of the artillery,
whose example was followed by some other leading
men, hitherto vying with one another for the favors
of their chief, now jostling at the windows for an
exit, or scrambling for the roof. Only about a dozen
followers remained true, with whom Salazar retired
to a less exposed position, only to delay for a brief
moment the inevitable capture, yet not till Tapia had
received a sharp reminder in the form of a stone-
throw, which knocked him down, though not perma-
nently injuring him.*®
The feeling against the resolute captive was intense,
and but for the protection afforded him by the new
governors and leaders he would have been killed.
There was no restriction as to abuse, however, which
flowed in endless tirade as he was led through the
streets by a chain. Nor did it stop with that oay, for
he was not conducted to the regular prison, but was
placed in a cage of strong timbers, under two keys and
**B«maI Biaz names a few of those who remained with Salazar. He
assumes that Salazar was seized before he could fire the ^un. HieL Verdad.,
214. Zam&rraffa implies a considerable resistance, by saying that the adher-
ents of Cortes had to force an entrance with artillery. Pacheco and Cdrdenas,
Col. Doc., xiii. 114. Duriiu^ the parley, or immediately before, Guzman
withdrew his artillery into the builaing to prevent its capture. Herrera, loc.
cit., Oviedo, iii. 518, 524; Cortds, JiMklencUi, L 171.
THE TYRANT CAGED. 2S6
^ faithfiil guard, there to be submitted like a wild
beast to public gaze and jeers. To this ordeal his
associate Chirinos had also to submit. This leader
had hastened from Oajaca at the first report of troubles
to aid Salazar, but learning the result, he fled to Tlas-
<5ala and took refuge in the monastery. This being
still in the hands of the builder, his pursuers declared
that it could not be regarded as sacred protection, and
carried oflF the refugee, placing him in a cage adjoining
that of his ally Not long after it was decided to
restore him to the monastery.*®
The citizens repeatedly demanded the condemnation
to death of the two prisoners for their treatment of
Paz, and for other oflences, and Estrada does not seem
to have been averse, but Albomoz had a wholesome
respect for their powerful patron at court, and so they
were allowed to live. He resolved not to commit him-
self in behalf of a man with such precarious favor at
court as Cortes, for whose downfall he himself had
ardently labored.
Notwithstanding the obstacles interposed by this
man, several reforms were carried out. The officials
of Cortes were in many instances restored, among
them the procuradores in Spain, and sequestrated
property was released, while that of despoilers passed
into the hands of trustees. During this spoliation
the governors did not fail to profit by the example
of their predecessors in striving to obtain the lion s
share of offices and wealth for themselves and their
fhends. Their tenure of power might not last long,
« Their safety wm intrusted to Villafnerte whom they had kept under
arrest. OcaRa, in Icazbaleeta, CoL Doe., i. 528. Cortes claims that he restored
to sanctuaries several persons taken forth by Estrada, and this he did to avoitl
the imputation of passionate judgment in his own interest. Carta, in Pac/ieco
and CdnUtuu, Col. Doe., xiL 482. Commenting on the evil of these turmoiU,
ZumiLrraga observes: 'Tanto escindalo, alboroto y riesgo, que en no pcrdcrse
aqnel dia la tierra parece & los que lo vieron cosa miraculosa, porque. . .los
indios estavan tan alborotados.' Carta, in Id., xiiL 115. Carpenter Torres
ceoeived seven pesos de oro for work on the cages. Libro de Cabildo, MS.,
] 91 . The abuse of sanctuary immunity was considerably reduced in accordance
with an appeal from the crown to the ecclesiastics, dated March 29, 1532.
By law of April 12, 1592, the privilege was further restricted. Becop. de
IwiiOMy i. 35.
S86 SALAZAR'S USUBPATION AND OVERTHBOW.
a fear which to the disgusted adherents of CortdfiP
became a hope.
So fierce was the raid against the late party that
a revulsion set in among them, strongly in sympathy
with their liberal chiefs. Indeed, a conspiracy was
formed to restore them to power. With this object
the ruling men were to be killed, including Ortega,
who as fiJcalde mayor had shown a pronounced zeal
for the interests of Cortds, and the caged leaders re-
leased so that they might assist in carrying the move-
ment to a successful issue. Since the cages could not
well be broken, keys were needed, and application was
made to a locksmith named Guzman," a supposed ad-
herent of Salazar, but above all devoted to his own
interests. With expressions of sympathy he secured
their confidence, and on the easter eve set for the
attack revealed the plot. A number of the conspir-
ators were arrested, largely composed of deserter*
from Guatemala, and seven of the ringleaders suf-
fered death, the rest being lashed and exiled, with
loss of property."
^ Son of a Seville Jew, who took this name from his godfather. He was
an adept in making cross-bows and locks. Oviedo^ ill. 525.
^^lnOrtegOj Pacheco and Cdrdenaa, Col. I)oc,f xxix. 6-45, three hidal-
ffofl are named as the leaders, who were beheaded; three others were
hanged, and one was dragged to death. More would have been executed but
for the arrival of Cortes. Testimony in CotUm, JResuienda, L 244. Bemal
Diaz states that Albomoz knew of Uie revolt, and had an interest in it,
according to the confession of prisoners. Estrada therefore arrested the
culprits without informing him. Hist. Verdad., 214. But this may be but
rumor. In addition to the authorities already quoted in this chapter, I may-
mention CorUs, HwL N. Esp., 387-8; Pacheco and Cardenas, Col, Doc,, xiL
318-403, 486; xiii. 32-49, 70-1, 109-11, 368-9, 394-400; xxix. 95-6; leaz-
halccta, Col. Doc, i. 20-1, 470^37; PugcL, Cedulario, 16, 20; Cortds, Escritof
8ueUo8y 105, 224-6; Archivo Mex. Doc., i. 75-82, 147, 177-8, 215-18, 244,
et seq.; ii. 16, 208, etseq.; Col Doc. InhL, i. 101-2; ii. 378-9; iv. 227: Re
meaalj Hist. Chyapa, 13, 164; Oviedo, i. 542; iii. 468, 510-25, 549; Reeop.y
de Indias, i. 35; IxtUlxochUl, ReUicianeSy in KingsborougKs Mex. Antiq,^
ix. 435-46; Caw, Tres Sighs, i. 31-56, 70-1; Teniaux-Conipans, Koy., serie
ii. tom. V. 7-19, 47-50; CMrnalpain, HigL Conq., ii. 115-25, 147-54, 181;
Torquemada, i. 524-6, 569, 588-96; Ramirez, Doc, MS., 275-89; Alaman^
DiserL, i 172, 194-5, 222-46, app. 24r-6, 162-214; u. 51, 312, app. 3-14;
Solis, Hist. Mex. (Madrid ed. 1843), 471-8; PrescoU*s Mex., iii. 300-6; ala»
notes in Mex. eds. ; Helps' Cortes, ii. 330-41 ; Brasseur de Bourhourg, HisL
Nat. Cm., iv 706-22; Salamr y Olarte, Conq. Mex., 318-2,3, 393-7, 416-26;
Montemm/or, Svmarios, 11, 12; Pizarro y OreUana, Vartmes HvstreSy 118-19^
Rwera, HisL JalapOy i 45; Id., Oob. Mex., i. 19-22; Zamara, Bib. Leg, UU,p
AUTHORITIES. 287
lii 689-93; Sattdovai^ HkL Carht V., I 698; ZamaeoU, Bin, Mex., ir.
233-52, 327-67; Arvun, AUe Mex„ 362-«; BuaaierTe, VEntp. Mex,, 340-64;
BuaUsmaniej Cfab. Mex., iL 46; Beeoeura, Conjuraeion, L pp. T.-xovi. ; La-
cuma, Diaatnoe Hist., pt. xxxiii 450^-3; Mendota and Homo, Nockmm
CnmoUiq,, 287-8; Mex. Not. C'mdad, 264-6; Meaa y Le/mpart, HitL Am.,
i. 235-9; Viagero Univ., xxvii. 188-9; Gottfried, Reysen, iv.; Mueeo Mex.,
iy. 454-^; Oordon'e Ane. Mex., ii 215-18; Aa, NaamheuriM Vermimelmg,
xi. 8-21, 59-66, 94-104; Oranadoe, Tardea Am.^ 274-8; Domenech, HiaL
Mex., i 241-9; Voyages, Seiectkm qf Curwue, 661.
CHAPTER XII.
THE PONCE DE LEON EPISODE.
1526.
ALTAMntAiTO Sent to Bring CortAs — His Abrital at Medelun — I>s»
MONSTRATIVE RECEPTION— REFORM MEASURES— A JUEZ DE ReSIDENCHA
Sent to New Spain — Ponce de Leon and his Instructtions — How
CoRT^ Received the Blow — ^The Banquet — A Scheming Friab —
Ponce de Leon Assumes the Government — The Residencia or
CoRT^^s— Death of Ponce db Leon — Aguilar Succeeds Him — ^His-
Unfitness and Death.
However promising the new admmistration might
have been, it could never be regarded even by the
most confident of the adherents of Cortes as anything
but temporary. Cortds alone would be able to restore
order and save the country. The efibrts to accom-
plish his return were therefore continued, and while
some wrote to Pedro de Alvarado to go in search of
him, others persuaded to the same end Father Diego
Altamirano, cousin of the great captain, and a man of
sagacity, who had also followed the profession of arm£L
Family interests did much to prevail upon the cousin^
and chartering a vessel at Medellin he reached Hondu-
ras, there to find his kinsman absorbed in glowing visions
of conquest. Kindly, yet firmly, he remonstrated witk
him for abandoning actual possessions and neglecting-
his duty to family, friends, and sovereign, for shadowy
gains. Interference with governments already con-
ferred on others would surely meet with condenma-
tion, and further injure his tottering interests at court
He had already achieved as conqueror of Mexico a
reputation far above that of any man in America, and
(238)
ARRIVAL OF CORTES. 239
he must not imperil it by doubtful projecta He must
return, assume the dignity due to his position, and
exact reverence from subordinates and recognition
from his king.
The sagacious Altamirano succeeded in every par-
ticular, and Cortes embarked at Trujillo on the 25th
of April, 1526, with a few followers and a number of
natives.^ When off Yucatan a gale compelled him to
seek a not distasteful refuge at Habana, where several
days were passed in the society of former comrades.
A voyage of eight days brought him on the 24th of
May to the port of San Juan, whence he proceeded on
foot to Medellin.* It was midnight when he reached
the spot, and all had retired; but the door of the
church stood open, and the weary wanderers entered
to give thanks for their safe return. The sacristan
had heard their heavy tread, however, and rushed
forth to alaml the settlers, who soon appeared in a
body. Hardships and fever had so changed their
chief that he was not known until his voice revealed
him. Then all crowded round him to kiss his hand,
overjoyed at his presence. He was escorted in triumph
to the best house in the town, where night was turned
into day with lights and bustle. Messengers were
immediately despatched to carry the news, and in a
special letter to the town council of Mexico Cortes
commended their adhesion to Estrada and Albomoz,
and requested that in view of the unquiet condition
of the country none should leave the city to meet him,
except perhaps when he approached it*
Great as was the joy among the colonists at his arri-
val, that of the natives appeared to surpass all bounds.
Malinche was cherished by them, not alone for his
brilliant qualities as a military leader, so alluring to
any race, especially to a people constituted as were
*For details, see Hist. Cent. Am,, i. 580-2, this series.
'Bemal Dias writes that they met a pack-train en ronte with passengen
for San Juan. This carried them to Medellin. HisL Verdcul., 215. Bat
</Qrt^ states that he walked the four leagues to the town. Cartas^ 4^1^.
^LtbrodeCabOdo, MS., 117-19; CorUs, EscrUos Sueitoe, 102-6.
240 THE PONCE DE LEON EPISODE.
the Mexicans; but he had endeared himself by what
they regarded as magnanimous acts in a conqueror,
and by his eflforts to protect them from the more cruel
soldiers. These efforts acquired an even brighter color
imder the late oppressive administration, until the per-
secuted beings began to invest their hero with the
divine attributes of an omnipotent savior, a messiah,
who must come and deliver them. From afar they
flocked into Medellin to pay him homage, bringing
presents of food, fabrics, feathers, and gold, and offering
their services against his enemies. They were willing
to die for Malinche, they said. This well-known
influence over them, greater than any one ever has
since wielded, combined with the devotion of soldiers
and friars, was the foundation of the suspicions that
Cortes might place himself at their head and found a
kingdom for himself.
At Medellin even he found evidence of wrongs
against him by the removal of its chief interests and
settlers to Vera Cruz, by order of Salazar.* After
a sojourn of eleven days he proceeded by slow stages
toward Mexico. It was a triumphal march worthy of
the conqueror and governor, and in accordance with
the lordly dignity that Altamirano had prevailed upon
him to adopt. Pomp, indeed, came naturally to him,
and complacently he received the title of senoria from,
the deeply bowing suite. It was one series of demon-
strations, by settlers and natives, who congregated
from every direction at the stations, laden with pres-
ents and burdened with complaints. The natives
swept the road and even strewed it with flowers, as
if indeed a monarch were advancing ; and in the desert
they erected shelter, with food and water.**
On approaching Tezcuco he was met by Albornoz
with a large following, and a brilliant reception was
* Alvaxo de Saavedra^ who miffered great loss by this removal, vaa «fe the
instance of Cort^ granted compensatory interests in Vera Cruz, by royal
order, fferrera, dec. iii. lib. viL cap. viii, dec iv. lib. iv. cap. ii
\ Inns existed in seyeral places along the route, as shown uy the record of
l^rants in Libro de Cabiido, MS., Nov. 28, 1525.
A NEW MARCH TO MSXIOO. 2il
^iccorded ^irn and his companion. Prince Ixtlilxochitl,
the lord of the province/ Still more imposing was
the procession headed by Estrada, which came forth
from Mexico. It included nearly every Spaniard in
the city and suburbs, all arrayed in gala-dress. Na-
tives innumerable lined the roads and covered the
lake in their canoes, presenting a brilliant spectacle in
their variegated devices, flowing plumage, and glitter-
ing paraphernalia. Music sounded in every direction,
accompanied by the ringing of beUs and the firing of
cannon, and at night there were bonfires and illumina-
tion, with feasting, singing, and dancing. The return
of so small a proportion of the native warriors and
princes who had shared in the Honduras expedition
does not appear to have diminished the general joy
among the natives. Cortes proceeded directly to the
convent to render thanks ; and there he spent a week,
partly in religious meditation, partly in consulting
the friars and others about needful reforms. The
place was constantly thronged with visitors and par-
ticipants in the solemn praise services in honor of
his return. Presents and complaints flowed in, even
from distant provinces and native courts. Many
chiefs came to clear themselves of the suspicions
cast upon them and their vassals during the late
troubles, and to renew their homage. Inquiries were
made into the recent abuses and disorders, and wrongs
were righted by the restoration of estates and offices,
several new appointments being also made,^ notably
that of Alonso de Grade as inspector-general of the
•This prince recovered litde of the property squandered by his faithless
Uevtenant, and sank into comparative obscari^, neglected even by Cort^,
for whom he had sacrifioed lanuly, coontry, honor. Ue majried in 1526 the
widow of Emperor Oaitlahaatsdn, and henceforth cultivated chiefly the society
of the friarsy whose sympathy formed a consolation. His last notable act was
to aei hiB subjects the example of carryiiu[ stones for the church building of
Saa Fianeisoo, at Mexico. IxtUkeoehitl, Sel, 447, etc. After his death, in
about 1529, Tooontsin succeeded to the lordship. Sahagnn, ffise. Cftn,, iL 277;
Mctohma, ffiaL Ind., 124-5.
' The Libro de CabUdOf MS., 121-2, reveals several changes in the council,
aloaldes Franoisoo de Divila and Juan de la Torre being replaced by Juan
XaramfPo, tiie husband of Maiina, and Onstdbal Floree and a number of
alcaldea following the example.
HiCT. ICsx., Vol. n. IS
242 THE PONCE BE LEON EPISODE.
Indians, with a view to remedy their grievances. He
was instructed to make a tour of all settlements in
New Spain, with full power to release the wrongfully
enslaved, to enforce good treatment for others, and to
arraign civilly or criminally all oflTenders against the
laws for protection of natives. In order to bind him
more closely to his new sphere of duty he received
for wife the beautiful Tecuichpo, widow of Quauhte-
motzin, enriched on the same occasion with a dowry
of several large encomiendas.®
In measures like these, not entered upon for effect
only, but with earnest intent, we may find qualities
elevating the hero to the plane of true greatness.
They were the crowning deeds of his life; atonements
they might be called, as he was the primary instru-
ment in the grievances calling for redress. No won-
der that the name of Malinche, if at first fear-inspiring,
gradually became hallowed among the natives with
grateful remembrances, exalted by simple contrast
with others. Yet during the republican frenzy of
a later century all seemed to be forgotten, save the
abhorrent fact that he had led the first of the hordes
which descended upon the country like birds of prey.
Cortes was less prompt and determined in regard
to his own interests. Salazar and Chirinos, who had
tarnished his memory, persecuted his friends, despoiled
his estates, and well nigh overthrown his life's work
by endangering possession of the country — ^these men
were left unharmed, regardless of the importunate
cries of the supporters of Paz, and his own desire.
So sure did he feel of their condemnation before a
tribunal, that he preferred not to figure as judge in
his own case, especially against royal officials. Nor
* Granted her as the daughter of Montezoma. See Hisi. Mex, , L 459, this
series. Grado's instmctioiis are given in the Libro de CabUdo, MS., June
28, 1526. In Cort^, Eacriloa Smltos, 95-102, is the fragment of a r^;alatioo
for treatment of Indians, issued soon after, probably. Ocafia, who picks oat
only the faults in the new measures, mentions the assumption of the sefiana
title, the sale of the offioe of notary at a low price to a friend, and so forth*
Carta, in Icaahakda, Col, Doc,, i. 52^-30. This very Ocafia and the troub]o»
some Ocampo were arrested by Cort^. Btmal Diaa, Hist. Verdad.^ 216.
BESmENGIA OF CORXAS. 243
was he wholly free from the fear of Cobos which per-
vaded all who had interests to sustain at court.' He
was greatly blamed for this leniency, even by members
of the Council of the Indies, it is said, and the com-
mon opinion was that no serious exceptions would
have been taken had he executed them.*^ Whatever
may be the opinion regarding his cautious policy, he
certainly was no longer the same determined, self-reU-
ant commander that had achieved the conquest. The
hardships and attendant sickness of the journey to
Honduras had evidently left an indelible impression,
as shown by his puerile regard for omens there, and
his vacillating attention to different counsels.
We have seen how the duke of Bdjar and other
influential friends of Cortes had prevailed upon the
king not to condemn him unheard. Nevertheless the
complaints of his enemies were too serious and the
interests involved too weighty to permit the matter
to rest. It was decided to send a judge to take a
residencia on the spot, in accordance with the laws
of Spain, and involving no actual indignity, as the
government was naturally expected to give heed to
the complaints of its subjects. It was an admirable
arrangement of Spain to place this salutary curb on
the ambition and avarice of its governors, though, like
many similar enactments, it was liable to abuse." In
view of the interests at stake and the merits of the
accused, a person of quality and learning was selected
for judge, in the person of Licentiate Luis Ponce de
Leon, a relative of the Conde de Alcajidete, and act-
* Ab Gomara himself intuDates. Hist, Mex,^ 247; CarUs, Cartas, in Pacheco
and Cdrdenas, Col, Doc,, xii. 482. In his letter from Medellin Cortes had
aoit the assurance that he would chastise none save those gailty of ^lese ma^
jestaUs, * or offence against third parties who complain. LUbro de UaJbildo, MS.,
118.
>^So Bemal Diaz, nbi snp., expresses it.
>* In a letter to Cortte announcing the resolution the king takes pains tc
impress this neoessitr. He had every confidence in his loyalty, and wsa>
pliwaed with his services, and felt sore that the residencia wonld reveal thck
pnnty of both. Oidtilay in CoL Doc, Iniid,, i 101-2.
2M THE PONCE DB LEON EPISODE.
ing for him as corregidor in Toledo." Though com-
paratively young he enjoyed quite a reputation as a
well read man of admirable judgment. Both to huh-
tain him in case of resistance^ and in pursuance of the
new policy to limit the power and domains of governors,
the Pdnuco region was granted to Nuflo de Guzman,
who nevertheless failed to present himself at his post
for a long time. Further aids were provided in Co-
mendador Diego Hernandez de Proano, as alguacil
mayor, and Pedro de Salazar de la Pedrada, as com-
mandant at Mexico, with Lope de Samaniego, as lieu-
tenant.^* He was also empowered to call upon the
audiencia at Santo Domingo and authorities for assist-
ance, and letters were given him, addressed to the
leading colonists and native chiefs, ordering them to
support him.
In his instructions, dated November 4, 1525, Ponce
was directed to forward the letters to Cortes and the
royal officials immediately on landing at Vera Cruz,
and to follow without delay, evidently with a view to
give no time for placing obstacles in the way. He
must communicate with the officials, select confidants,
and while assuming the governorship and taking the
residencia of Cortes, he must ask his opinion in all
matters, so as to render less irritating the necessary
measures for reducing any dangerous or undue con-
trol over vassals, soldiers, officers, and mihtary ma-
chinery. The charges to be investigated embraced
those already enumerated in the letters of the royal
officials, notably the disregard of orders from Spain,
the assumption of regal privileges, the proposal to
withdraw the country from the crown, the possession
" (Medo, iiL 494. 'Alcalde Mayor de Toledo, siendo Correffidor el Conde. '
Pissarro y Orellana, Varonea Ilvstres, 119. Both of the dncalnoiue of Aroos.
Beaimontt Crdn, Mick., iiL 229. A cousin of the coont, says Bemal Diaz.
HiH, Verdad., 193. His pay was 3,000 ducats a year while on this service.
Libra de CabUdo, MS., 135.
^ Gort4s complained sharply to the king at this reckless grant of importmt
offioes to the first applicant, to this boy Samaniego, a mere servant of AloomoL
Acrftof 8udto8f 114-15. Salaaur is written SalviMior in Paeheco and Odbrdauu,
€M. Doc., zziiL 371; Mtx,, BsbrtuioB de 06dtda$, Ma, 5.
A JUDGE APPOINTED. 245
of vast rent-rolls, and the appropriation of immense
treasures belonging partly to the king, partly to mem-
bers of the expedition; also the causes for the death
of Garay and Olid." The three months of residencia
passed, l^once should send in his report and opinion.
If Cortes proved disloyal he should be given a letter
of recall from the king, who therein expressed a wish
to consult him. If this was disregarded he should be
forcibly embarked. In case the charges proved to be
false, on the other hand, he should be given the com-
mission of adelantado, with the title of Don,** and
iurther honors would follow, according to the royal
letter addressed to Cortds.**
Whether the charges against Cortes were false or
not, the management and demeanor of the royal offi-
cials should be investigated." A report should be pre-
pared on the condition, features, and resources of the
country, particularly the mines, with suggestions for
needed measures and reforms. Alloyed gold was for-
^* Disregard for God and king; preparing native warriors and war material
for setting aside royal authority; autocratic measures; claiming for himself
40 provinces, extending over an area of 300 leagues, with over a million and
a half of vassals, and 200 rent-rolls, of which one alone yielded 50,000 cas-
tellanoe per day; the appropriation of Montezuma's treasures and 4,000,000
of money from the country, and shippins them to safe places with the vessels
built on the South Sea; the exaction of a fifth of all treasures for himself;
withholding the royal revenue; seizing the royal treasures saved during the
escape from Mexico, while pretending that they had been lost; taking 60,000
castellanos from the treasury under shallow pretences. The alleged appro-
miation by Gil Gonzalez of 190,000 pesos de oro from Cordoba's party in
Honduras must also be investigated.
^ Ponce must have been favorably impressed with Cortes' loyalty from the
day of meeting him, for in the official act of surrendering the governorship
the latter is already styled Don. Pacheco and CdrdencLs^ Col. Doc.y xxvi.,
22^-4.' The king also addresses him as Don in c^dulas of 1526. Kavarrtte,
Col. de Viageg, v. 440. Herrera states that a commission of captain-general
was also to be given, dec. iii. lib. viii. cax>. xv., but this he already enjoyed.
According to the arrangement with Ribera in the spring of 1525, the office of
adelanta£) conveyed also the title of Don. Nothing is said about the habit
of Santiago, then conferred.
>* In this, or an accompanying letter, the king refers to the charges that
Cort^ had appropriated the best and greater number ofprovinces and pue
bios for himself, leaving only a small pitft for the crown. His services deserved
reward, but this must not exceed a just moderation. He asked him to
excuse the seizure of his remittances to Spain ; it was merely a loan. A gov-
ernor had been appointed over Honduras, so that he must send no agents
there. Col, Doc. liUd., i. 101-2.
" Bt c^nla of Nov. 0, 1526, they were directed to send in a yearly state-
ment 01 the royal rentaL Pug<i, Cedulario, 20.
246 THE PONCE DE LECV EPISODE.
bidden, and new bullion stamps were provided.^® Par-
ticular attention should be given to investigating the
condition of the natives, to assure their good treat-
ment; and the question must be settled whether they
should remain in encomiendas, be placed as feudal
vassals, or on the same footing as tax-payers in Spain.
The well-being of the colonists was also remembered.
The interests of early settlers and participants in the
conquest should be accorded the preference in the
bestowal of land and Indians; at the same time their
vices and irregularities must be repressed.^
Ponce left San Liicar on the 2d of February 1526,
for Santo Domingo, there to wait two months for a
vessel to New Spain. The delay caused him little
anxiety, however, on learning of the expedition to
Honduras, where Cortes was still supposed to be.
On leaving the island. Ponce took with him Licenci-
ate Marcos de Aguilar, who had for some years gath-
ered experience in colonial administration as alcalde
mayor.** A number of Dominicans under Father
Ortiz came on the same vessel, which carried about
one hundred passengers. On arriving at San Juan,
Samaniego was at once despatched with the letters of
notification, but swifter messengers from the lieuten-
ant on the coast brought the news to Mexico a day in
advance.*^
Cortes was probably little aflfected, for his Mends
in Spain must before this have warned him of the
machinations which at one time threatened to bring
about his removal. His prolonged meditations at the
convent may have been due to such information, and
^"Con la diaisa de su Magestad, q era el Plus vltra.' HerrercL, loc. cit.
A mint would be provided, if needed.
^* Such as gambling excesses. Their exemption from tithes on gold moot
apply only to mined metal. Instmctions to Ponce, in Pacheeo and Cdrdenas^
Col. Doc., xxiji. 3G8 et seq.; Puga, Cedulario, 15-18.
^He came as inqnisitor for the Indies, says Cort^ Escrilos SueUos, HO.
He was a native of Ecija, and after serving as alcalde he left for Espafiola
in 1508, with Die^o Colon, as alcalde mayor. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ix. cap.
Tiii., etc. Oviedo, lii. 519; Bemal Diaz, HiaC Verdad., 219, allows him to be
merely a bachiller.
" 'Eki dos dias por poetafl que auia puestas de hObres. ' Cfomarti, Hist. Meac, ^
276.
AN UKFOBTUNATE FEAST. 247
intended to prepare him for any blow. Calm and
dignified he assisted on the following day, St John's,
at the public buU-fight, and while there Samaniego
was introduced." He placed the royal letter devouuy
on his head, then kissed it, and after reading ex-
claimed, " I am glad the king has sent some one to
learn the truth." ^ He had already despatched mes-
sengers to welcome the royal representative, and to
ascertain what route he preferred to take, so that
suitable preparations might be made. They met him
pushing his way to Mexico in all haste, and declining
their services. He had gone to Medellin with the
intention to rest there after the fatigues of the voy-
age, but evil-disposed persons were at hand, stating
among other things that Salazar and Chirinos would
be executed unless he hastened to interfere. Thor-
oughly alarmed both for them and himself he set out
immediately by the longest and most settled road, as
the safest.
Informed of this, Cortes sent Tapia with presents
to tender him a reception at Iztapalapan. Ponce de-
<ilined the gift, but accepted a banquet, chiefly for the
sake of his suite. Tired and hungry, and for a long
time unused to good fare, the new-comers ate heartily,
and imbibed the iced liquids in large quantities. Father
Ortiz alone was abstemious and seemed to eye the
dishes suspiciously. At last came a custard, and
Tapia asked permission to serve him. *'Not of this
or any other dish I" was the curt reply. The rest par-
took, however, but hardly had they finished when
Ponce was seized with vomiting. The friar imme-
diately asserted his belief that he had been poisoned
^Tet Bernal Diaz aays: ' al tiempo. . .queria recibir el Cnerpo de Nnestro
Sefior.' Hist. Verdad,, 217.
** 'I rejoice,' he writes to the king, *at the immense favor Y. S. M. has
done to me in seeking to learn my services and faults, and in signifying the
intention to reward me. For one and the other I kiss a hnndrcd thousand
times the royal feet of Y. C. M.* Cartas^ 481. But for the well known loy-
alty of Cortes some terms in the letter might be considered ironical. In
CorUa, Hesideneia, i. 254 et seq., is testimony to the effect that several adhe-
rents uiged him to exclude Ponce by force. Later developments will show
that he could not have listened to them for a moment.
248 THE PONCE DE LEON EPISODE.
by that last dish which he himself had prudently
avoided, and others were quite prepared to echo so
authoritative a statement, regardless of the evident
cause, excessive indulgence in rich food and iced
drinks."
The following morning Ponce left Iztapalapan at an
early hour, apparently in good health. His object
was to avoid a public reception, but fully advised of
his movements, Cortes met him at the entrance to the
capital, attended by a long train of cavaliers. Both
were most profuse with courtesies,^ and as they ad-
vanced side by side toward the monastery. Ponce
expressed his surprise at the greatness of the general's
achievements in conquering so large and populous a
country, with so many strong cities. After mass
Ponce was conducted to his residence, which had been
arranged with all possible elegance. Indeed the judge
was quite delighted both with the house and host, and
declared that the latter must long have been used to
the life of a lord. Cortes spoke freely about the
charges against him, and explained his acts so clearly
that the other expressed himself convinced of his loy-
alty, and politely postponed the transfer of authority.
That same day the meddling friar, Ortiz, called on
Cortes and mysteriously intimated that Ponce had
power to behead him, and this might be done unless
he took precautions. It is supposed that the Domini-
^* Proafio ate from the same plate and felt no inconvenience, yet several
vomited, * Y juntamente con el bomito tunieron camaras. ' Oomara, Hist. Mtx. ,
276-7. Only one became sick according to Bemal Diaz. Tapia*s presence
was chief cause for the suspicions. Hixi. Verdad., 217. Lucas testified after-
ward that he heard Tapia say to a friend, he would give Ponce a banquet,
and if that sufficed not, another ! Samaniego declared that he warned Pcmoe
not to eat at the banquet, for rumors were abroad of intended poiBoning.
Proaiio's plate was taken from him with the remark that a better part would
be given him. This roused Ortiz' suspicions, and he immediately went out.
to reject the food, urging Proafio and Ponce to do the same. The fatter could
not, and he afterward told the witness that he believed the cream was poisoned.
Zdrate tells an equally damaging story. CorUs^ Residencia, i. 161, ii. 316-20.
Any one who examines the testimony during this residencia must admire tho-
\A ojiiptness with which witnesses swore to anything their memory had treas-
ured from vague rumor.
^^ Ponce excused liimself for a long time from taking the proffered hand of
Cortes, till the latter insisted. Bemal Diaz, loc. cit.
DEATH OF PONCE. 24»
can, who bore the reputation of being both untrust-
worthy and scheming, had an eye to the influence and
profits which must be his if he once succeeded in be-
coming the confidant and mediator of one reputed so
wealthy and powerful. Cortes opened neither his
heart nor his purse, and the friar departed, his declared
enemy.**
The following morning, after mass, before a general
gathering in the church. Ponce exhibited his commis-
sions, which were reverently kissed by the authorities
in turn, with the promise to obey them. He there-
upon received all the stafis of office, returning them
immediately, however, save that of Cortds, to whom
he said with great politeness, "Your worship, his
Majesty desires me to retain this." No change was
made in the captain-generalship, including the control
of Indians, as it was deemed unsafe to disturb the
influence of Cort^s.^ The residencia was thereupon
proclaimed against the suspended governor and his
oflScers, and shortly afterward the new commandant
and alguacil mayor were installed.
A tew days later Ponce was seized with fever,
accompanied by delirium, which lasted for three days.
It soon became evident that he could not live, and the
sacrament was administered. Nevertheless he re-
mained cheerful during the lucid interval that followed,
and one afternoon he demanded some favorite airs on
the guitar, to which he kept time with feet and hum-
ming. When the music ceased, his power of speech
was gone and he died during the night, the 20th
'* Such is Cart^' own statement, thongh he writes more strongly: ' me
moonaejaba qne para lo remediar, jo no recibiese al dicho Luis Ponce.' He
even implored nim, and the Fnmciscans also. Cartay January 12, 1527, in
CorUs, JEscriios SueUos^ 124. Bemcd Diaz, ubi snp., places the occurrence a
day or two later.
" The official report of the proceedings in Pacheeo and CdrdenaSy Col. Doc,
xxYi. 195-8, shows the surrender of the * vara de la Xnsticia ' alone; yet, in
the proclamation for the residencias, Cort^ is alluded to as Don Hernando,
late captain-general and governor. Cort^ himself mentions that he retained
the office. C'arUs, Escriiot SueltoB, 118. And a royal c^dula of June 1526
obUb him both governor and captain-general, since he was merely suspended.
JfavarreU^ Col, de Viages, v. 440.
250 THE POKCE D£ LEOK EPISODK
of July.^ The body was deposited with great pomp
in the church of St Joseph.^ Cortes donned deep
mourning, as for a father, and most of his followers
shared his sincere grief; for the geniality, clear judg-
ment, and impartiality of the deceased had filled them
all with the hope of obtaining justice and the desired
reward for their services. Cortds in particular had
longed .for the disprovement of the charges against
him, and for a public vindication of his loyalty and
good services. He reveals his bitter dissapointment
to the king. For seventeen days, he declared, the
residencia had been proclaimed, without bringing forth
a single demand against him.** This was on account
of intimidation, his enemies said. The charges against
him were chiefly rumor. Cortes took the opportunity,
however, to review them in a letter to the king, and
demonstrate the absurdity of some of them. Whatever
the riches acquired by him, he had expended far more
for the advancement of the royal interests, so much so
that he was now in debt to the extent of half a mil-
lion of pesos de oro. The domains he had gained for
the king were greater in wealth and extent than any
so far conquered by others. As a proof of his com-
parative disinterestedness, he ofiered to surrender all
he possessed, including the rumored two hundred rent-
rolls, for a score — ^ay, half a score — of moderate rentals
in Spain.*^
^Libro de Cabildo, MS. After seven d&ys of sicknesB, says Oviedo; nine
days, according to Berual Diaz.
^ Veiancvrt, Cmdad Mex., 6. Bemal Diaz states, and testimony in CorUs^
JiesidenciOf i. 290, intimates, the San Francisco convent^ but this mistake may
be due to the close proximity of the tem{>le8, and the assistance of the friars
at the ceremony.
^Cartas, 482. 'Entre algunas fortunas contrarias. . .una de las mas ad-
versas para mi ha sido la muerte de Luis Ponce.' Carta, September 11, 1526,
in CortiSt EsctUob Sueltos, 110.
'^ 'Much land and gold have I received in truth,* jie says, in substance,
' but more have I expended, till I am indebted for 500,000 pesos de oro, with-
out a castellano to pay with; all expended to increase the domains of Y. M.
My books show more than 3MX),000 pesos de oro of my own estate expended
on conquests, in which my life and health have also been ventured. From
these conquests Y. M. has received larger returns than from all other lands so
far subjugated.' He thereupon recounts what he has done, and what he pro-
poses to do. * From Montezuma's treasures I and my men assiffned more uian
the fifth due to Y. M. They say that I possess 200 rent-rolls. 1 am willing to
AGUILAR GOVERNOR. 25K
Ponce's death so soon after his arrival revived the
charge of poisoning, although the doctors under oath
declared malignant fever the cause. The disease was
even regarded as a pest, for a large number of those
who came with Ponce died from the same malady,
and also several settlers.'*
A few days before his death Ponce had summoned
the town council and substituted Marcos de Aguilar
as alcalde mayor in place of Ortega, with instructions
that he should be recognized as his successor. This
recognition was made on the 30th of July;" but
immediately after, the adherents of Cortes raised the
question whether the late judge had a right to trans-
fer his power as governor, and the council, together
with the delegates from the other towns, formally
called upon Cortes to reassume the post till the king
could decide. He refused, however, to take a stej)
that might imperil the opinion of his obedience, and
he even counseled Sandoval to decline the proposal to
associate him with Aguilar. The latter was accord-
ingly received as governor the 26th of August," and
surrender all I have for 20 [on the next page he says 10] rent-rolls in Spain
And go to serve Y. M. there, where none can aocnse me of securing further
rerennea.' If this is not agreed to, he hegs permission to keep what he has
for himself and his heirs, so that he may not he obliged to go to 8pain and
beg his bread, the purity of his motives being proven. Letter of September
a, 1526, in Caria$^ 482-9.
^ Writinff in the beginning of September, Cort^ states that 30 of Ponce s
^companions had died, inclndmg two friars and two settlers, a large number
of both classes being still in a critical condition. CdrtOBy 482. Bernal Dias
plaicee the mortality about three times higher. Hwl, Verdad., 219. The
alcalde, Pedrada, was among the dead. Gomara states that moat of Ponce s
travelling companions died. HisL Mex., 277. It was assumed by those who
testified to the belief in poisoning that the custard at the banquet brought
sOxmt the death. CarUs, Reddendo, i 161, 239, 288-90, 442. The charge was
revived in 1543-^. See PacA<;co and Cdrrfcfio*, Co/. Z)oc., xxviii. 245-80. The
^ioctors who attended Ponce and gave a statement of the nature, progress, and
treatment of the disease, were Ojeda and Licentiate Pedro Lopez, protomedioo
of Mexico, who presented his appointment as such on January 11, 1527. LUtro
4ie CabUdOf MS. Gonzalez D4vila, Teairo, i. 7, wrongly claims the protome-
<iico title for I>octor Olivaras, who came with a royal license dated July 8,
1524, as he says. The belief in a murder was sustained to some eictent by
malicious verges sung in Mexico. Peralla^ Not. Higt., 138.
**Libro de CabUdo, MS. His appointment as alcalde mayor was made on
July 16th. Ocafia writes that he had offered to assure him 10,000 pesos de oro
jt year as lawyer; but when the rojral interest dem^inded his services he threw
juside this brifiiant prospect. Carta^t in Icas^b<Utxta, CoL Doc., i. 529.
^^CorUs, EacrUoe Sueltoa, 111; Libro de CabOdOt MS. The negotiations
262 THE PONCE DE LEON EPISODK
Cortes now made a formal demand upon him to con*
tinue the residencia, but received answer that he pos-
sessed merely the power of a ruler.^
Cortds still retained the office of captain-general,
with the administration of Indians, as the most
experienced and needful person for the position, and
in this capacity he issued a decree promoting the
good treatment of his charge. Certain clauses were
deemed objectionable by his opponents,** and quite an
outcry was raised. Galled by the recent opposition
to his appointment, and encouraged by success, Agui-
lar readily listened to tjie proposal to curtail the power
of his rival. As a preliminary step he conveyed the
imprisoned Salazar from the house of Cortes to the
regular prison. This created a certain commotion,
and a number of armed adherents presented them-
selves to support the remonstances of their chief.
The governor now issued an order forbidding armed
assemblies, and then called on Cortes to show cause for
retaining the office of captain-general, or to resign.
Finding his opponents intent on creating trouble,
which under the circumstances might aflFect his inter-
ests at court, Cortes surrendered the office, under
protest.*^ One reason for this arbitrary action of
for Cortes* reassnmption of office are given in Pa4Jieco and Cdrdenas, OoL
Doc, xxvi. 250-80. Ocafla seeks to show that the recognition of Agnilar was
due to the persuasion of Estrada and Albomoz. Carta, in Icazhalceta, L 530.
'^ Packeco and Cardenas, C6L Doc., xxvi. 235-7. Bcmal Dias assumes
that Cortes was driven to make the demand by the clamor of his enemies.
J{i8t. Fiert/orf., 219; but he is probably wrong.
^® Spaniards were ordered not to leave the towns wherein they were settled
without his permission, nor to sell their grain — lest their dependants suffer
want, it would appear. Testimony in VorU^, Besidenda, i. 294. It was
said that he wished to sell his own stock of grain, and make the people
dependent on him.
"Which is recorded in Paeheco and Cdrdenaa, Col. Doc, xxvi. 241-6.
In case of Indian troubles he was to resume the office, sa^s Estrada, Carta, in
Id., xiii. 85, who appears to have used his persuasion m favor of Aguilar.
Ocafla, in Jcazbalceia, Col. Doe., i. 533-4, does not fail to cast imputations on
Cortes. Blank orders sho aid be sent to arrest him and his adherents so that
witnesses may freely testif v against them. Cortes pours his complaints over
these outrages committed by an incompetent judge. He demands that the
residencia be taken so that his loyalty may be manifested. Carta, in CortSa^
Eacritoa SneUoB, 118-22. One reason for the outcry against the decree had
been the use of the title governor, which Cortes claim^ that he could use in
virtue of recent royal letters being so addressed to him.
DEATH OF AGUILAR. 253
Aguilar was the approach of Pedro de Alvarado, with
a large force of Cortes* soldiers, who had taken the
land route in returning from Honduras. It was
feared that their presence would render the power of
Cortes too imposing, and so the measure was precip-
itated. It would have httle availed the opposite fac •
tion, however, had Cortes chosen to lay aside for a
moment his prudence, and give the signal to his
adherents.^
A^uilar was hardly the man to hold the reins of
government during tinges so troublesome, and it was
owing chiefly to the forbearance of his opponent that
affairs progressed as they did He was not only aged,
but so enfeebled by diseases resulting from bad haoits
that his flickering life could be sustained only by
suckling.** The task and worry of office had its effect,
and a fever came on which induced him to appoint a
deputy in the person of Ger6nimo de Medina. On
his sick-bed, however, February 23d, he appointed Es-
trada as successor. Again the right of transferring
power was disputed, and Cortds was called upon to
assume the control; but he adhered to his former
decision. The council and delegates thereupon insisted
that he should at least manage the Indian and war
department, while Sandoval, ms sworn friend, should
be associated with Estrada as govemor.^^
** Ooafta, ubi sap., alludes to the fears oonoeming Alvarado. Bemal Bias^
who came with the Honduras force, joined others iu an appeal to Aguilar for
a change of encomiendas, but received the answer that he nad no power in the
case. Biti. Verdad., 221.
** Me suckled a woman and also goats. ' Caducana, y estaua tnUido de
bnbasy y era de poca antoridad. . .y hetico.' Id,, 219. His son had recently
died from the same disease as Ponoe. Oomara, Hist, Mex,, 278-9.
^December 10, 1526. Libro de CabUdOf MS. Cort^ was affain accused of
using poison, and in the later residencia witnesses declared that ne sent Aguilar
some flamish-cured meat which nearly caused the death of an indulging at*
tendant. Cori^ BeMeneia, I 297-8; ii. 28^9.
^^ Their installation took place on March 1, 1527. Libro de CabUdo, MS.
On the day of A^uilar's death, a Friday, Oort^* friends had sought in vain to
prevail on the sinking governor to appoint him. CorUs, Beaidencia, i, 300-1.
Some declare that Estrada had no objection to Sandoval, but rather desired
him lor a son-in-law, to whom the government might then have fallen. Bemal
Diaz, HiBt. Veriad., 221.
CHAPTER XIII.
ESTRADA'S RULE— CORTES DRIVEN TO SEEK JUSTICE IN SPAIK.
1527.
Campaign in Zafotbcapan— Sfiok Island PBOJBOig— Loaisa's Exfxdi-
TION — GUSTAJLA FiNDS THE WaT TO ZaCATULA — SaaVKDRA'S VoTAGB TO
THE Moluccas— CoRT^ Slighted— He is Exiled ftom the Caxttal —
Reconciliation with Estrada — Guzman Appointbd Governor of PI*
Nuco— Finding No Gold, He Turns Oppressor— Encroachments qk
Mexico — Raid into Las Palmas Region — Slays-trade Horrors —
CoRTfa TO Plead before the Sovereign — Fears that He will Re-
volt—Preparing FOR THE Voyage to Spain.
Under Aguilar*s rule a number of expeditions had
been sent out £o open new districts, and to assure
the subjugation of others. One force of nearly three
hundred men prepared to disclose the mysteries of the
region to the north, between Michoacan and the gulf
soon to be famed for its mineral wealth. This project,
intended as the precursor to an entry to the Rio de la»
Palmas region, was earned out only in part,* owing to
changes m the plans of Cortds, but others were de-
veloped, involving the occupation of Tabasco and Chia-
SIS, and the continuation of the campaign against the
apotecs and Mijes, connected with the late Coatlau
revolt.* In order to render this campaign more
effective, two expeditions were sent to operate on the
south and north sides respectively. The southern con-
sisting of somewhat over one hundred men, with a
^ Qomaira^ Jffiat. Jfeas., 282-3. The Palmaa project was abandoned when
newB came that Narvaez had received a commiaaion to oonqaer that diatrici.
* A town had been formed with the Indiana of Gort^ to aasore this dia-
trict. Ooafia, in Icazbalceta, CoL Doc, i 526. The preceding expeditiona»
alluded to by Ckirtea, Cartae^ 490-1, and Bemal Diai, loc dt., are treated ot
elsewhere.
(264)
PROJECTS OF CORTES. 2W
dozen horses^ was placed under command of Diego de
Figueroa, a friend of Estrada. On reaching the border
he summoned Alonso de Herrera, the captam in charge,
to place himself under his command, giving orders in
such a tone as to offend the fiery Herrera, and soon a
quarrel arose wherein Figueroa and several others were
wounded. Neither commander nor men were accus-
tomed to Indian warfare, and the toil of mountain
marches was by no means to their taste. Finding that
the graves of chiefs contained large treasures, they di-
rected their attention rather to ghoulish raids, varied
by occasional descents upon settlements for the pur-
pose of extorting contributions. After accumulating
about a hundred thousand pesos de oro, Figueroa,
with a few friends, abandoned the district, now more
disturbed than ever, and hastened to Mexico to pre-
pare for the voyage home. They had hardly left Vera
Cruz before a gale wrecked their vessel, and buried
fifteen of them, together with the yield of their dese-
crationa
The northern expedition, similar in strength and
quality of men, had a more soldierly captain, Barrios
by name, who had seen service in Italy, and bore a rep-
utation for bravery. He had Uttle experience in native
warfare, however, and one night the warriors surprised
his camp, slew the leader and a number of his follow-
ers, and pursued the rest till they gained refuge in a
friendly town. " Thus served these doughty captains
from Europe," exclaims Bemal Diaz, *' leaving us
conquerors to remedv their failures."* Cortes had
evidently nothing to do with the appointments for the
Zapotec campaign, since his selection of officers was
usually admirable, and the result better where he
attended to the management. He was fully occupied.
Not content to explore the vast regions adjoining
their new conquest, and there unfold the wealth which
at a later period poured forth in streams to enrich the
*HUL Verdad,, 2S2. San Alfonso was founded by the later expedition.
Hie victorioiui tribe is called the Tiltepec.
^e56 ESTRADA'S RULK
enterprising, the fancies of the colonists were ever
leaping far beyond to remoter points, invested by
rumor with readier treasures. Toward the west in
particular, the gilded path of the-departing sun seemed
ever to revive the ancient Hesperides, and attract
visionaries. Not that all was a dream ; for had not
Magellan's fleet in that direction disclosed a series of
during lands, among them the long-sought islands
of spices, whose produce was esteemed equal to
almost any treasure ? More and richer islands must
surely exist. At any rate, something new had been
found, and attention was directed thither with absorb-
inginterest.
i)uring Cortes' absence in Honduras, Albomoz
among others had pictured this feeling in a letter to
the king, and suggested that the fleet in process of
construction at Zacatula should be sent in search of
the Spice Islands, which were thought to be quite near,
and of other isles, "rich in pearls and precious stones,
and undoubtedly in gold, since they lie to the south."
The existence of these isles was asserted by natives
on the Zacatula coast, who said that in the time of
their forefathers large pirogues came from them at
intervals to trade/ On his return, Cortds took up
the idea with enthusiasm, and formed the project, not
alone to win fresh laurels, but to increase the value of
his actual conquest by annexing to it the Moluccas
and any other islands on the way, and making it the
pathway for the prospective flow of wealth. In a
letter to the king he offers to conquer and settle these
islands free of all cost, and to hold them against any
other claimant.^
This offer was formulated to a great extent by the
* Had Albomoz received authoritjr to act, he would by this time have dis-
covered the route to the Moluccas, which were supposed to be some 700 leagues
off. Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc,, L 496-7.
^ * Que V. M. no haya la especerla por via de rescate, como la ha el rey de
Portugal, sine que la tenga por cosa propria.* Letter of September 3, 1520, in
Cartas, 490. m a letter of about the same date Ocafta urges that Cortes was
so disloyal that he ought not to be trusted with such an expedition. ' Si
Oort^ lova & hacer morird con corona.' Icazbaicettif CoL Doc^ i 632.
LOAISA AKD THE MOLUCCAS. 257
report of an expedition lately sent from Spain to
-develop the resolts of Magellan's discoveries. The
people in Europe were also quite interested in the
Spice Islands project, and in pursuance of an agree-
ment formed with Portugal, at Badajoz, a fleet of
half a dozen vessels was despatched in August 1525,
under the knight Garcfa Jofre de Loaisa, with instruc-
tions to establish a settlement, without encroaching
on the Portuguese, or endangering possession by haz-
ardous operations. Loaisa was to remain on the
islands as governor, assisted by a full staff of officials,
and superintend the collection of spices for the
annual fleet which should follow the present return
shipment. The expedition encountered several mis-
haps: Loaisa died during the voyage, together with
a large number of officials and other members of the
party, including Sebastian del Cano, the first circum-
navigator, and only one of the vessels reached the
Moluccas, there to form a precarious settlement.* A
second expedition was despatched in the same direc-
tion in April 1526, under Sebastian Cabot, who, on
reaching Rio Plata in South America, was so capti-
vated by the rumors of its wealth that he remained
there to establish Spanish sovereignty.
Not content with these measures the king instructed
Cortes to send his Zacatula vessels to open a route to
the Moluccas, searching at the same time for Magel-
lan's missing vessel, inquiring into the movements of
Cabot, and joining Loaisa s fleet.^ The captain general
hastened to carry out an order so much in consonance
with his own wishes, and so needful for the royal ser-
vice, since news of disaster to Loaisa's expedition had
already reached New Spain. Among its scattered
vessels was a small craft uuder command of Santiago
de Guevara. Unable to sight the consorts, and ill-
'The ezpediticm it ^vite fully described, with its regulations and fate, in
Herrtra, dec ilL lib. vii cap. v.-Tii; lib. iz. cap. y.-Yi«, ix.; dec. iv. lib. i.
cap. W., etc. See alao the foUowing notes.
* The o^nla is dated June 20, 1526. Navarrete, Ool, de Viagea, T. 440,
H»T. ifsz.,youn. 17
258 HSTRADA'S RULB.
provided with supplies, he concluded to seek one of
the Spanish settlements on the Pacific coast of
America. After great hardships, to which the cap-
tain among others succumbed, the vessel was brought
into Cihuatlan harbor, in Zacatula province.®
Aided by the advice of her oflScer, Cortes began
to prepare for his expedition, but neither Aguilar nor
the royal officers were disposed to promote the aims
of a rival, even when duty pointed the way, and he
was obliged to meet not only the whole expense but
the opposition of the officials.® The fleet consisted of
the flag-ship Florida^ the Santiago of nearly the same
size, and the small brigattine Espiritu SantOy all well
armed, and carrying provisions for a year. The com-
mand was intrusted to a cousin of Cortes, Alvaro de
Saavedra Ceron, with the title of captain general/®
After a few days' trip up the coast by the brigan-
tine, to a port named Santiago, the expedition left
Cihuatlanejo on the 31st of October 1527. The two
smaller vessels were soon lost to sight, never to be
heard of again, and the flag-ship continued her course
" In July 1526, under command of Fortunio de Alango. On first arriving
off the strange coast, a clergyman named Arraizaga volunteered to try for the
shore, half a league distant, in a big box, the only means of conveyance left.
Upset by a wave, he sought to swim ashore, but would ha^ e perished had not
some natives come to his aid. He was not a little delighted to find himaelf
in Spanish domains, and to be received with kindness. Hetrera, ubi qup.;
Oomara, IlisU Mex., 280-1; Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col i)oc.,xiL 488. The
port where the vessel entered is also called Macatan.
'The men he required were taken for different military operations, etc
The expedition cost him over 60,000 pesos de oro, as per accounts rendered.
CorUSf Escritos SueltoSf 215-16. The details of cost are given in CoL I>oc.
Inid.^ ii. 405-15. The king ordered the authoritieo of New Spain to repay
the amount, Cidtda of AprU 1, 1529, but it was understood that the disobe-
dience of the order would not be regarded with disfavor. The amoant
formed one of the many standing claims of Cort^, for which he was ever
pressing.
^^Luis de Cdrdenajs commanded the Santioffo, and Pedro do Fnentc« the
brigantine. According to Herrera, dec. iv. lib. i. cap. vi, they carried 50,
45, and 15 men, respectively. Befnal Diaz, Jlist. Verdad,, 232, adds a
vessel and increases the force to 250 * soldiers;' but this must be a miptake,
though Herrera gives, erroneously perhaps, an armament which required a
larger crew. The instructions for the different officers, and letters for Gabot,
the kings of Cebu and Tidore, and others, dated May 27, 1527, are given in
Coriisy EscrUoft SueUoa, 127-69; NavarreU, CoL de Viages, v. 442-64. No
land must be taken possession of, and no trading undertaken, except by
Saavedra, or in his presence.
THE TRIUMVIRATE. 259
alone, reaching the Moluccas in safety, after discover-
ing on the way a group which was named Islas de los
Reyes. ^^ Saavedra found the remnant of Loaisa s party,
under command of Hernando de la Torre, engaged m
a struggle with the Portuguese, and was able to
render some aid. He thereupon repaired his vessel,
loaded a quantity of cloves, and after several mishaps,
and cruises along New Guinea and other islands, he
was able to depart for New Spain in May 1529. Two
groups were discovered on the way, named respec-
tively Los Pintados and Los Buenos Jardines,^^ and
shortly afterward, when fully half-way across the
Pacific, the commander died, whereupon the crew
returned to the Moluccas, only to fall into Portuguese
prisons.^ Even had Saavedra succeeded in opening
the route to New Spain, nothing would have resulted
from it, for intermarriage between the royal families
of Spain and Portugal, and other circumstances, caused
Charles to abandon his Molucca schemes, and they
were not revived for nearly half a century.
After a few months' rule under the triumvirate of
which Estrada was evidently the head, a despatch
arrived confirming Aguilar, or any appointee of his,
as ruler, but without power to take residencia or to
interfere in matters outside of the government. This
order was owing chiefly to the efforts of Albornoz,
w^ho had left for Spain shortly after Ponce s death,
chiefly to promote the interests of the anti-Cort^s
faction, and the aspirations of certain friends, while
'' Galvano, Dwcor., 174, assumes this to be the same group discovered hy
Seqneira, or rather, muned Siquiera; but Bumey, Diacov. South Sea, i. 148,
donbts it.
*■ Bumey places them in 7* N., and 176* w. from Greenwich, and 10* to 12*
K., 174- w.
" They numbered 18 on reaching the Moluccas, and 10 more died before
tbey were enabled in 1534 to reach Spain. One of the survivors, named
"NApoles, there rendered an account of the expedition which is printed in
Jiavamte, Col. de ViageSy v. 465-86. Besides the authorities already quoted,
ace Ovied^t, ii. 88-95; Gcmara, Hist. Ind., 134-6; Id., Hist. Mex., 280-2;
Uerrera, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. v.-vi.; lib. v. cip. vi.; Mar:h y Labores, Marinck
ApaHoUtt ii. 67>93, with copies of docmnents. Most of li.ese authorities refer
MO to Loaiaa's expedition.
200 ISSTRADA'S RULE.
posing himself before the court as an officer wholly
devoted to the sovereign. He did not fail to give his
views of transatlantic aflfairs, and to uree measures
which were many of them admirable; but he also
predisposed the crown against Cortes, whose interfer-
ence in government ought not to be tolerated. Estrada,
who haa personally complained of the associates forced
upon him, was greatly elated, and presenting the royal
decree, he was received, August 22, 1527, as sole
ruler."
This was not the only slight suffered by Cort(5s at
the royal hands. Albomoz had been induced to be-
friend Salazar and Chirinos, and so well did he plead
their cause, under the auspices of Secretary Cobos,
that their release was ordered, though their seques-
trated property remained in charge of guardians."
Cortes felt this act deeply. He saw all hope
fading for redress of the bitter wrongs suffered at
their hands, wrongs which he could so readily have
avenged, and which seemed too clear to escape pun-
ishment. As if to impress the infliction upon his
rival, Estrada formed a sort of alliance with the two
released officials, with a view to strengthen his own
party against one of whose influence he was both
jealous and afraid. The extreme to which he carried
this feeling threatened on one occasion to produce
most serious results. Figueroa of Zapotec fame had
returned to Mexico with his spoils, and meeting one
of Cortes' adherents named Uortijo, an altercation
^*Libro de CaJbOdo, MS., 200-3.
^^ These were instructed to pay them an allowance. The seqaestnAion
took place chiefly at the instances of relatives of Paz in Spain. Thev were con-
demned to death by the audiencia of Espafiola, but the sentence did not take
effect, though affirmed by the Council of the Indies. The audiencia of Mex-
ico afterward ordered them to repay to Cortes all they had taken. Chirinos
joined Guzman in his outrages on the Jaliscans, and shared in Mendoza's
expedition, after which he left for Spain, in 1542, in charge of royal treasure.
Mendozay Carta^ in Cartas de IndiaSy 254, 715. Salazar went to Spain at an
earlier date, amd joining Sotci io the expedition to Florida he narrowly escaped
hanging for diaobt^dience to ius chief. He died in obscurity. We shall nnd
allusions to botn during the next few years. See also /ferrera, dec. iiL lib.
ix. cap. viii.; lib. x. cap. i.; dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. i.; Ocmara^ Hist, Mex,^ 280;
Alaman, Disert., i. app. 221; Pu^o, Cedtdario, 25, 43, 79.
CX>RT£S EXILED. 2GI
ensued from which the former retired with a wound
to attest a complaint to his friend Estrada. Such
an outrage on one of his adherents by a follower of
his rival could not be endured, and without listening
to any defence the governor ordered the man's hand
to be cut off.^* Cortes, who seems to have retired to
his beloved Cuernavaca, since the appointment of the
treasurer for sole ruler, hastened to interfere, but came
too late, and gave vent to his indignation in bitter
words. Quite alarmed, Estrada summoned the royal
oflScials and his friends to sustain him, and was coun-
selled to exile his opponent from the city, as the only
means to maintain order. There was every justifica-
tion for such a step against a man who had dared to
threaten the king's governor, and the temptation to
humiliate the rival was too great to be withstood."
"It is well," said Cortes, when notified of the
measure, "that persons unfit to hold oflSce should be
allowed to exile me from the spot which I and my brave
followers acquired for the king at the cost of so much
toil and blood. "^® But after all Estrada may have
overreached himself, for now Cortds would proceed to
Spain and pray for justice against a ?nan so ungrate-
ful for the many favors conferred.
Great was the commotion when this measure became
known, and many regarded a recourse to arms as in-
evitable ; but Cortds silenced his angry adherents, and
i"En termino de vna hora. . .y. . .le Bentencio en destierro de Nuoua
Espafia.' BeTTtra, dec. ill. lib. ix. cap. viii. Bcmal Diaz calls the man an
hidalgo, and states that he snffered for aiding Captain Herrcrs. to attack
Figneroa on the Zapotec border. A page of Sandoval suffered a similar pon-
ishment for stabbing a servant of Estrada. Ilui. Verdad. , 222. The notary,
Castillo, who ventured to remonstrate against this rash and unjust proceeding,
was assaulted, removed from hw office, and cast into orison, with sequestra-
tion of propeity. Tho audicncia was in 1528 ordered to restore the man to
his office and estate after investigation. Cortijo appeared in S]:>aTn to com-
plain and was permitted to return, while Estrada received orders to give
5,000 ducats surety to respond to the claims of the plaintiff for 3,000 ducats
daznafes, besides costs. Htrrera, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. i.
'^ Lest he resent the outrage, observes Herrcra. 'For que no le qiiitasse
dTiieK).' Oomara, Hist, Mtx,, 279. Oviedo, iii. 519, considers that Estrada
did his duty, though he regrets the humiliation infilcted.
"'Daua gracias a Dios que dcllo era senrido,* etc. Bernal Diaz, Hist,
Verdad, 223.
262 ESTRADA'S RULE.
withdrew, though a motion of his finger would havo
suflSced to overthrow his opponents. ''For thy king
and thy law must thou die," was an oft-used saying
of his which he evidently resolved to uphold.^ Estra-
da's wife,^ among others, censured the governor for
this treatment of a man who had so greatly favored
him with appointments and grants, and warned him
of the consequences. At this time arrived Fray
Julian Garc^s, bishop of Tlascala, and attention was
diverted somewhat by the demonstrations attending
the reception of the first prelate in the country.^
His first task was to reconcile Estrada and his injured
opponents. The former had already repented of his
haste, and the bishop followed Cortes to Coyuhuacan
to prevail upon him.
The first impulse of resentment passed, Cortes
admitted that unjust as the governor might have
been, the expulsion was brought about chiefly by his
own hasty utterance. Not that this recognition alone
would have induced him to relent, but potent agencies
were the fear of imperilling his cherished prestige
among the natives, and the need of Estrada's favor
for certain projects. The good prelate therefore suc-
ceeded in his mission, and Cortes relented so far as to
stand godfather to the governor's infant son.** Estrada
was not so base and selfish as his advisers, and re-
pentance for his ingratitude had moved him to some
extent, as well as a politic regard for the great con-
queror's influence over the natives whom it would bo
diflScult to control in case they were roused. Still
another motive may have influenced him: the ^re^
^•Ala'.^: * El rey sea ini gallo.* Oomara. Hist, Mez., 280.
'^Dofia Mnrina Gutierrez de la Caballor.u, a most estimable woman, says
Bemal Diaz.
'^ Hift ccmmission was presented to the tivrn council of Mexico October 19,
1527. Libro de Co.^ildo, MS.
^^Btrnesal, HisL Chyapa, 14; Herrera, dec. iv. lib iii. cap. viL This
author and Oviedo leave the impression that the reconciliation was effected
before Cortes left the city. The version of Liicas is that * el obispo de Tax-
caUi rogo al dicho thesurcro que dexase entrar al. . .Cort^.* CorUs, ifesidendou,
L 308-9, 311. Bemal Diaz states on the ether hand that Cort^ refuised to h^
reconciled, though the preUte appealed to him several times.
KUNO DB OUZB£AK. 283
«nce of a formidable enemy in the coast provinces,
whose threatening attitude against both him and
Cortes served to form a bond between them.
More than a year previous, Nuflo de Guzman had
been appointed governor of Pdnuco, in accordance with
the royal policy of restricting the power of officials,
and with a view to support JPonce de Leon, in case
of need, to obtain control at Mexico. He was a cava-
lier of good connection, from Guadalajara, who had
long resided at Puerto de Plata, in Espanola, as enco-
mendero, but beyond the claim as colonist, and a
knowledge of law, he appears to have possessed no
experience or merit for service rendered that could
have warranted the bestowal of so important a por-
tion of New Spain, conquered and settled bv more
deserving men. The preferment was due chiefly to
the influence of the Velazquez party, who, regardless
of the many zealous adherents in Mexico, chose to
support a member of the ruling clique.^ He was
known, however, as a man possessed of the talent and
resolution necessary to support Ponce and to face the
dreaded Cortes in his own field.
Sickness and preparations detained him from his
post for over a year, and he did not reach his capital of
San Est^van del Puerto until May 20, 1527.^* His
entry was celebrated with processions, triumphal
arches, and other demonstrations attending the inaug-
uration of a new government from which conciliatory
reforms and favors are expected. These hopes were
not unreasonable, for Guzman was most engaging in
manners, pleasant in converse, and of evident culture ;
and only time revealed the haughty disposition, the
cruel nature, and the unprincipled ambition of the
" That he was of this clique appears from the advancement soon after of
his relatiTe Gonzalo de Guzman to the governorship of Cuba. Zumdrraga,
LeUrt, in Temaux-Compans, Voy.y aerie ii. torn. v. 19. 'Sin mas seruicios,
m esperiecia deguerra,* is Herrera's indignant comment on Guzman's appoint-
meat. dec. iv. hb. iii cap. vii.
'*Herrera indicates tne year 1528. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist, Nat.
Civ,, iv. 733, writes 1525, and others are equally in error.
264 ESTRADA'S RULE.
self-sufficient autocrat.^ His domains extended in ai
broad belt from the coast inward, under the name of
Pdnuco and Victoria^ Garayana,^ penetrating a region
as yet almost unknown, and looked upon as rich in
gold, so much so that thu authorities had issued special
regulations securing the crown duts tliereon.^ All this
had raised the hopes of Guzman, only to be brought
low when he beheld the comparatively poverty-stricken
expanse before him. He was resolved to make the
most of it, however, and in particular to exercise the
newly acquired dignity in a manner befitting his train-
ing as slave-owner on the Islands. Sweeping changes
were made in offices and regulations, and agents were
sent round to investigate the titles of all grants of
land and natives, and to seize all that were not fully
secured. As a partisan of Velazquez his effiDrts were •
directed with especial severity against the adherents
of Cortds, who had assisted to conquer and settle
the region. Of their repartimientos, indeed, almost
every one was deprived on some pretence. The na-
tives were treated with absolute disregard of justice.
Their houses and lands were ravaged, and everything^
of value was carried away, including slaves, and even
their scanty stock of provisions, so that some of them
were reduced to actual want. In his imperious cruelty
he caused several natives to be hanged for omitting
to sweep the roads before him.^
These outrages were not prompted so much by
avarice, which formed the main impulse with New
World adventurers, as by egotism. Of a noble and
^ Of noble birth, discreet, inclined to great deeds, enduring, and intrepid^
are the features added by Beaumont, Crtfn, Mich., iv. 99.
*« Puga^ Cedulario, 22. Guzman claimed the whole parallel to the Boutin
Sea. Zumdrraga calls the province 25 leases at its greatest width. TVnioiu:-
CompanSj Voy., serie ii. torn. v. 91. A later report gives it 60 leagues i»
length and breadth. InformeSj in Pacheco and C<Xrdena8j Col. Doc,, xv. 446.
This was probably after the audiencia defined the limits, as ordered.
'' * Que el oro de Panuco, se lal^rasse en barras por los quales. . .y corrlesae-
por ac^ucl precio. . .sopena de muerte. . .ni labrasse oro fuera de las fundici-
ones.' Ilerreray dec. iii. lib. x. cap. vii. Another significant rule was that
soldiers sliould not be use<l in agriculture.
*^HiB alguacil mayor, Halcon, appears to have been a zealous tool in these
performances.
INFAMOUS DOINGS IN PANUCO. 9^
proud stock, Guzman had come to the Indies filled
with the glowing hopes engendered by such achieve-
ments as those of v asco Nufiez, Gil Gonzalez, and
Cortes, but circumstances confined him to a narrow
sphere, till now, the vista opening, his unbridled
ambition was prejiared to break every bound. He
longed above all to acquire a wider influence, and the
present efforts were chiefly toward this end. His own
province was not sufficient, and he cast longing eyes,
toward the border along which lay a number of flour-
ishing settlements. He declared that they belonged
to his district, but the settlers stoutly objected to the
claim. Guzman promptly sent to arrest the most
unruly, notably Pedro Gonzalez de Trujillo and Fran-
cisco Ramos. Several of them being cavaliers refused
to bend to the imperious governor, and were there-
upon lashed and tortured ; one was nailed to a post by
the tongue for insolent language, and another was.
hanged,^ while the natives of their towns were many
of them butchered for obeying their masters.
News of this reaching Mexico, Estrada and Sando-
val, who then governed jointly, sent peremptory orders
for Guzman to exhibit his commission and to restrict
himself to what they declared to be his boundary.*^
A number of despatches were exchanged on the ques-
tion, wherein discourteous language was freely dis-
pensed, particularly by Guzman in letters to Cortes^
who as military chief became involved with him.
Sancho de Caniego, cousin of the Pdnuco governor,
received such treatment at Mexico, in his cliaracter
of commissioner, that he departed fuming with tlireats.
No satisfaction being obtained, Estrada, who during
the autumn assumed sole rule at Mexico, prepared an
• Testimony in Cort^y Bestdeneiaf i. 311, agrees with Bemal Diaz that
Trujillo was hanged, without receiving a trial, though he was of noble blood.
BenuU Diaz, HmI, Verdad., 221. Herrera, loc. cit., declares that the person
hanged was a servant of Trnjillo, the master being tortured by nailing the
tongue and the like.
^ Regidor Hinojosa was sent with- the message, but either a fear for his
own tongue, or actual sick: ess, caused another commissioner to be appointed.
JAbro de CabUdo, MS., June 14 and 21, 1527.
266 ESTRADA'S RULE.
expedition to enforce his demands. At this juncture
arrived Juan Perez de Gijon, alcalde of San Estdvan,
and appealed for a stay of hostilities, chiefly for the
sake of the settlers, promising either to efiect a peace-
ful arrangement, or to return to Mexico as a prisoner.
For this unauthorized mediation Guzman treated him
rather severely, and like Regulus the alcalde went
back to redeem his word.**
Meanwhile Captain Gil Gonzalez de Benavides,
alcalde of Mexico,^ had approached the boundary and
taken possession of the tract in dispute.^ A commis-
sioner thereupon came down from San Est^van to
arrange the matter, but nothing was effected until
Guzman managed, under a change of circumstances,
to settle everything according to his own fancy.**
Not content with encroaching on Mexico, Guzman
had turned his desire also to the adjoining northern
territory of Rio de las Palmas, granted to Pdnfilo de
Narvaez as a solace for the defeat inflicted by Cortes.
Like other little known regions it was supposed to be
rich in precious metals; not more so than his own
interior tracts, but more alluring since it belonged to
another; and he resolved to gather the first-fruit
before the rightful owner appeared. To this end he
sent his cousin, Caniego, with all his available force.
The expedition penetrated for a considerable distance
without finding any settlements of note, and struggling
'^ He left Mexico Iq the begiiming of December, and retomed March 16.
1628. Id,
"Testimony in CorUa, SesideneiOj i. 311-12, ii. U7, shows that Estrada at
first proposed io go in person to seize Guzman and * desolate P^uco,' bat the
rumored disloyal projects of Cort^ deterred him. Estrada was not a military
man, however.
" * Prendio a Andres Duero e a Juan Astudillo e a otros dos. . .e destrayo
la tierra.' Zuniga, in Id.^ ii. 147. This Duero appears to be the secretaxy
from Cuba who at first befriended Cort^ and then oecame his enemy.
'^Benavides offered to surrender *Tepehuacan, Qnautkt, Yahuidica,' bat
insisted on retaining th« towns in the district of * Meztitlan, Oxitapa, Tla-
matlan, andOuazalingo.' JAbro de CubUdo, MS., February 19, 15^. Caniego is
named as the P^uco commissioner, though he appears to have gone to Spain
about this time. The audiencia of Mexico, wmch arrived this year, with
Ottzman for president, received orders to define the boundary, and to forbid
any encomendero to hold land on both sides of it, or to keep natives oat of
their native district.
GUZMAN THE SLATE-MAKER. 2$7
•with obstacles of every description, and suffering
great hardship. Finally dense forests obliged them
to turn back, and the band reached San Est^van half
famished and in a sad condition, with little to recom-
pense them for their five months' search, except a
report that the country beyond the forests must be
rich and settled.*^
This report was considered by Guzman to be a
suflScient inducement to extend the exploration, but
the means were wanting. As a last resource he seized
upon the natives, and began to export them as slaves,
pleading that the public good demanded such a meas-
ure, and pointing to even worse acts by other rulers.
Besides, the voices of these natives could be suppressed
only by removing them from home associates and
placing them under strict supervision.*' The argument
found ready sustainers when the permission was given
also to settlers to sell from twenty to thirty slaves
each. Traders came by invitation to buy slaves, and
others were exported oy the ship-load, in chartered
vessels, from the stock-yard in which they were branded
and herded. A panic seized upon the poor creatures,
and they began to desert the villages to seek refuge
in the forests and mountains,. preferring hunger and
death at home to a worse fate abroad. Then hunting
expeditions were sent out to ferret them, and to seize
also upon Indians pertaining to Mexico. Caciques
were tortured to reveal the hiding-places of their
people, and to save themselves many surrendered even
relatives as slaves. Some ten thousand of God's human
creatures were thus carried away in more than twenty
vessels, three of which foundered at sea. In their
despair a large number of the kidnapped cast them-
selves overboard; others suffered so severely from con-
*^ Gnzman justified the encroachment by sending an early complaint that
Karvaez had received much of what belonged to Pdnuco. The audiencia was
ordered to define the boundary. Berrtra, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. vii.
''In a letter to the king, he pointed out that the royal service demanded
horses, and that these could be obtained in no other way. He did not make
one dollar by the traffic. On leaving P&nuco he forbacle it, because he had
beard that the king objected. Pacheco and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc., xiii. 410-11.
268 ESTRADA'S RULE.
finement in the infected atmosphere of the hold as tc^
die during the voyage, or immediately after, while the
rest rapidly succumbed to the hardships of their new
life, magnified by the change of climate and food.*'
But neither reconciliation with Estrada, nor the
demand for his interference in the Guzman dispute,*'
changed the resolution of Cortes to proceed to Spain.
His position in Mexico was becoming insupportable,
what with lost power, fading influence, and constant
annoyance from insolent oflScials. Then, his presence
was necessary at court to refute the accumulating-
slanders, to place in a proper light his many services,,
and to claim a fit reward,*® besides advocating meas-
ures for the development of the country and the ad-
vancement of conquest. It was also time to solemnize
the marriage arranged for him in Spain, so that he
might obtain heirs to perpetuate his name.
His main effort accordingly was to obtain sufficient
means to present himself at court in a manner corre-
sponding to his fame and position. Sandoval, Tapia,
and other proposed companions joined him in the
task to collect rents, receive presents, and effect loans,,
and thus they made quite a tour of the country,
directing themselves chiefly to the caciques, from
whom large contributions were received, partly as
gifts to the honored Malinche, partly in consideration
for the offer to present their sons to the sovereign and
advocate their respective claims.
'' These facts are affirmed by Bishop Znnulrraga in his letters and swonii
statements. * Cette province . . . contenait 25,000 Ladiens sonmis et pacifiqaes.
II en a vendu 10,000 comme esclaves, ct les autres. . .ont abandonnd leurs vil-
lages.* These shipments were continued from Mexico, the kidnapped bein^
sent to PAnuco to embark. Ternaux-Compana^ Voy.y serie ii. torn. v. 91-2,
45. Further details in Pacheco and CdrdencLS, Col. Doe., xiii. 144-6, 171.
Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vi. cap. ix. *Se herraron tantos, que casi despoblaron
aquella Provincia.* Bemal X>taz, BUt, Verdad,, 228.
M Testimony in Cort4s, Beddmciat i. 311-12, shows that Cort^ at first
offered to take the field against him. Estrada hesitated, and when he finally
offered the command Cortds replied that his preparations for going to Spain
oould no longer be deferred.
" ' Algun titulo, para q no se le ignalassen todos,' is the pointed remark of
Gomara, HisL Mex., 282.
SCHEMES AGAINST C0RTJ&3. 209
This round of interviews with native leaders, and
the preparations for the voyage, were suflScient to
revive among opponents and tattlers the oft-spread
report of disloyalty on the part of one who so recently
had threatened the governor, and was still smarting
under humiliation. The reports were not altogether
devoid of foundation, for a number of Spanish and
native partisans who had witnessed the indignities
heaped upon their leader, and presumed upon his
resentment, offered him their aid to redress his wrongs,
-even so far as to seize the whole country for himself.*^
But Cortes w^as too wise to entertain the project; he
even shrank from allusion to it, and also threatened
to hang one or two of his advisers; others he severely
reprimanded, and prudently so, since the proposals in
more than one instance covered a trap to criminate
him withal. Estrada is said to have been so alarmed
that he sent Bishop Garc^s to sound Cortes, and to
exert his influence if needful.*^
The desire of Cortes to be saved from friends so
apt to embroil him, formed another motive for leaving,
and this was hastened by the receipt of a letter from
the president of the India Council,*^ urging him to
come to Spain so that the king might consult him on
needful measures, and reward his services. This let-
ter was the first move in a rather elaborate scheme on
the part of a misinformed sovereign to withdraw a
dangerous subject from a tempting field. As will be
^ The peniBtent Ocafia dwells on this moyement with a desire to crimmate
Cort^. Carter in Icassbalceta, Col. Doc.^ i. 530-1. Testimony in CorUs, Rtsi-
denciay i. 300-11, 407-8* declares that Cort^ did ask the opinion of several
persons whether it would be advisable to seize E^strada and hold the govern-
ment for the king, or to go to Spain. Dominican friars warned Estrada of
this. If he ever alluded to an arrest, it mtist have been when his resentment
was hot Letters were sent from Mexico on the subject, to entrap hiwi,
observes Bemal Diaz. Hi^, Verdad., 223.
*^ Bemal Diaz assumes that the two leaders were not reconciled, and that
the efforts of Garc^ were to unbend Cort^. Guzman intimated that Cort^
IdFt orders for the natives to rise after his departure. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iii.
cap. vii This accusation was also intended to reflect on Estrada's inefficiency
to control the natives.
** The successor of the intriffuing Fonseca was Fray Garcia de Loaisa, oon-
fessor of the king and bishop otOsma, afterward made cardinal in recogxution
of his services, mfluence, and admirable traits.
270 ESTRADA'S RULE.
shown hereafter, the appeal was supported by letters
from the duke of Bdjar and other friends. At the
same time came the news of the death of Martin
Cortes. This proved a severe blow to the son, who
after so long a separation had vividly pictured to him-
self the joy of once more embracing his father and
able friend who had so zealously protected his in-
terests against assailants. He caused an impressive
funeral ceremony to be held, and put on the customary
mourning attire.
Two new vessels, reported to be fast sailers, had
just arrived at Vera Cruz, and Cortes despatch^ his
majordomo, Ruiz de Esquivel, to secure them. Ac-
companied by a negro to carry two bars of gold for
the purchase, he took a boat with six native rowers
to carry him across the lake to Ayotzinco, but ha
never appeared. Search was instituted, and a month
later attention was attracted to a human arm pro-
truding from the ground, the flesh eaten by birds*
The half-buried body proved to be that of the ma-
jordomo, almost nude and with a knife wound in the
head. The gold and the boatmen had disappeared.
Though the gold appears to have been the motive^
some prefer to connect the murder with Ruiz' indis-
creet vauntings of successful intrigues with dames of
the capital.*^
Another agent went to secure the vessels, which
were at once prepared for the voyage, and provided
with a respectable armament to protect their valuable
cargo against corsairs. The intention of Cortes was
to carry with him a varied assortment of eflfects, not
so much for presents as to exhibit the resources of the
country he had conquered. The most valuable part
consisted of fifteen hundred marcos** of wrought silver^
thirty thousand pesos de oro in gold, a portion alloyed,
and several thousand pesos in jewels, including precious
*' Indeed, little efibrt was made to trace the murderers, says Bemal Diaz»
Hist. Verdad.j 224. Ruiz appears to have been an attractive fellow, and an
ludalso from Seville. Oviedo, iii. 527.
^^ Marco, equivalent to eight (
RETURN OF CORTfiS TO SPAIN. 271
stones and pearls.*^ Then there was a mass of fabrics,
and robes, plumes, and feather-work, liquid amber,
vanilla, balsam, flint implements, and mirrors, woapons,
paintings, and curiosities of every description, notably
strange plants and animals, tigers, parrots, quetzals, and
the like. Also a variety of natives, albinos, dwarfs, and
monstrosities, together with acrobats, such as pole-
turners, foot-balance performers, equilibrists, and ball-
players.^ Of staple resources and provisions largo
quantities were contributed by the natives, sufficient
to have supplied a fleet. Much came also from the
estates of Cortes, the extent of which may bo under-
stood from their value of two hundred thousand pesos
de oro, estimated at a time when the price of real
estate was very low. The care of these possessions
devolved during his absence on Licenciate Juan Alta-
mirano, his relative, Diego de Ocampo, and Santa
Cruz.*^
Large retinues were among the most marked attri-
butes of greatness at this period, and eager to impress
the haughty courtiers of Castile, Cortes offered,
chiefly with this view, free passage and maintenance
to whosoever chose to accompany him to Spain.
Quite a number availed themselves of the liberal pro-
posal, though a few, like Fray Loaisa, accompanied
^ Chmaruy HitL Mex.y 283. Oviedo, iii. 528, writes 1,000 marcoB of ailTer,
partly wrought, and estiinates the jewels at merely 2,000 to 3,000 pesos. Gal-
▼ano, Diacov., 176, increases the gold and silver to the more effective amount
of 250,000 marcos, whereupon Cavo plucks up courage to value the pure gold
alone at 200,000 pesos, Tre* 'Sigtos^ L 74; an amount which Prescott rashly
trebles by calling it pesos do oro. Mez. , iii. 312. He has evidently confounded
the total value of all the treasures, including the rare precious stones carried
■ecreUy on his own person by Cortes. A part of the gold and silver waa
roistered at the port as belonging to other persons. This was declared to bo
a uUse declaration, ' to defraud creditors,' and half the silver and some gold
were accordingly seized in Spain. Cort^ appealed, but the judge neverthe-
less sentenced him toiiay a fine of 100,000 maravedis, though the treasure was
ordered to be restored. Real Executoria, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc.,
xii 406. The restitution appears to have been neglected on the plea that
Cortes owed the treasury certain sums. His process for its recovery is given
in /d., xiv. 395-410.
^For description of feats and games, see Native RaceSy ii. 295 et seq.
^ The latter from Blirffos. Bemal Diaz adds the secretary Alonso Valiente.
From Altamirano descends the bouse of Marqn^ de Salinas, later incorpo-
imted with that of the Gondes de Santiago. Ataman, Diaert., i. 252.
^72 ESTRADA'S RULE.
him no farther than the Islands. Sandoval, Andr&
<le Tapia, and several other captains joined the ex-
pedition, to present claims for services before the
sovereign; also some two score of native princes and
i^hieftains, conspicuous among whom was a son of
Montezuma^ and a son of Maxixcatzin.^
^ChinuJpain names two Bona of Montezuma, Pedro, from whom descended
the Condes cle Montezuma and Tula — see Hist. Mex., i. 460, this series— and
Martin Cort^ NezahualtecolotI, also a nephew of the late emperor, Francisco
-de Alvarado Matlaccohuatzin, Gabriel, a son of the king of Tlacojian, Baltasar,
Felipe, Juan, sons respectively of the lords of Culhuacan, Coitlahnac, and
Cempoala. He also gives the baptismal and native names of three Tlascalteo
chiefs and of others. Hpft, Conq.y u. 16^-4. Among the Tlascaltecs, Bemal
Diaz mentions a son of XicotencatL They number^ 39 in all, those at least
who reached Spain, as shown by a decree of the emperor ordering dresses and
entertainment to be provided for them. Temaux-CompanB. , Fojr., s6rie ii torn.
V. 87-8. From this it appears that the son of Montezuma now taken was
Martin, not Pedro. Among tho other six names mentioned is Lorenzo of
Tlascala. I may mention tho following as authorities supplemental to those
quoted in preceding chapters: CorUs, mcritoa SutUoSy 102-26, 213-14; Onedo,
iiL 494-6, 619-27; Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., v. 68-96; vi.; xii.
287-91, 406-17,. 480-90; xiii 73-85, 116-17, 144-6, 348-66, 400-11; xiv.
65-9, 395-410; xv. 446-7; xxiu. 368-84; xxvi. 160-3, 195-280; JW6ro de
CabUdo, MS., 121, passim; Torqyemada, i. 697-9; iii. 190; Archivo Jlfcar.,
I>oc., i. 141-4, 161-86, 239 et seq.; ii. 18, passim; Ramirez, Doc,, MS.,
285-9; Col. Doc. IrUd., i. 14-30, 101-2; Beaummty Cr<fn. Mich., ui. 229-30;
iv. 99-100; Pnga, Cedulario, 16-26, 43-4, 79; Monumentos Domin. Esp.,
MS., 69; Jiamirez, Proceao, 73, 157, 188-91; IxUilxochitl, Belaeiones, in
KingBhorough's Mex. Antiq., ix. 447; Temaux-Ccmjxms, Voy., s6rie ii. tcan.
V. 19-27, 44-8; Ghimalpain, HisL Conq., ii. 158-60; Mex., Iskr. de Cedulcu,
MS., 6; Velancvrt, Trot. Mex., 6; PemeacU, HisL Chyapa, 11-14; Alaman,
Divert., i. 245-60; ii. 306-8; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv.
722-34; Cavo, Tree Siglos, i. 66-95; Preacott^a Mex., 306-11, 452-4; also
notes in Mex. eds.; Gonzalez Ddvila, TetUro Eclea., i. 7; Helpe* Span, Conq.,
iii. 60-4, 144-67; Salazar y Olarte, Conq. Mex., 194-9, 323-67; Mccya^e
Mex. Aztec, L 87-8; Gcdvano'e Diacov., 36-7; Arxonit, Hist. Orissaba,
310-14; Cort^, Brieven, ii. 287-90; Pap. Var., cliii. pt. ix. 13-16; Aa,
Naaukeurige Veraamding, xL 22-32, 66-68; Dice. Univ., t 83-6; Kerr'a
Col. Voy., iv. 283-8; Peralta, Not. Hiat., 138-9, 339; Soc Mex, Oeog.,
Boletin, viii. 477; Solia, Hiat. Mex. (ed. 1843), 479-81; RuaaeWa HiH, Am.,
256; Zamacoia, Hiat. Mex., iv. 364-463; Bivera, Hiat. Jalapa, i. 45-9; Id.^
Gob. Mex., L 22-3; Lerdo de T^ada, Apunt. Hiat,, pt. iv. 245-7; Pisanro i
OreUana, Varonea Ilvatrea, 117-24.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE FIRST AUDIENCIA AND ITS MISRULE.
1528^1529.
OlDOBBS AfP0I2TTXI>— StBINOKNT MKAStTBES PROTOSEP AOAIK8T CORT^S —
Guzman Made President — ^Power and Jurisdiction or the Audien-
ciA — Its Instructions — Laws of Alfonso the Wise — Recefhon of
THE New Rulers-^Their Avarice Excited — Intrigue aoainst Cor-
tAs — Robbery and Extortion — Abuse of Friars and Clergy — Rbsi-
dencia of Cortes — ^The Bishop's Anathema — Shameless Conduct of
OiDOREs — Guzman's Palliative Schemes of Conquest— Smuoglii(u
Despatches.
The friends of Velazquez and of Narvaez, together
with those gratuitous enemies whom the deeds of
the conqueror brought into being among the needy
and envious, continued to vex the ears of the emperor
and his advisers with complaints of Cortes. An im-
portant accession to their ranks was Albomoz, who
just at this time arrived at Seville with treasure for
the crown,* and whose ill-will toward Cortes readily
induced him to lend aid to their projects. Since Salazar
and Peralmindez were his creatures, favorable reports
concerning them imposed upon the good-nature of
Cobos, and lent a tinge of color, unconsciously to the
secretary, to the representations made by him to the
emperor, who, while little apt to take unquestioned
the statements of any man, well knew the tried
worth of this faithful servant. Doubts of the fealty
of a powerful vassal beyond the seas were certainly
not out of place, as precedents to justify them were
not wanting; while the disturbed condition of New
^He broaght 20,000 peace.
Hux. lixz.. TOL. IL 18 ( 278 )
274 THE FIRST AUDIENCIA AND ITS MISRULE.
Spain formed a base suiBSicient for the suggestions
which now came to Charles, from the colony itself as
well as from the wiser among his advisers, that no
man unassisted was able to bring order out of the
chaos. Aided by the deUberations of the India Coun-
cil, the emperor determined to send to Mexico an
audiencia such as had been established at Santo Do-
mingo,^ which should hear and determine the affairs
of the settlers in New Spain; which should put an
end to quarrels among Spaniards and protect the
long-suffering natives ; which should submit Cortes to
the residencia he demanded, and the royal officials to
an examination of their accounts and conduct. At the
time the crown was unable to fix upon a capable man
for the presidency, but the oidores were appointed.
These were four licentiates : Francisco Maldonado, a
native of Salamanca ; Alonso de Parada, who had lived
in Cuba for several years ; Diego Delgadillo of Gra-
nada; and Juan Ortiz de Matienzo, a Biscayan.* They
were ordered to embark at once, and in order that
they might be treated with greater respect on the
voyage they were given command of the vessels which
conveyed them. Since in the city of Mexico there
was no public building suitable for their reception, the
emperor wrote to Cortes requesting him to give them
accommodation in his palace.
Soon after the arrival of Albornoz, tidings came to
court that Fray Diego Altamirano and Pedro de Sala-
zar, sent by Cortds with gold for his father, intended
to land in Portugal that they might smuggle the
treasure, and any letters they might bring, into Me-
dellin.* Orders were issued at once to watch for and
seize the vessel, and the Portuguese authorities were
requested to receive the treasure for account of the
«See HUL CenL Am., i. 26^-70, this series.
'Herreraand other early authors, as well as modem writers who have
followed them implicitly, are wrong in ^ving Matienzo's ChriBtiaa iuuziq as
Martin; he signed himself Juan, and it is so written in the records. JAdro de
OabUdo, MS., Jan. 1, 1629.
^ A comparatlYely easy matter sinoe the town lies within a day's journey
to the Portugaese frontier.
CHAHGES AGAINST CORT^ 275
Spanish crown.* This added rumor served to fan the
smouldering embers of suspicion against Cortes and to
whet the eager envy of his foes. Narvaez and his friends
presented a lengthy memorial to the emperor, insisting
that he should be punished ;• the sudden taking-oif of
so many persons who having thwarted his interests
gave color to the charge, now renewed by Albornoz,
that he had poisoned them ; his agents defrauded the
crown in Spain, while across the Atlantic he himself
plotted treason. Even the puissant nobles who ever
stood steadfast for the absent one were powerless now.
Such an effect did this combined attack have upon the
emperor and council that, shortly after orders had been
despatched for Aguilar to rule alone, the matter of
providing a president for the new audiencia was held
in abeyance, while preparations were making to send
Pedro de la Cueva to Mexico with power to deal sum-
marily with Cortes and his confederates, if guilty,
bestowing his pueblos upon deserving conquerors/
But these measures were of no effect, for while
they were still unperfected there came a letter from
Cortds,® together with the certificates of the physi-
cians who attended Ponce, and the project was aban-
doned. Orders were given, however, that any relations
sent by Cortes should not be published, and that all
ships about to sail for the Indies should be detained,
^ landing ia Portugal, for the purpose of evading compliance with the
registry laws, waa growing common. About this time two vessels from
New Spain arrived at Lisoon. Mafrai, the master of one, brought all his
treasure to Seville. In the other vessel came llernan Lopez Ddvila, late ad-
ministrator of decedents* estates; he and other passengers were allowed by the
captain to land, and some of them took their gold home unre^stcred. Orders
were issued to proceed against them. Herreraj' dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. iL
* Tliat envy was at the bottom of Narvaez' action is apparent from one of
the many charges contained in the document; it was said that Cortes 'tenia
tantas varras de oro y plata como Vizcaia de fierro.' OomarOy Hist. Mex.^ 285.
' * Si le haUasse culpado, le cortasse la cabe9a. * Cueva, a very severe
man, was brother to the count of Siruela, and himself comendador mayor of
Alc^tara. At the time he was the emperor's majordomo, and later he be-
came a general of artillery. He was to take with him 300 soldiers, and the
whole cost of the commission was to be met by Cortes, whether guilty or not.
These two afterward met at court and made merry over the matter, agreeing
that 'a lenfffiM vivas, lenffuaa mejUhru.' Bemal Dka^ Hist. Verdad., 232\
Merrera, dec. iv. lib. ii cap. i.
*That of September 3, 1527.
276 THE FIRST AUBIENCIA AND ITS MISRULE.
that he might not learn what was going on till some
definite action had been taken. But when Altamirano
and Salazar without delay came on from Lisbon, the
emperor was still further mollified, although the let-
ters and treasures brought by them were seized. Just
then, too, Pedro de Alvarado arrived at Seville, and
was ordered to court post-haste, and Charles, w^ell
pleased at the coming of a person so competent to
give an account of affairs in New Spain, as well as
desirous of knowing what had taken place in Guate-
mala, further postponed definite action.® The narra-
tions of Altamirano and Salazar, supplemented by the
account of Alvarado, who declared that Cortes would
come to Spain at the least intimation of the emperor s
wish, caused the tide to turn in his favor. It was
shown that he had conducted himself obediently and
modestly during the government of Ponce, as well as
since that time, and that he had suffered many indig-
nities at the hand of Estrada. This was additional
cause for action, and the appointment of a president
for the new audiencia now engrossed the emperor's
attention.
The case was urgent, and the man to be appointed
was to hold office only until such time as it should be
determined what was to be done with Cortes. Owing
to these considerations the choice was not made with
very great care, the post being given to Nuno de Guz-
man, governor of Pdnuco. Since his arrival in Amer-
ica Guzman had been busy trying to enlarge his
* Accepting the testimony of Gonzalo Mejia, the treasurer accused Alva-
rado of fraudulently retaining treasure belonging to the crown to the amoant
of 100,000 pesos, besides which several charges of malfeasance in office were
brought against him. He was ordered, therefore, to give bonds to submit to
a residencia and to pay any damages in which he might be mulcted, or to have
his estate sequestered to the amount of 15,000 ducats. Herrera^ dec. iv. lib.
ii. cap. i But, favored by Cobos, partly because of the marriage arranged
between him and Francisca de la Cueva, he was given the government of
Guatemala — which, in accordance with the policy that Boueht to limit the
size of colonial dependencies, was made independent of New Spain. His
sequestered property was released, his repartimiento confirmed, his residencia
put aside, and, accompanied by his bride and a brilliant staff of officers, he
sailed for America, td.t dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. ii. See Hist, Cent, Am,^ iL»
this series, for full account.
GUZMAN PRESIDENT. 277
jurisdiction, for to his insatiate mind his petty govern-
ment seemed far too small. Thwarted in New Spain,
he formed the bold resolve of appealing to the emperor
to decide a quarrel in which he was clearly in the
wrong; and ignorant of the good fortune that had
befallen him, he despatched Caniego as procurador to
Spain. The emissary came to court at the very time
when the hounds were in full cry after their quarry^
and he forthwith joined the pack. He not only sup-
ported the accusations made by the others, but alleged
that Cortes was smelting gold secretly in his palace,
and that he had ships in readiness at a port in the
South Sea for the purpose of making his escape with
the treasure. Salazar and Peralmindez, he averred,
were upright officials, but Estrada was as great a
tyrant as Cortes, and there was sore need of a gover-
nor and a juez de residencia in New Spain where the
emperor and his orders were ignored. Caniego s
assertions had a certain weight in hastening the reso-
lution of the monarch. The powerful friends of the
appointee had not failed to present in the best light
his qualifications for the post of president, notably his
standing as an able and even brilliant lawyer, a man
above all needed to guide the deliberations of an au-
diencia; and his energy and firmness, which were
indispensable qualities for one destined to cope with a
person of the wily and aggressive nature of Cortes. In-
deed, the disordered condition of affairs in New Spain,
bandied as they were by irresponsible factions which
found security in the remoteness of the only feared
authority, demanded the supervision of a sagacious
mind with a firm hand. On their part the friends of
Cortes made light of his story, and as Guzman's evil
deeds were not yet known in Spain, no great efforts
were made to prevent his appointment Uy the presi-
dency, for it was generally considered that as he was
to have no vote, the oidores could control him easily
were he viciously inclined. That it should fall to
the lot of such a wretch to become the first purely
278 THE FIRST AUDIENCIA AND ITS MISRULK
civil magistrate sent by the crown to New Spain, was
an unfortunate circumstance. He was possessed of
bravery as are all great villains ; cowards were rare
in those days. His avarice was of that quality which
knew no pity, exceeding that of Pedrarias Ddvila
himself, who was at the time holding sway in the
south. Luckless land ! with two such rulers as rep-
resentatives of European civilization and the church
of Christ. Guzman was ordered to appoint a deputy
to govern PAnuco during his absence, and to await
the coming of his associates before going to Mexico.
And now the oidores were hurried off to New
Spain, for it was the middle of the year, and necessary
that without further delay the reins should be taken
from the nerveless grasp of Estrada. ^^ The c^dula
appointing them was dated at Biirgos December 13,
1527, and gave jurisdiction over the country lying
between the capes of Honduras and Higueras, and
the cape of Florida, including the provinces round
these capes, and those extending to the South Sea,
all of which were embraced under the general term of
New Spain."
^*The oidores sailed from Seville in July 1528, CarUu de Indias, 748, with
instructioiLS to join their president at Pinuco. If from stress of weather,*or
from any other cause, they were obliged to land at Vera Cruz, or elsewhere,
they were to advise him and to await his coming, that together they might
enter Mexico. In view of the urgency of the case, however, and the perils of
the sea, it was afterward determined that the president, or any of the oidores
who might arrive first at the common destination, might proceed, in certain
minor matters, as though all of the associates were present, seniority being
determined by date of commission. For several years the audiencia of Mexico
consisted of a president and four oidores. A year after the establishment
of the audiencia the emperor appointed the grand chancellor of Castile,
Dr Mercutino Gatinara, chancellor of the audiencia of Mexico, notwith-
standing that he held already a similar position in that of Santo Domingo.
He was allowed to exercise his functions by deputy, and to enjoy the dfrechos
de aello during his life. The second audiencia began to petition for an increase
of oidores and officials, and the number was increased to eight oidores, four
alcaldes del crimen, two fiscales, for civil and criminal cases respectively, one
alguacil mayor, one deputy of the grand chancellor, and other needful officers.
Recap, de Irulias, i. 325; Herrerct, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. i. ; Zamora, etc.
"See Puffa, Cedulario, 12, 22, etc.; Recop. de Indias, i. 324-6. These
official authorities for the application of the name suffice to settle a much dis-
puted question for which writers have hitherto been content to accept the
unsupported statement of Herrera, *Con parecer de don Hernando Cortes,
para mayor declaracion se mando, que para adelante fuess visto llamarse
Jiueua Espa&a, todas las prouincias que al presente (1528) eran de la gouema*
INSTRUCTIONS. 279
They were invested with greater authority than
was permitted to the kindred tribunal at Santo Do-
mingo/^ the instructions bein^in amplification of those
^iven to Ponce de Leon. They were to retain the
staflFs of justice to be taken from present holders, and
determine all causes, civil and criminal, with appellate
as well as original jurisdiction.^* The residencia of
the existing officials must be proclaimed, and the per-
tinent features thereof embodied in an exhaustive
report to the India Council, accompanied by the opin-
ion of the audiencia.
The treasurer, factor, and veedor were to be sent to
Spain, but only after a satisfactory examination of their
account& The audiencia, conjointly with Albornoz,
whose accounts were also to be investigated, were
to appoint deputies to serve during the absence of
their principals, and neither the contador, treasurer,
nor veedor was to engage in business or to hold Ind-
ians in encomienda. A full statement of all accounts
must be sent immediately to Spain ; no one was to
be in arrears, and all fines imposed up to this time
were to be collected. The best method of adminis-
tering justice must be considered, and oifences pun-
ished without fail, judges guilty of malfeasance having
to pay the cost of remedies. No oidor or judge could
sit in judgment of a matter in which a relative within
the second degree of kinship was interested.^* Law-
cion de Mexico, Panuoo, Yucatan, Cozuxnel, y la de Guatemala, y del rio de
las Palmas, que estaua dada a Panfilo de Naruaez, con todo lo incluso en sua
limites.' dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. ii. Yet New Spain 'proper' came some 20
yeajB later to be understood as embracing only the districts confined by the
andiencias of Guatemala and New Galicia, created in 1543 and 1548, from a
line drawn between the gulfs of Tehuantepec and Honduras, and from the
southern border of New Galicia to Florida. Mecop. de Indias, i. 324, Caller
Mem. y NoL, 44. In this sense it really meant the audiencia district, and
New Spain as a political division extended properly from Guatemala into the
undeveloped north, Guatemala and Honduras ueing nearly always spoken of
ae independent^ so that the application of New Spain to their provinces had
a merelv nominal significance.
i< * Traian los may ores poderes qnunca & la Nueua Blspafia despues truxeron
Virreyes^ ni Presidentes/ Bemal2)iaz, Hist. Verdad., 227.
^They must engage in no other business, nor hold a second office; a rule
inf riiu[ed by their predecessors.
" They were not to appear as counsel nor to serve as referees; suits to
which an oidor was a party must be heard and determined by the alcaldes
2280 TH£ FIBST AUDI£NCIA AND ITS MISBULK
yers were to be allowed in the colony, that the wheeler
of justice might not be entirely blocked by ignorance
of forms on the part of suitors, provided they under-
took no unjust causes nor sought to interpose delays
in the determination of suits. ^
A full report was to be sent to Spain on the coil-
dition and resources of the country; the number,
character, and treatment of the natives; the names,
standing, and services of the conquerors and settlers,,
with the extent and nature of the encomiendas held.
A score of inland towns and the seaports were desig-
nated as political centres, and a memorial should be
sent in concerning the number of regidores, and the
like, needed in these and in other cities and villas,
together with a list of meritorious persons fit to hold
these offices, conquerors being preferred. After re-
serving for the crown such lands and natives as might
seem proper> and a further sufficient reservation being
made for future settlers, the land and Indians remain-
ing were to be apportioned equitably in encomiendas
to deserving persons, subject to royal confirmation.
The first preference must be given to conquerors,
especially to married men, for they would be more^
likely to remain in the colony, and accord better treat-
ment to the natives. As extravagance was a leading
cause for oppressing the natives, the sumptuary laws
must be enforced^® and gambling restricted. ^^
The just amount of tribute to be paid by crown
tenants and by natives belonging to the crown was
to be fixed, and provinces where the precious metals
and stones existed must be especially noted, the silver
ordinarios, with direct appeal to the India Council. Every Saturday the
president was to appoint two of the oidors, who should serve by turns, tO'
inspect the common jail and that reserved for prisoners of state.
**The manner of taking testimony was prescribed, as well as the duties of
all officials, and the audiencia was empowered to establish a free bill which
should be posted in the audience chambers. The secretary might appoint
his own deputies, and the porter of the audiencia was to act as court-crier.
PuM, Cedutario, 9, 10, 18, 19, 22-33.
^® Silken clothing was forbidden.
^^ Dice could on no account be used, and at cards none must exceed stakes
to the amount of 10 pesos in one day.
SPECIAL ORDIKANCES. 281
hill said to exist in Michoacan bein^ reserved for the
crown. The advisability of estabhshing a mint at
Mexico must be considered.
Many of these and other matters connected with
administration, notably the conversion and protection
of the natives, were to be discussed and determined
in a council assisted by religious and secular prelates,
and prepared for its important task by a solemn in-
vocation of divine guidance during the deliberations.
As for the audiencia and its officers, special ordinances
were issued for their government. This body was to
sit daily, except on a dies nan, beginning at an hour
varying with the seasons, any oidor tardy or absent
without good cause being fined. In all matters of
more than trival import there must be at least three
votes in accord. Only the members of the tribunal
were to be present at the time of voting, and in all
matters their votes, which were to be kept inviolably
secret, were to be recorded by the secretary, in a book
kept for the purpose, before the decision was made
publia^«
^In these ordinances there is some repetition of orders to be found in
the several c^dulas containing instructions given to the audiencia. In addi-
tion, the following rules were established for its guidance: A faithful record
of all its proceedings was to be kept, as well as a calendar of causes, which
should be considered in the order of their reception, and the mode of receiv-
ing and determining apneals was specified. The president and oidores were
to occupy the same resmence, if possible, but in no case were any of them to
live with a lawyer or an official of their tribunal, nor could they receive gifts
from any such persons or from suitors.
In all cases not provided for in the instructions given to Ponce or those
now given to the audiencia^ the laws of Spain were to be binding. The in-
structions may be found in the opening pages of Puga, Cedulario^ and in
Herreroj dec. lii. lib. x. cap. vii., and adjoining chapters. They are partly '
incorporated in the general laws of Rtcap, de Indias, Zamora, and Montemayor,
The broad and firm foundation of the laws of Spain is the Siete Parttdoft
of Alfonso X., called *The Wise,* who ascended the throne of Leon and
Castile in 1252. The designation was well bestowed. Although the costly
tables bearing his name are based upon the erroneous hypothesis of epicycles,
his knowledge of astronomy, of which liis observatory in the palace at Segovia
is still a witness, was such as to gain for him among his subjects the reputation
of a warlock (by some of them he was also deemed a heretic because of the
remark not the least pregnant of his wis j saying, that had he been present at
the creation he could have given some useful hints touching the better order-
ing of the universe); by his order the first chronicles of Spanish history were
compiled; he incrcHSksed the efficiency of the university of Salamanca by en-
dowing it with new chairs, especially in the department of law; he aided in
the development of the language by ordering that all legal documents should
282 THE FIRST AUDIENCIA AND ITS MISRULE.
Armed with these extraordinary powers, the oidores
arrived at Vera Cruz the 6th of December, 1528. It
would seem that from the begimiing they resolved to
stretch to its utmost limit the authority given them.
Determining not to await the arrival of their president
they sent him word of their intention,^^ and went on
at once to the capital, accompanied by the three regi-
dores of that city sent by the ayuntamiento to do them
honor. At Mexico that body had been busied for
several days preparing for their reception, and they
made their entrv with great pomp, under triumphal
arches bearing inscriptions hailing their coming as
blessed since it was in Grod's service that they came.^
Although Matienzo was the oldest and most infirm of
the four, Maldonado and Parada had fallen victims to
the hardships of the voyage and the treachery of the
climate shortly after their arrival in the country,*^
leaving their two associates in undisputed possession
of power. The president did not arrive until the end
of the month, entering upon his duties for the first
time on the 1st of January, 1529, at a joint meeting
be couched in Latin; and some of his poems are still preserved in the Escorial.
His enduring monument, however, is the great national code; and his name
has come down to us for transmission to future generations as the peer of
Theodosius and Justinian. This work was begun four years after he came to
the throne and finished seven years later, was the result of a dual in-
spiration drawn from the canon and the Roman laws, and was the most com-
plete system of laws yet given to western Europe. Nevertheless it was not
adopted even by Castile until the reign of Alfonso XI., who, at the celebrated
•cdrtes of Alcali, held in 1348, recognized the Siete PartkUu as the comple-
mentary code of the kingdom, and ordered that they should supply what was
lacking in the Gothic /ueros and the ordenamierUo of the cdrtes referred to.
-The code takes its name from its division into seven parts, which treat,
respectively, of the Catholic faith; the rights and duties of earthly sovereigns;
justice and judges; matrimony; contracts; wills and inheritances; and
crimes. The earliest edition is that of Venice, printed in 1483, and very rare;
the best and latest, that of 1847, published at Paris, which follows the
correct text of a former edition issued under the auspices of the Spanish
academy, in which the forcible diction of the royal author is preserveii ver-
batim, and adds thereto the Latin foot-notes of the learned Gregoria Lopez.
^* Vetancurt, Traiado de Mex., 6, says that they did not advise the presi-
dent of their coming until after their arrival at the capitaL
^ At a meeting of the cabildo, held on the 4th of December, the maior-
domo of the city was authorized to pay all expenses incurred in the publia
reception of the oidores. Libra de Cabildo, MS.
'^ * Antes que viniese d esta ciudad. ' ZumdiToi/a, Carta, in Po/cheeo and
ddrdenoH, CoL Doc., xiii. 119.
ARRIVAL OF THE OIDOREa 283
of the audiencia and the cabildo held for the election
of municipal oflScers, as was customary at the begin-
ning of the year.
The valley of Mexico, with its numerous towns,
teeming with a busy population, and rich in products
of the soil and workshop ; its stately capital, wherein
concentrated the wealth of the whole country — it must
have seemed a paradise to the not opulent oidores,
and to Guzman, fresh from the wilderness of Pdnuco.
Prom the beginning of their rule they were seized by
an insatiable avarice to which all things were made
subservient. Knowing that his hold on office waw
provisional at the best, the president above all deter-
mined to take advantage of opportunities which at
any time might cease, and no persuasion was needed
on his part to gain the active cooperation of his col-
leagues. They had already been persuaded by the
wily factor Salazar, who found more than one power-
ful reason to prompt him in dancing attendance on
those in power. Having won their appreciation with
liberal gifts, he continued to point the way to extor-
tion and opposition, wherem he shared to a great
extent, and he figured indeed as the leading adviser
in nearly every evil transaction. Under his experi-
ence and advice the audiencia cast aside all duty to
the emperor, to justice, and to humanity.** They
strengthened their hands for evil by usurping the
functions of the ordinary ministers of justice, while
the suppression of all letters directed to persons in
Spain which contained complaints of their conduct
shielded, if but temporarily, their iniquities."
They kept themselves fully apprised of all occur-
** ' Minmdo mas a sag particulares afetos, qne al cuplimiento de las orde-
■pian^aji^ 6 iiistniciones RealeSy ni a la jasticia.' Herrera^ dec. iv. lib. iv. cap.
JL\, ' Despues, que ae entroiii9aron en el Goviemo, no sola procedian coiiio
Ministros de el Kei; sino oomo el inisino Rei.' Torquemadiij i. 600.
^'^ Deipatches to the home sovemment were forcibly taken from friars
and couriers, as Zumirraga reUtes. Paehe€o and Cdrdenas, Col, Doc., xiii.
153. This unjustifiable meddling with private correspondence could not con-
tinue lon^ with impunity. The queen, then governing, by a letter date<l
July 31, lo29, forbade the practice, oy them or by any one else, under penalty
of perpetual exile from Spain and the Indies. Puf/a, Cedularh, 21-2.
284 THE FIIIST AUDIENCIA AND ITS MISRULE.
rences, and when tidings came to Mexico of the recep-
tion of Cortes at court and the high favor he enjoyed
there, they feared lest he might come back clothed
with an authority greater than he had enjoyed pre-
viously, and decided upon a measure which seemed
to them best calculated to prevent this. They sum-
moned the procuradores of the cities and towns to
Mexico, ostensibly to treat of matters of general
public importance, but in reality to sign a petition
to the emperor that Cortes should not be allowed to
return to New Spain. The delegates brought with
them the lists of natives called for by the instructions
to the audiencia, and demanded that the repartimi-
entos should be allotted as had been ordered. This,
however, did not suit the purpose of the triumvirate^
and the demand was refused. In this Guzman was
guided by Salazar, who suggested that by giving and
taking away Indians at its will the audiencia would
be more powerful and more feared.** In taking away
repartimientos — ^and they now took them from Jorge
de Alvarado, Gronzalo Mejia, and others — it was as-
serted that they were to be reserved for the crown,
but they were given to men more pliable than their
late holders.
At length, thinking that in this way and by the
use of other questionable means the convention
had been sufficiently well packed, Guzman broached
his design against Cortes. But manv of the pro-
curadores were conquerors, and with few exceptions
refused to sanction any action prejudicial to their old
commander. The wily president saw that he had
gone too far, and now proposed, with apparent good
faith, that a commission should be sent to Spain to
represent the real wants of the colony. The proposi-
tion was accepted, but when it came to a choice of
** The scheming factor had so ingratiated himself with the president, that
soon afterward he was despatched to court in order to solicit for Guzman the
government of New Spain. Salazar actually embarked, but stress of weather
forced the ship ashore near the mouth of the Goazacoalco, and he returned t»
Mexico. BemcU Diaz, HisL Verdad., 227.
UNHAPPY MEXICO! 2SS
commissioners and the partisans of the audiencia put
in nomination Antonio de Carvajal and Bemardmo
Vazquez de Tapia,** declared enemies of CorWs, the
veterans, whose trust in him had come to be part of
their being, refused to take further part in the pro-
ceedings. For this refusal, the sturdy delegates, to
the number of one hundred, were banished From the
city, and the candidates were elected. Thev were
well furnished with gold wherewith to buy lavor at
court, and instructed to say that, had not Estrada
thwarted it, Cortes would have succeeded in his trea-
sonable design, that he went to Spain only because
of this discovery, and that the well-being of the
colony demanded that he should not return. The
privilege of a vote was to be asked for on the part of
Guzman, and in order to ward off the blow which the
audiencia knew would come, the bishops were to be
accused of meddling in secular matters under pretence
of protecting the Indians, while against the friars it
was to be alleged that a blind deference to Cortes,
if unreproved, would bring ruin on New Spain. At
this time Pedro de Alvarado arrived from Spain, and
busied himself in drawing up a representation in
favor of Cortes, which was signed by all who had
refused Guzman's request, besides others whom he
had cajoled or forced into the support of his plan.
Alvarado was on this occasion a stanch supporter of
his old commander. Foiled in their endeavor to warp
the popular will, the partisans of the audiencia re-
doubled their efforts to defame Cortes. Later, Sala-
zar at a social gathering made a remark derogatory
to the emperor as well as calumniatory of the captain-
general.*® The circumstance came to the knowledge
of Alvarado, who appeared before the audiencia ask-
>^Tapia had been factor for the army, and regidor of Mexico, which office
was ooDierred upon him in perpetuity. He afterwarda became procurador
mayor, and alf^rez real, dying u a rich and prominent colonist some time
after 1552. Libro <U CabUda, MS., pasum; Beaumont, Cr6iu Mich., ▼. 229;
Mex, ArdLf i S5.
^BemalDiaz, HisL Verdad., 23n-^
286 THE FIRST AUDIENOA AND ITS MISRULE.
ing leave to challenge Salazar, but the permission
was refused, and Guzman issued a decree declaring
that Alvarado "lied like the foul traitor that he was, *"
for Salazar had never uttered such a word.
Meanwhile the plundering schemes of Guzman and
his confederates widened like a dread disease, till
Spaniards and natives groaned under the infliction*
Their first step had been to extort gold from those
prominent chiefs whom as yet they dared not seize.
In this they were well served by a certain native in-
terpreter, at whose suggestion all caciques were ordered
to present themselves in Mexico for the consideration
of matters of importance. In accordance with custom
the chiefs brought with them rich gifts, which served
but to whet the unappeasable appetite of the recipients^
and the most generous of the givers were summoned
again and again. Among these was Francisco Cal-
tzontzin, king of Michoacan, who succumbed to his
generosity, for at length Guzman caused him to be
lodged in his own house; where he was constantly
subjected to exactions of treasure, which the presi-
dent retained for himself Repartimientos were seized
in every direction, and the natives forced to labor with-
out reward. The complaint of an individual thrall was
punished with stripes and torture; at the least sign
of discontent whole towns were declared in rebellion,,
subdued by force of arms, and sold into captivity in
provinces remote from those of their birth. By their
victims this tyranny was contrasted with the treat-
ment they were wont to receive from Cortes, whereat
they all the more revered his name. These wrongs
they dared commit in the very neighborhood of the
capital, though more especially in the outlying prov-
inces.*^
^ Among the outrages are inatanced the cnicifixioa of a caeiqne to extort
gold, besides the hanging of minor individuals, and the appropriation of Q-az-
man, for his mills, of the Tacubaya aqueduct, to the prejudice of 2,000 natives
who were dependent on its water. ZtumdrragOy Carta, in Pcucheoo and Car-
denaa, CoL Doc^ xiii. 126-7, 161; Temaux-Compans, Voy., adrie ii. tomu v.
11^16.
ILL-TREATMENT OF THE NATIVES. 287
One of the principal causes of complaint against
the audiencia was a too free permission to brand
natives, and it was alleged that the privilege was
paid for by associations formed for the purpose. So
many were branded and exported that some districts
were well nigh depopulated, partly also owing to the
retirement toward the interior of large numbers. The
clergy, headed by Bishop Zumdrraga, who had been
invested with the title and duties of protector of Ind-
ians, were powerless to stay these outrages, for to men
who held in contempt the commands of their earthly
sovereign, and in whose natures there was no instinct
of piety, the thunder of the church was indeed an
empty sound. On one occasion Guzman and his col-
leagues were present at mass when an over-zealous
friar took occasion to upbraid them from the pulpit.
He was forcibly removed by order of the president,
and ordered into exile ; the bishop himself being threat-
ened with violence for daring to remonstrate.*^
The persecution of Spaniards was directed against
nearly every conqueror and wealthy man not of the
clique favored by Salazar, particularly the friends
of Cortes, With the power given the audiencia to
reform the distribution of repartimientos, there was
little difficulty in finding the needful pretence to dis-
possess holders from their estates, and bestow them
on favorites, after appropriating to themselves the
richest.® Those against whom this process of sum-
mary eviction did not avail were attacked with judi-
cial arraignment for having infringed the laws con-
cerning gambling, payment of tithes, and the like,
and as false witnesses could always be found where
true evidence failed, fines were levied to an enormous
extent, and collected by hasty sale of property at ruin-
* * Dijo el Presidente . . .me echora del ptilpito abajo. * Carta^ in Pacheco and
Cdrdenas, CoL Doc., xiii. 132. The practice, nevertheless, continued, if not
■o openly, and finally led to the ismiing of a royal letter prohibitory of excess
in langnaffe used in the pulpit concerning lay authority. Puga, Cedulario, 21.
•fii Pacheco and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc,, xiii. 127-9, is a long list of the
moet prominent encomenderoe thua dispoesessed.
288 THE FIEST AUDIENaA AND ITS MISRULE.
ous prices, when the money was not forthcoming.
A large part of these fines found their way to the
pockets of the audiencia, by virtue of a decree which
assigned certain classes of tribunal revenue to the
48ettlements for constructing roads and other public
works.^ Against other victims of their greed or
hatred private suits were promoted, by which means
both passions were appeased. For instance, the wife
of PAnfilo de Narvaez, apprehensive on his account,
sent from Cuba an agent, Zavalos, with authority to
collect what belonged to her husband. The reason of
his coming was not known in Mexico, and the oidores
easily persuaded him to complain before them for the
ill treatment of Narvaez, and loss of his property,
Against all those soldiers of Cortes who had accom-
panied him in the expedition to Zempoala, and who
were at this time in Mexico. In consequence two
hundred and fifty of them were arrested, mulcted in
different amounts, and banished to the distance of five
leagues from the capital. ^^
The members of the audiencia were always pre-
pared to remit the sentence of fine, imprisonment, or
exile, on receiving a substantial bribe. Indeed, a
large proportion of the suits were brought to intimi-
date the defendant into such a course, so that the
plaintiff was often the creature of the judge; or, if
not, he might be mulcted for defamation or other
offence, if the opposite party bribed the judges.
Appeals only evoked bitter persecution.^
Cortds was, after all, the chief object of attack, for
his wealth, and for his hostile attitude against Gruz-
**It waa revoked in 1528. Puga, Cedulario, 61.
'^ The latter part of the sentence was soon revoked, and in many cases
the fine was remitted, but the offence rankled. The audiencia also caused
proclamation to be made that all of Moorish lineage, any one of whose parents
or grandparents had been burned or sentenced to wear the sanbenUo by the
Inquisition, should depart from New Spain. Condemnation to wear the tan-
benko was the mildest form of punishment known to the holy tribunaL What
the garment was, and what its uses, I shall treat in detail when I come to
write of the Inquisition in Mexico.
»«In Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col, Doc, xiii. 13^-44, are given long liste o£
l)ribes accepted by the audiencia, to stay pereeontion or grant favors.
RESIDBNCIA OF COBTJte. 289
man as the aggressive governor of Pinuco. Fines
innmnerable were levied upon his estates where seiz-
ures could not be made, and his agents suffered not a
little in seeking to protect the interests intrusted to
them." This vindictiveness was carried out chiefly
under cover of the residencia to which the audiencia
had been ordered to submit Cortds and other royal
officers.** Immediately on arriving, they took steps
to call witnesses and frame questions for indictments.
These embraced the usual points concerning malfeas-
ance by the executive; maleadministration of justice;
disobedience of royal orders ; neglect or perversion in
<x>nnection with revenue ; favoritism and other abuses
in bestowal of offices, and in supervision of municipal
affairs ; oppression or neglect of the natives, and social
misdemeanor, relating to immoraUty, gambling, and
blasphemy. Besides these there were the special
chaises sent in since the first year of the conquest by
the royal officers and other enemies, embracing the
disloyal intent to revolt from the allegiance to Spain,
with the aid of Spanish and native confederates, sup-
ported by artillery and forts ; the use of regal cere-
monies; the embezzlement of several millions in
treasures and rental ; the acceptance of a special fifth,
like that of the sovereign, and the withholding of
revenue due to the crown ; the appropriation of prov-
inces assigned to the crown, and of a million and a
half of vassals, with some two hundred rent-rolls;
abuse and outrages against private and official persons,
including the murder of his wife and of the two royal
commissioners. Ponce de Leon and his successor.
The preparations made, the residencia was pro-
claimed February 11, 1529. All persons were en-
"IV) judge from Cart^' oomplaintB on thiB score, one is led to suppose
that hardly anything was left of his vast estates. *Demi8 de haberme to-
rnado toda cnanta hacienda, mneble y raiz yo dej^ en esta NueTa Espafla, me
qnitaron los dichoe pueblos [all, he adds], 6 me ban dejado sin tener de ddnde
haya ona hanega de pan . « . se ban muerto mas de cient personM de las one en
mi compallia traje, por falta de refriserios y neoesidad de provisiones.' Varia,
October 10, 1530, in BtcrUot Sueltoa, 181-2, and other letters.
*«For 90 days. Fuga, Cedularh, 6, 7; CorU$, Betideneia, L 2, 8.
Hist. Mix., Vol. n 19
290 THE FIBST AUDIENCIA AND ITS MISRULK
couraged to come forward and enter complaints, na
matter how trivial or ill founded, or even if devoid of
any foundation. Envy and discontent during a series of
years had gathered in some quarters and concentrated
against Cortes as head of the faction which had caused
their real or fancied injuries. The charges sometimes
assumed the form of pure calumnies instigated by
blind hatred. Few witnesses dared testify in favor
of the accused, save in a negative manner, and this
feature tended to stamp the entire testimony as of
little or no value. Nevertheless the audiencia de-
clared as proven that Cortes had in 1519 usurped the
supreme authority by wrongful means, and was con-
sequently guilty of illegal and disloyal conduct in
punishing those who had opposed his authority, such
as Narvaez, Villafane, and Tapia, and in the enactment
of many measures which might have been justifiable
in a legally appointed officer. These charges were
followed by various indictments for injury committed
against the person and property of opponents. Trea-
sonable utterances and acts were enumerated, also
embezzlements and seizures. The torture of Quauh-
temotzin, the execution of caciques and vassals by the
thousands, and the desolation of provinces for gold
and slaves, were prominently noted among his crimes
by Guzman, from whom they came with appropriate
grace. The operations against Graray and Olid were
not omitted, and his conduct in relation to Ponce
de Leon and Aguilar gave rise to several disloyal
charges, although their death was not openly laid
upon hin^ ^
The agents of Cortes, Diego de Ocampo and Licen-
tiate Altamirano, filed their refutation of the charges
through Garcia de Llerena, accompanied by coimter-
charges for malicious attacks on their principal, and
*^The indictment oovera over 50 pages in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col Doc,
xzvii 5-69. In pages 190-901 is given the reply of Cortes' agents, denying or
refuting the charges. The charge of murdering his wife formed a special
■abject of inquiry.
EXOOMHUKICATIOK. 291
for spoliation of his estates, and this in so fearless a
manner as to bring upon them the wrath of this most
just audiencia. Altamirano was exiled, after losing
his property, and Llerena was forced to seek refuge
in a sanctuary. Their successful defiance of the church
so far had made the audiencia wholly regardless of its
protests, and Delgadillo proceeded to forcibly take
forth Llerena for exemplary dealing, driving back at
lance-point the body of friars led by the bishop elect
in defence of the victim and of the sacred rights of
the temple. After this extreme outrage nothing re-
mained but to launch the ban of excommunication
against the desecrators. As this ban aflfected only
the two oidores, no popular demonstration occurred,
as with Salazar in 1525 to compel submission, and
the hardened oidores took no notice of it, but pro-
ceeded severely against their prisoner, whereupon
the ban was reissued*® When Cortds returned from
Spain, fresh replies were made to the indictment
against him, and it remained pending for several
years before the Council of the Indies, receiving little
more attention than it deserved. A few fines were
about all the penalty inflicted.'^
The proceedings in the residencias of the royal
officials went on according to the feehngs of the
members of the audiencia in each particular case.
Estrada wisely reminded the emperor of the old
3uarrel with Guzman, and requested that the presi-
ent should not sit in judgment upon him. The
** It was proclaimed in March 1530, and remained in force even in the fol-
lowing year. Guzman had already left for Jalisco, so that he escaped. Tho
document relating to the ban is given in the appendix to Alamatit DUeri., L
215-17. Xngnlo, the companion of Llerena, was executed, the latter manag-
ing to escape with a lighter sentence. The new audiencia caused the ban to
be removeo. Temaux-Compans, Voy., serie ii. torn. v. 140.
" By c^ula of February 8, 1537, Cortes was ordered to appear in Spain^
in person or by proxy, to hear sentence. The death of Ponce de Leon and
otilier points were revived in later years. All the documents relating to the
reudencia and its results have not been preserved or published. A portion,
lelating to the inimical testimony and a few other pomts, was published at
if exico in 1852, in two volumes, under the supervision of Ignacio L. Bayon,
with careful adherence to the original This, together with a mass of docu-
ments bearing on the residencia 3t the other officials, and on the later suits
o£ Cort^ luw been reproduced in Padieoo and Cdrdenas, CoL Zhc, xxvi-xxix«
292 THE FIRST AUDIENCIA AND ITS MISRULE.
request was granted and the rectitude of his rule was
established, but the turn affairs had taken so weighed
upon him that vexation of spirit soon brought about
his death.^ Salazar and Peralmindez were also held
blameless, and Guzman praised them highly to the
emperor. Shortly after arriving, the audiencia sought
to interfere also in Guatemala, and sent Francisco de
Orduna to take the residencia of Jorge de Alvarado,
as is related elsewhere.*®
Among the three members of the audiencia Mati-
^nzo was the least culpable, for Delgadillo vied with
Guzman in arbitrary acts. All three, moreover, in
everything save the paramount matter of money-
gettmg, were greatly influenced by favorites, and these
of both sexes, for all were given to gallantry, Delga-
<iillo excessively so.*^ In this connection they were
not ungenerous, but then their liberality cost nothing
save bitter denunciation and lament on the part of
those from whom the gifts, in treasure and estates,
had been wrung. *^
Even their few aids to progress and beneficent acts
were but the means of further extortions. Delga-
dillo, for instance, fostered sericulture, but his opera-
tions were conducted in such a manner as finally to
bring upon him a fine. Antequera, the capital of
"^Had Estrada manifested a reasonable amoant of spirit in assertang him-
self, it is not impossible that his appointment as governor might have beea
confirmed. His old comrades would have stood by him, for they approved of
all that he had done. Bemal Diaz, HisL Verdad., 227.
'*See vol. ii Nist. Cent Am, The charges against the officials are to be
fonnd in PacJitco and CdrdenaSf Col. Doc., xxviii.-zxix., passim. Alcalde
Mayor Ortega's case was pending as late as 1541.
^ In open day he forcibly took from the asylum founded by Cortes two
beautiful native girls and carried them to his house. He sent another Lrid-
ian woman, together witii 3,000 pesos, to Spain; but the woman was set at
liberty and the money seized by the crown. Zwendrraga, Carta, in Pcuheeo
and Cdrdenas, CoL Doe., xiii. 134; Cartas de Ind., 746. In the most shame-
less manner this man admitted from the cabildo^ in return for his favor, the
^ft of some laud next to that belonging to his brother, Juan Perez Benlo,
whom he protected in the tyranny and extortion of which he was guilty as
the alcalde mavor of Oajaca.
*^ When Albomoz returned from Spain with his bride he received from
Ouzman the town of Guazpaltepec, belonging to Sandoval Bemal I>iaz,
HiaL Verdad.f22S~9» Even the menials of the oidores received valuable grants
tiius seized.
GUZMAN FSABS FOB HIMSELF. 303
Oajaca^ was founded by this audienciai but upon land
wrested from Cortds; and with a view to injure him.
Where oppression had not produced the hatred of
all save their own creatures, and those whose interest
lay in courtine their favor, the estrangement increased
rapidly. In less than a twelvemonth the general
disconteot had reached a point which bordered ou
disloyalty,**
Guzman was too sagacious long to be blind to the
signs of storm fast coming from across the sea. And
now letters from Spain pJainlv warned him of his ap-
proaching downfall The bnUiant scheme of further
conquest planned by Cortes had been made apparent
to the crafty lawyer who had just presided at his
trial It was no mere after-math for the gleaner s
hand which awaited him first afield, but an aoundant
harvest, and to Guzman's ignoble nature, that Cort<5s
was absent was no reason why another might not
forestall him.*^ Hoping, therefore, to regain by an
offer of subjugated provinces the favor he had for-
feited, and moved by a desire to take advantage of
the errors into which his colleagues were sure to fall,
he now proposed an expedition to Jalisco. On their
part the oidores for the furtherance of their own
ends desired his absence, and consented readily that
the president should become its leader.
By generous gifts to captains in his confidence,
chief among whom were Crist6bal de Ofiate, Rodrigo
de Albomoz, and Peralmindez Chirinos, of pueblos
which of right belonged to Cortes and others, by
** ' £1 afeto de Iob Oydores daua materia, para que sucediessen atreui-
mientos e libertades: i ansi andauau las cosas con mucha confusion, i de«
muenniexi^' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. xi.
^The mineral wealth of Michoacan had roused general interest, and
Guzman is said to have secured possession of mines there before this time.
Herrtra^ dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. vii. Some authorities even state that he had
received special information concerning rich and populous towns in the north-
western region, from a native in his employ and whose father had visited
them. CaMaiieda, in Temcuux-Compamy Voy,, s^riei. tom. ix. 1-5. Repeated
in DaM El Oringo, 68-9; Schoolcraft's Ardi., iv. 22; DomemcJis Deserts, i.
167-8, and elsewhere. This seems to have been the beginning of the reports
T^hich ffradnally extended to the seven cities of Cibola, so famous, as we shall
wdftj a httle later.
294 THE FIBST AUDIENCIA AND ITS MISRULE.
means of liberal bounties and seductive promises to
some, while the unwilling were forced to enlist or to
send substitutes, Guzman succeeded in recruiting a
sufficient number of men in Guatemala, Oajaca, and
elsewhere. He filled his military chest by seizure of
funds belonging to the crown, an act involving a con-
structive arrest of the treasury officials who opposed
him,** and the extortion of forced loans from the
wealthy of the city, though this was forbidden by law.
Preparations for the campaign though hasty were
thorough, and greatly facilitated because of the almost
omnipotent power enjoyed by the president, and just
before Christmas** he hastened to his usual pleasant
pastime in fresh fields at the head of the largest and
best equipped army that as yet had inarched under
the royal banner in the New World, consisting as it
did of two hundred horse, three hundred foot soldiers,
and some artillerymen with twelve guns, together
with at least ten thousand Tlascaltecs and Mexicans,**
Two chaplains, joined afterward by two others, accom-
panied the force, and Guzman took with him the
unfortunate Caltzontzin, who, after having been forced
to minister to the avarice of his jailer, was so soon to
become his victim**^
^This amount vns 6,000 pesos da ora The seooad aadieacia vnm m-
stmcted (see Puga, Cedulario, 45) to collect this amount from Gozman, or
failing thus, from the property of Uie royal officials who had given it withoat
authority.
^Pilar, 248, writes 22d, while Mota Padilla makes the date early in
November.
^ These figures are but approximate, hardly two authorities being in
accord. Guzman's own estimate, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc, ziiL294,
356-93, and in Ramumo, iii. 331, is the lowest, and gives 150 horsemen, as
many footmen, and from 7,000 to 8,000 auxiliaries. According to Torque^
mada, L 348, and Vitta Setlor, Tlitatro, ii. 203-4, there were 250 of the form^-
and twice that number of the latter. Viceroy Mendoza, in a letter to Charles
v., speaks of 400 Spaniards and 14,000 natives. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. viiL
cap. 1., estimates the natives at 8,000, excluding carriers and those obtained
later in Michoacan. Frejes, Hist. Brwe, 69, says there were 800 Spanish sol-
diers. Fuenleal complains of the loss to the settlements of this withdrawal
of men, and urges more stringent laws against such operations. Cctrta, in
Pacheco and Cdt^enasj Col Doc., xiii. 215-16.
" Garcia del Pilar, the conquistador and interpreter, whohad susgested to
Guzman Hie ingenious plan of mviting the caciques to Mexico that tl^y might
be robbed, says, Helaeion, in Icassbaketa, Col, Doc., ii. 248, that Caltzontzin.
welcomed the president to his capital, tliat he complied with a requisition for
THE SHAMELESS OIDORES. 29S
Nevertheless, though rogues fell out honest men
did not receive their dues; the oidores, freed of
Guzman's rivalry, kept the shameless tenor of their
course, reckless of the reckoning-day. The Spanish
government had received the petition instigated by
the audiencia and praying that Cort<5s should not be
allowed to return to New Spain, but with it was the
representation forwarded by Pedro de Alvarado, as
well as letters from many of those who had signed
the first of these documents, making it evident that
they had done so under compulsion. Then came the
letter of Zumdxraga and the clergy, which the bishop
managed to smuggle into Spain concealed within a
hollow wooden image sent by a faithful retainer with
the pretence that he wished to show them at home
the advancement made by the natives in sculpture.*®
This letter Zumdrraga had read to other prominent
•clergymen who signed it jointly with him. In it
were given details of the audiencia's misrule, and the
statement was made that, to secure the prosperity of
the people and the propagation of the faith, there was
needed an upwri^ht man both able and willing to com-
prehend the condition of the country and shape aright
its destinies. It was shown that New Spain was
given over to disorder; that the hatred of the presi-
dent and oidores, displayed on all occasions toward
Cortes and those who sustained him, resulted from
^nvy and avarice alone ; that the clergy were not only
unable to aid Spaniard or Indian, but were powerless
to save even themselves from persecution. In con-
clusion, the writers disclaimed all motive for their
complaint other than the greater glory of Grod and
the desire of loyal subjects to serve the crown.*'
8,000 Indiaofl, and that three days afterward he was seized by his treacheroiu
gnest. But the interpreter was a fwUcepa erimims in the iniquities of his
chief, and is nnworthy of belief.
^ It was oonveyed by a sailor, says ifen^teta, ffisL Ecles., 631. In a buoy,
^ds Vetancort, Aparic Ghiad., 7; Fernandea^ HisL Ecka., 59.
^ZvmdrragOf Carta, in Faeheoo and OdfxienaB, CoL Dog,, ziii lOi et seq.
CHAPTER XV.
EKBCnON OF BISHOPRICS— OORTiS IN SPAIN.
1527-1529.
VloiBSTrnDss of thb Pibst See — Bishof Julian GABofe— The IcoNocLAsr
ZuMARRAGA— Lamentable Vandalism— Character or the Clerot —
Arrival or Dominicans — Rivalrt ot the Orders — ^Introduction or
Nuns— MEETiNa or CoRTi» and Pizarro — Death or an Ideal Soldier —
BXCITEMENT OVER CoRTAs' ARRIVAL IN SPAIN — PLATINQ THE GaLLANT —
His Reception bt the Emperor — Marks or Favor— He is Mads a
Marquis with Large Grants — Politio Soothinos of Discontent —
Wht He Lost the Governorship — His Contract for South Sea Dis-
oovERiES — His Bride and Jewels — Papal Concessions — ^Return to
New Spain — Ovation to the Hero — Hostility of the Oidores.
New Spain had assumed the position of Castile's
leading colony in the Indies, and the cross had ex-
tended its sway from ocean to ocean before the church
proper stepped forward to assume control. Never-
theless a see and a bishop had been granted prior
to a single conversion. On the strength of the glow-
ing reports brought by the expeditions of Cdrdoba
and Grijalva, Bishop Fonseca had hastened to confer
upon his confessor, Julian Garcds, a Dominican, the
title of bishop of Cozumel, and this proving an in-
significant island, his jurisdiction was extended over
Yucatan,^ The peninsula remained unsettled, how-
ever, and the see was in 1526 extended over the
Tabasco and Vera Cruz districts to Chiapas, including
^'Obispado llamado Oarolenae, y Santa Maria de Iob Bemedios, en la
Peninsula de Yucatan.' By bull of January 24, 1518, corresponding to the
civil year 1519. ConeUioa Prov., 1566-65, 241-2, 227-40, with copies of bull,
etc He was bishop on September 6, 1519, says Chiwilez DdvUoy TeeUro Bciea,,
i. 80; while the date in Nueva BspafUt, Breve Res,, MS., 225, is January 9,
1518; and in Iglanaa y Canventoe de Mex,, 324, October 13, 1519. See also
CogoUvdo, HisL Yuc, 16, 17.
(296)
JULIAN OARCiS^ BISHOP. 297
Tlaficala, the latter being designated as the centre
and episcopal seat, chiefly as a mark of favor to this
loyal utile state, and partly because of its location.'
Thus commissioned, Father Julian presented himself
in October 1527g'to assume charge, and was hailed
with all the demonstrations properly attending the
reception of the first prelate. A septuagenanan of
a noble Aragonese family and of brilliant attainments,
which had procured for him the position of royal
chaplin,^ he could not fail to command ^reat respect,
even if his influence was not widely felt among the
tumultuous factions which kept the country in a fer-
ment. He arrived in the nudst of the disputes be-
tween Cortes and Estrada, and exerted himself to
conciliate these unquiet spirits; after which he retired
to Tlascala, there to pursue his duties with the zeal
and energy of a younger man, holding aloof as much
as possible fronx political affairs.'
The limits assigned to his see indicated that another
was already under consideration, to embrace the more
important districts of the lake valley and the prom-
ising regions west and south. The bishopric was
indeed decided upon about the same time that Garcds
obtained the Tlascala see,* and was offered to the
deserving and highly esteemed Pedro de Gante, who
since 1523 had labored as Franciscan lay brother in
' For limits, see Condlios Prov., 1555-65^ loc. cit. The papal bull wae dated
October 13, 1525^ oorrespondiiig to 1526, and the royal decree, September 19,
1526.
» Mex. Extraeioa de Cidulas, MS . 7.
*Bom at Mimebrega in 1452, he had studied at the university of Paris,
and attained a high record for learning, which assisted to advance him in his
order. ' Uamibude por su eloqilente Latinidad el segundo Nebrija, y redivia
Ciceron.' Ontnados^ Tardes, 334. Fonseca first designated him for the see of
Cuba, ere he proposed the delusive advancement to Cozumel. IleiTeray dec. ii.
lib. iiL cap xi , and previous authorities; also Las CatKW, Hist. Ind,, iv.
46&-6; Ftmandn, Hist. Ecles,, 112-13; Mortlli, FasU Navi Orbis, 104;
Camargo, HisL Tlax., 192.
^ The cathedral erected by him was ' dedicada a la Conoepcion Immaculada
de Maria.* Medina, Chrdn, 8. Dkgo, 243
•It WM created October 13, 1525 Jforeffi, FaMt Novk Orhis, 104; ViUa
SetUjTy ThecUro, L 28. This date is confirmed by the very limitation of the
TlaacaU see, and despite the assertions of Lorenzana and other authorities,
who confound the bull of 1530 for the bishop and cathedral with that for the
298 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS— CORTES IN SPAIN.
Mexico Valley, foremost as teacher and apostle.
Deserving and well fitted as he was for the post, the
offer is said to have been due chiefly to his relation-
ship to Charles YJ He had more than once been
urged by his superiors and others to accept prefer-
ment in his order and in the church, but had always
declined to leave his humble position, and to this
decision he still adhered The see was thereupon
bestowed, the 12th of December, 1527,® on Juan de
Zumdrraga,® guardian of the Franciscan convent of
Abrojo.
The emperor was in the habit of retiring to this
place occasionally for meditation, and had become im-
pressed by the zeal and austerity of the friar, and by
his eflScient conduct in suppressing witchcraft in Bis-
cay. Such qualities appeared to be needed in a country
so racked by abominable superstitions and reckless
factions, and as the first audiencia was about to leave
for New Spain when the appointment was made, Zu-
mdrraga received orders to accompany them without
waiting for consecration. He was invested with the
additional power of protector of the Indians, and
ordered to watch over the observance of the many
laws issued in favor of his oppressed prot^g^s.^^
On arriving at Mexico he found it extremely difiS-
cult to carry out these instructions, for a check upon
the ill treatment of the natives touched the nearest
interests of the settlers. The audiencia instead of aid-
^ See BeaumorO^ Cnfn. Mich,, iii. 251.
^Cddula, in Ramirez, Doc., MS., 5, granting him control of tithes.
*He was bom at Durango — 'at Zumirraga,' says Vetancnrt, Menolog,, 61,
if BO, a village subject to ]>iirango— in 1468, and after assuming the Franciscan
habit he rose rapidly to the positions of guardian, definidor, and provinciaL
Oomalez DdvUa, Teatro Seles,, i. 19 et seq.; Monumenioa Domiru feap., MS.,
69; Torquemada, iii. 448.
"The bull confirming his appointment was issued only on September 2,
1590. CondUos Prov., 16$5-S5, 213. Beaumont adds, ' Clemente VIL, en con-
sistorio secreto de 12 Agosto de 1530. . .erigid la catedral de Mdzioo.'
Crdn. Mich. , iiL 251-3; and, confounding this act with the erection, he wrongly
challenges Calle, Mejn, y Not, Gronzafez D&vila, loo. cit., assumes that he
was consecrated at Tlascala by Crarces, but he is wrong in both date and fact.
The different letters of the two audiencias call him simply 'bishop elect.'
Pacheco and Cardenas, CoL Doc., xiii. 119, etc. We shall foUow him back tm
Spain for consecration in a few years.
PIOUS VANDALISM. 29»
ing him opposed every measure, as we have seen, and
even came to open conflict with him, leading to the
excommunication of the two oidorea While correct
enough in his course, he was thought to use the pulpit
too freely for commenting on the acts of the officials^
and the second audiencia received power not only to
restrain his language, but to limit his interference as
protector. Yet this was but the spirit of the arch-
enemy of witchcraft which had so captivated Charles;
and checked in one direction, it broke out in another.
His zeal was vehement. Eager to extend the feith,
and observing how difficult it was for the people to
receive it, he thought the cause must be the heathen
relics which kept alive in their hearts their ancient
history and religion, hallowed by time, and consecrated
by persecution and suffering. Avaricious conquerors
and zealous friars had left few public monuments to be
cherished, but in the homes of the natives was many
a treasured image, and many a picture record of ab-
original tradition, art, industry, and societv.
This chain of bondage to old memories must be
broken ; and in imitation of the example set not long
before by Jimenez in regard to the Moors, Zumdrraga
started out his friars and loyal neophytes on a fresh
and searching raid, notably for the abominable scrolls
and manuscnpts, wherein every sign or picture seemed
to the prelate the embodiment of satanic art and
witchery. From local and family archives, from public
places and from private houses they were brought and
cast into one vast pile in the market-place and there
burned. It was the crowning act of misguided zeal !
And what a pyre was there I Records of the strange un-
foldings of an aboriginal civilization, of half-developed
myths, of curious customs, of evolving sciences, per-
haps of arts already lost. This pious vandalism was
not confined to Mexico city, but in all the larger cities
and towns great heaps of human experiences were
gathered and committed to the flames. And like
these pillars of smoke, which on every side were seen
aOO ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS^-COEXfiS IN SPAIN.
IMacending to heaven, shall this act of the first bishop
of Mexico forever rise before our minds as dark and
unwise. And those fires smouldered, now and then
lighted afresh — ay, for centuries before church and
laity began to realize what they were doing. How
fared the results of Boturini's researches? how fared
later the archives of Mexico and of the states to the
south?"
Notwithstanding the grievous mistake he had com-
mitted, Zumdrraga's fiery zeal could not fail to achieve
also much real good. Quick to observe and of fluent
speech, he succeeded in teaching, during the first years
at least, a wholesome lesson to the mercenary and
indolent of the clergy who formed his staflf." Among
the settlers this address proved less effective, owing
to the shock given to his influence by the audiencias.
For the natives he ever appeared a champion, as must
be expected from his position as missionaiy, bishop,
and protector. • His jurisdiction was rapidly extending
with the formation of settlements in different quarters,
and the spread of conversion under the daily increas-
ing band of friars,^' who were penetrating southward
into Oajaca and Guatemala, and north-westward into
Michoacan and New GaUcia.
11 Even among sixteenth-centuiy men, however, there were thoee who
objected, though p^sively, to the destruction at lease of the temple-buildings;
and TorquemaBa, iiL 47-50, finds it necessary to come forth in defence of &&
deed. Vetancurt, Chron., 4, etc., speaks in a similar strain. The emperor wrote
approval, as Oonzalez Ddvila, TecUroEcIea., L 26, fails not to point out. Among
modem writers there is but one opinion, of condemnation, although Zamacois,
IlisL Mej., iv, 38S-9, seeks to magnify the efforts of later missionaries to
repaijr the injury by preserving what knowledge they could rather. Others
chose to regard the loss as trifimg, one writer in U. S, Caih. Mag,, 1844, 142,
taking this view on the ground that Aztec hieroglyphics were undecipherable!
*' There was evident need for reform, as accusations were already made
against friars and clersy during this first decade, and an imputation against
their morality stands forth glaringly in ro3ral c^dulas for this period, wherein
public mistresses of the representatives of the church and of married men ai«
made subject to certain fines, and to banishment and lashes in extreme cases.
Puga, Cedulario, 54-5. The term 'pubUc mistresses' indicates that secret
concubinage was not greatly condemned.
^In 1527 and the following years regular reinforcements of friars came^
acoordinff to Vetancurt, Chron., 4, and other writers; vet Herrera states that
before 1531 there were not over 100 in New Spain, of all orders combined.
Beaumont, Cr6n. MicJu, iii 407. Friar Jacobo oe Testera obtained permissioa
to bring 120 Franciscans, who arrived after this date. Torquemaaa, iii. 26l»
305, 'SIO.
THE DOMIKICAKS. 901
The Franciscans did not long labor alone, for other
Orders hastened to share in the promising harvest.
Early among these were the Dominicans, twelve of
whom were sent from Spain, in company with the
twelve Franciscana Their head, Vicar-general Tomds
Ortiz, was detained at court for a time, and his asso-
ciates waited for him at Santo Domingo. He joined
them finally with an additional number, and fix)m the
whole selected the symboUc twelve" with whom he
reached Vera Cruz m June 1526, in company with
Ponce de Leon.
The malady which brought to his death this prom-
inent personage wrought havoc with the friars, as
well as others, and soon their number was reduced to
seven. ^* Friar Tomis, who on a former occasion had
evinced little regard for the glories of martyrdom,
hereupon took alarm and hastened to depart with
three of his companions, leaving Padre Betanzos alone
with Deacon Lucero and the novice Casas.
Among those who accompanied Ortiz, chiefly on
account of ill health, was Vicente de Santa Maria, a
favorite of the Dominican general. Finding himself
safe again on his native shore, his missionary zeal
blazed up anew, and with assistance from the sover-
eign he returned to New Spain in 1528, at the head
^His second oompany from Spain conBisted of seven besides himself, and
from the nine sarvivors at Santo Domingo he selected the remainder. Men-
dieta gives the names of the seven as Vicente de Santa Marfa, Tomis de Ber-
langa, Domingo de Sotomayor, Pedro de Santa Maria, Justo de Santo Domingo,
Gonzalo Lucero, and Bartolom^ de Calzadilla, the last two deacon and lay
brother, respectively; and those who joined at Santo Domingo as Domingo
de Betanzos, Diego Rniz, Pedro Zambrano, and Vicente de las Casas, novice.
HUi, Eeies., 963-^. Torqnemada writes in one place Bamirez instead of Ruiz.
Several old authoritiee, including the Dominican chronicler Bemesal, appear
ignorant of this formation of uie band, the latter giving a list made some
tune after their arrival, which embraces two novices received at Mexico.
ITist. Chyapa, II, 12. See also Ddvila. PadUla, Hist, Fvnd, Mex., 3; Vetan-
cvrif in JktonumefOoB Domin. Esp., MS., 34. Cfrtiz had gained his position
chiefly through his service as vicar at Chiribichi, Torquemada, iii 40, 598,
-whence he escaped from the massacre peipetrated by tiie natives. His in-
trigoing character has already been pointea out.
^Eemesal mentions four of the dead. D&vila, PadQla, ffise, Fvnd. If ex.,
4, has ^ve names. Ortiz left with Betanaos, as prelate, and held ' tambien el
«ficio de Comissario de la Inquisicion,' Jiemeaal, Hist, Chyapa^ 41, hitherto
exercised by the grancisoan cii8todia&, yet we &id Aguilar named by Cortte
■aa inquisitor.
302 EElECnON OF BISHOPBICa-COBT]^ IN SPAIN.
of a larger company than the first, though sickness
and other causes reduced the number to six before he
reached Mexico/® Installed as vicar-general and in-
quisitor, he gave an impulse to mission work, re-
enforced as he was shortly after by a dozen or more
friars. ^^
At first they agreed very well with the Franciscans,
who surrendered to them several districts already
occupied," and joined in opposing many of the iniqm-
tons measures of the audiencia; but soon the old
rivalry broke out, creating not only a division on
public questions, but internal dissensions, which found
vent chiefly on the subject of Indian treatment, and
the forcible spread of conversion, the Franciscans
favoring the alliance of sword and cross. The larger
number of the latter, and their earlier occupation of
the field, gave them precedence among both settlers
and natives, and the Dominicans were obliged to
exert themselves for a share of influence. Some
features of their order gave them an advantage, and
thev attracted attention by the imposing beauty of
their convent^
Among the early missions founded by the order
were those of Pdnuco, Oajaca, and Guatemala.**
That of Oajada was intrusted to Lucero, now a
^' Names in Orcmadoa, Tardes, 33Q-1. Remesal seeks yainly to acooant
for the fallmg away of tiie priests. At first it was proposed to take 40, but
a number of these were directed to Venezuela^ and Santa Maria left with 24.
They were given free passage, 1,500 pesos for a convent* 100 pesos for robes
and other necessaries. Herrera, dec iv. lib. vi. cap. ii.
" * Entre todos fueron veinte y dos/ before Betanzos went to bring more.
• MendietOj Hist, Ecks,, 364. Several of these attained the dignity of bishops.
^'Notably Tlahuac, Coyuhuacan, Amequemecan, east of the capital, and
other sections. VeianctTrt, Chron,, 26.
'* * Che ^ vno de i grandi & forti edificij ft buoni che sia in Spaf^na.' BeL
QentiUkvmOy in Hamuaio, iii. 309. It was founded in September 1526 on the
street named in consequence Santo Domingo, Libro de CabUdo, September 17,
1526; but according to a writer in Montementoa Donun. Esp,, MS., 329, it was
occupied only in 1530. It was afterward surrendered to the inquisition,
office, which again has given place to a medical schooL The convent waa
removed to the site now occupied, and dedicated in 1575. Torguemada, iiL
40; Iglenas y ConvtntOB de Mez., 62-4.
** Convents were also erected at Puebla» Vera Cruz, Qoasaooalco, in the
towns transferred by the Franciscans, and notably among the Miztocs and
Zapoteos. Fernandez, Hist, Edee., 75; Paeheco and Odrdehag, CoL Doc, ziuu.
210.
TUB MEBCED FATHESS. 3(HI
priest," and to Deacon Minaya, who in the middle of
1529 founded the first convent at Antequera," about
the time that Betanzos had undertaken his apostolic
tour to Guatemala^ there to lay the foundation of
Dominican labors.^
When Cortes returned from Spain in 1530 he
brought twelve fiiars of the order of mercy, endeared
to him by the sage and gentile influence of Father
Olmedo, Their leader, Juan de Legufzamo, acted as
confessor to his family." Under the special care of
the marchioness came besides a number of Concepcion
nuns, who founded the first nunnery under the name
of Concepcion Purfsima. It was endowed by four
young ladies who had already sought shelter from
the world in the house of Andres de Tapia, and who
now assisted in spreading the order throughout New
Spain, and in traming its noble maidens.^
Cortes had meanwhile embarked with friends, and
after touching at the Islands to display his retinue
and riches, he entered the famous little seaport of
'^Bom at San Jnan del Ouemo, Andalnsia, of poor parents. He per-
fected his edncation after admittance to the order. After 1535 he was
removed from Oajaca to Miztecapan, where he died. Bwrgoa^ Geog. Deserip,,
L 8-20.
*> Twelye hnjlding sites were mnted on July 24, 1529. The establish*
ment became a priory in 1549. la.. Palestra, 1-15; Carriedo, EsUuUoe BisL,
98, 121.
^ As early as 1527, says Bemesal, though it must have been a little later.
He returned to Mexico in 1531, thence to undertake an important mission to
Rome. Hist. Ckyapa, 51-S; Burgoo, Geog, Descrip., 380-5, 396-7. Betanxos
was of a noble laxnilv from Leon, educated for the law, but turned nilgrim,
and, being disowned by his father, he took the habit in 1514. Although
occapyin^ no very prominent office, he ranked high in the order for his austere
virtue, his apostouc seal, and his efiforts to promote its interests. Ddvila
PadiUa, ffisL Fvnd. Mex,, 5-32; Tarquemada, lii 41-2, 94, 106, 454-^.
*^BemalJ)iaz,ffuL Verdad.,23h
"^By order of July 12, 1530, the andiencia had been enjoined to found an
establishment of heaUu for teaching Indian maidens. Puaa, Cedulario, 42.
Vetancort gives to Friar Antonio de la Cruz the credit of bringing the first
three nuns; namely, Paula de Santa Ana, Luisa de San Francisco, and Fran-
cisca EiVangelista. TraL Mex., 41. Gonaalez Ddvila names Elena de Medrano
as leader. TetUro Eeles,, i 7; Medina, Chr&n. S. Diego, 237. Beaumont as-
sumes that Augnstinian nuns also came with Cortes. Chrdn, Mich., iiL 264.
Brotherhoods were fostered to encourage a reli^ous feeling, and the Archico-
iradia de Caballeros de la Santib Vera Cruz is claimed to have been founded
as early as 1523, by Cort^k See names and other information in Pap. Var.,
jdvii., pt. iii 4.
304 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS— OORllSS IN SPAIN.
Palos toward the end of 1528.* With characteristic
devotion he knelt, immediately on landing, to express
thanks for being permitted to regain his native shore
after so many vicissitudes. While awaiting the land-
ing of his party and effects, which involved considera-
ble delay under the cautious restrictions then ruling,
he proceeded to the convent of La Rdbida near by,
there to perform his devotions and despatch advices.
It was in this sacred spot that Columbus had sought
shelter when on his way to advocate those grand
projects which were to reveal a new world ; to point
out the field whereon the conqueror might achieve
fame while giving new domains and fresh souls to the
king and church. Here also Pizarro, the conqueror
of the other great empire in America, is said to have
met the victor of Montezuma; the latter with his
great achievements ended, the former at the opening
of a brilliant career.^ Another strange coincidence ;
with Cortes was Juan de Rada, a valiant soldier dur-
ing the conquest, who afterward joined Almagro, and
avenged his death by cutting down Pizarro in the
midst of his successes.
During the voyage Sandoval had been ill, and on
landing he was taken to the house of a rope-maker to
receive the necessary care. The hardships he had
undergone in the Indies, particularly during the Hon-
duras campaign, had undermined his health, for he
sank rapidly. During a fit of depression he sent for
Cortes. While the servant was absent, the host, a
* Chmara, Hist. Mex., 283; Sandoval^ Carlos V., i. 895. Bernal Diaz writes
December 1527, meaning 1528 no doubt, while Herrera, followed by Prescott
and others, gives the end of May 1528. There are several reasons supporting
the better authority of Gromara and SandovaL ' En quarenta y vn (uas Ueg6
a Castilla, sin parar en la Halmna.' Bernal Diaz, Hist, Verdad., 224. Botii
of which statements appear to be unfounded.
^ The meeting probably took place in another part of Spain, thoneh his-
torians and poets have preferred to associate it with a spot hallowed oy the
presence of Columbus. The intercourse between tiie two men was natural
enough, for they had known one another in the Antilles, and were allured by
the similarity of their enterprise and renown. ' Fue cosa notable ver juntos
a estos dos hombres, que eran mirados, como Gapitanes de los mas notables
del mundo, en aqueitiempo. '.JSTerrcro, dec iv. Ub. iv. cap. i.; Pizarro y
OreUana, Vanma Ilvst., 121.
DEATH OF SANDOVAL. 90^
burly, brutal fellow, entered the room and stealthily
examined it. Sandoval pretended to be asleep. The
man thereupon broke open the treasury-box contain-
ing a number of gold bars and carried them away, the
sick man, unable even to stand, being afraid to make
^m outcry lest the robber should murder him. Cortes
soon entered, but no trace could be found of the man,
who appears to have gained Portugal with his booty.
Sandoval did not long survive. In his will he named
the general as executor. To his sisters he gave the
^eater part of his fortune,**^ the remainder being left
to convents and poor people to form a crown of bless-
ings to his memory. He was buried with great pomp
in La Rdbida, Cortes and all his suite assuming deep
mourning, which was not alone upon the surface.
Poor Sandoval I so young, so gentle, the purest and
noblest of them all, and to die so soon on his return
with all the joys and glories of home unreahzed.
An enemy even could not meet this cavalier without
admiration of his character, and none could long be
his associate without learning to love him. Though
but thirty-one he had by his bravery and skill
achieved a reputation equal to any, as one of the fore-
most captains in all the Indies. He had not been
given the same opportunities for independent achieve-
ment as Alvarado, but neither had he nor would he
have stained his name with the cruelties of Tonatiuh.
He was also more prudent than the latter, and more
frank and loyal, and probably abler than Olid, the
third of the great captains of Cortes. In the total
of his admirable qualities as man and officer he sur-
passed any of his associates, and gradually assumed
the chief place in the affection of his leader, who
usually addressed him by the endearing name of '* Son
Sandoval." His men also loved him as they did no
other commander for his kind demeanor, his rare disin-
terestedness and his constant regard for their welfare,
* ' Vna hermana. . .ae casd con vn hijo baatardo del [Conde de Medellin.*
BenuU Diaz, loc. cit.
H18T. Mkz., Vol. n. 20
•306 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS— CJORXfe IN SPAIN.
even to the neglect of his own comfort and advan-
tage— ^a marked contrast to the absorbing selfishness^
insatiate greed, and relentless cruelty of nearly all the
adventurers who overran the new region, and con-
trolled the destiny of its peoples. And now after hi&
multitudinous dangers and strange adventures, he
reached the shores of Spain only to die of disease
and find a grave in the soil which gave him birth.
The news of the arrival of Cortes created quite a
revulsion of feeling at court, where his presence waa
entirely unexpected. The prestige of success with
high honors and reputed wealth drove calumniators for
the moment to the wall. Doubts and suspicions were
dispelled, and one vied with another to honor the so
lately assailed soldier. The court was then at Toledo,
and the king ordered the towns along the way to re-
ceive the hero with suitable demonstrations. Crowds
thronged the line of march to behold the famous cap-
tain, and to gaze at the strange retinue. The Indiana
in flowing plumage and gaudy ornaments had been
seen frequently enough since Columbus first brought
them to Spain, but the tumblers and athletes, the
albinos and monstrosities, were new, and most of the
animals, while curious interest was attracted by the
plants and merchandise, while the heavy coffers that
betokened rare treasures raised eager expectation.
All this, however, served but as a frame to the picture
of the leader, who was conspicuous by his dignified
bearing and simple elegance of dress.
On approaching Seville he was met by the power-
ful duke de Medina Sidonia and conducted with great
pomp to his castle, receiving in return for his own
presents several fine Andalusian horses.^ From here
he proceeded to Guadalupe to hold a novena at this
* Herrera states that he avoided Seville, where Alvarado then happened
to be, preparing to retnm to Guatemala witii his newly secured commiasiaa
as governor. Kemesal gives as reason that he was offended with the lattt
lieutenant for neglectii^ to marry his cousin, as agreed. But. Chyapa, 39.
It is probable that the avoidance was mutual, and based in part at least oil
the interference of Alvarado in Cort^' projects to his own advancement. For
full porticnlara, see Hiat. CenL Am,, iL, this series.
ROYAL HONORS. 307
celebrated shrine and to obtain masses for his dead
friend. It so happened that Maria de Mendoza, wife
of the powerful secretary, Cobos, was there at the
time, attended bjr a large suite. Aware of his influ-
ence with the fair sex, Cortes resolved not to miss so
good an opportunity to win the approval of the im-
perial favorite. Never did his fluent tongue serve
him to better purpose than when he made his bow
before Dona Maria. He even ventured upon a mild
flirtation with her beautiful sister, sighing a subtle
allusion to the chains that bound him to another.*^
All the ladies were enchanted with the gallant and
talented hero, who could so well supplement his fas-
cination with rich presents, and Dofia Maria wrote
the most glowing commendations of her prot^gd to
her lord, sufficient at least to dissipate many of his
prejudices against the adventurer.^^
In promise of coming honors, the sovereign was
pleased to assign Cortes quarters during his stay at
court. On approaching Toledo he was met by the
duke of Bdjar with a brilliant retinue, who con-
ducted him into the city. The following day, in com-
pany with the admiral of the Indies, Cobos, and
others, he was received by the emperor, and kneeling
to kiss his hand was graciously commanded to rise.
He thereupon gave an outline of his achievements,
and illustrated the resources of the country with
specimens of produce, natives, and treasures. In
conclusion he made excuses for the length of his
speech and the boldness of his utterances, and pre-
sented a memorial wherein his services were more
fully recorded. The emperor appeared greatly im-
pressed by the story of the conquest, related with all
** It has even been hinted that Dofia Maria made an effort to unite the two,
and that Cortes' unwillingness made her his enemy, greatly to his preju-
dice. Bat this is unlikely, for the alliance with the duc^ faouly was ab-eady
a settled affiur. Bemal Diaz hints that the match would have procured
liim the greatest favors at court Higt, Verdad,, 225. The sister married
uat long afterward the adelantado of the Canaries.
"Bemal Dias atatee that CoIxni was so pleased that he showed his wife's
(to the king.
906 ERECTION OF BESfiOFBICS— COBXES IN SPAIN.
the skill and grace of which the Estremaduraa was
master, and by his self-possessed dignity and evident
loyalty. Charles frequently called the hero to his
presence to be entertained by his conversation, or to
consult him upon affairs of state, particularly concern-
ing Mexico, and many of his suggestions for its
government were carried out. Taking their cue from
the emperor, the courtiers danced attendance upon
the adventurer, and stayed awhile their superciUous
slander. Cortes became the fashion ; and he seemed
to play his part as well at the court of Charles as
at that of Montezuma. His audacity was charming;
at times, indeed, startling to old courtiers. One Sun-
day, it is related, he had been commanded to attend
mass at the court chapel. He surprised the assembly
by coming late, and further by passing in front of
royalty and taking a seat beside the duke of Nassau,
a sovereign prince of Germany. The disturbance
was hardly calmed by the information that Cortes
had been instructed so to proceed. A still more
conspicuous mark of favor 'was a visit of the em-
peror to his chamber during an illness arising from
change of climate and other causes. This act of con-
descension created general remark, and was regarded
by many as suflScient compensation for the greatest
services.*^
More substantial honors were accorded by cddulas
of July 6, 1529, whereby Cortes, in consideration of
his many achievements in acquiring for the crown
and church so many provinces, at great personal risk,
and in order to set an example for good and loyal ser-
vice, was granted twenty-two towns in New Spain,
chiefly in Oajaca, to contain not exceeding twenty-
three thousand vassals, including their lands and sub-
ordinate hamlets, civil and criminal jurisdiction, ofifices
and rentals, and with full power to dispose thereof
^It was the greatest of all favors bestowed upon Cort^ 'desafaciado de
loB Medicos. * Pkarro y OrcUlana, Varones IlvtL^ 120. This occurred a few daya
Jiftar lufl arrival at Toledo, says Bemal Diaz, at the instance of B^jar. HisL,
EXTENSIVE GRANTS. 309
according to his pleasure and that of his heirs." He
had been offerea his choice throughout New Spain^
although the kingdom of Michoacan was pointea out
for selection; but he preferred the fertile valley of
Oajaca, together with a few places particularly ad-
mired in and round the lake valley, including the two
favorite towns of Coyuhuacan and Cuernavaca, which
he had fancied from the first, Huastepec, with its
famed gardens, Jalapa, the beautiful health-resort
lying half-way between Vera Cruz and the plateau
summit, the seaport of Tehuantepec, and several
places in the fertile province of Matlalzinco. The
text of the grant contained the usual ambiguities
which enabled opponents to dispute the claim on many
points, and reduce it, as will be related in a later chap-
ter. He also received certain lands and lots in and
near Mexico city, notably the two palaces, old and
new, of Montezuma, and two isles in the lake, Xico
and Tepepulco, each about half a league in circum-
ference, and intended for hunting-parks.**
" ' Como de cosavnestra, propia.' Appeals from him or his alcalde mayor
could, however, be made to the king, council, or audiencias; no fortress must
be erected without permission; mines and salt-fields were retained for the
crown; but the jurisdiction, revenues, and tribute otherwise due to the crown
were conceded to him and his heirs. In case of transfer, church and convents
could not be included without royal permission; nor could a sale be made
without first giving the refusal to the sovereign. The estate was subject to
the regulations for government issued December 4, 1528. Possession could be
taken from date. This document, wherein Cort^ is addressed as * Don, and
governor and captain -general of New Spain,' is dated at Barcelona, July 6,
1529, and countersigned by Secretary Francisco de los Cobos, the bishoji of
Osma, who was the president of the Council, and Doctor Beltraii, licentiate
for the court. Pacheco and Cdrdetias, Col. Doc., xii. 291-7. Tlie towns named
in the c^dula are: Caljmacan (Coyuhuacan), Atlacabuye (Atlacubaya, later
Tacabaya), Matalcingo (Matlalzinco), Taluca (Toluca), Calimaya, Quanixaca
(Quauhnahuac, later Cuernavaca), Guastepeque (Huastepec), Acapiptla (Aca-
pichtla), Antepeque (Antenec), Tepuzlan (Tepotzotlan), Guaxaca (Oajaca),
Caynlapeque (Cuitlopan probably), Tlantequila (Tenquilaba), Bacoa (Tepeaca
probably), Teguamtepeque (Tehuantepec, a seaport), xalapa (Jalapa), Utlate-
Deque (Uuitlatepec), Atroyatan (perhaps Atloixtlau), Qaeta^jta (Cuetlachtlan),
Tnztlatapeca (Tuxtepec, evidently), Yzcalpan. Gomara, who differs consid-
erably in spelling, adds Etlan, as the twenty-second town. Hist. Mex., 284.
The list of the towns, hamlets, and farms, accordiuj^ to the modified list of
1532, is given in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col Doc., xii. 500-2. See also PufjOy
Cedulario, 66-7; Montemayor, Svtnarios, 150-2.
^ The latter, known also as £1 Pefiol del Marques, was the scene of exploit
when the first fleet sailed against Tenochtitlan. See Hist Mex. , i. 625, this series.
!nie boundaries of the lots and the land along Tlacopan road are minutely
310 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS— CORTES IN SPAIN.
There was one thing above all, however, that Cort^
longed for — a title. Wealth he possessed, and lands
he could acquire, but the credential of nobility, to
raise him above the rank of adventurer, give him a
place in the select circle of the court, and even to
admit him into the fellowship of grandees, this the
sovereign alone could confer, and charily enough it
was dispensed to the man of inferior connection, how-
ever great his merits. The emperor understood the
longing, and perceiving the necessity for some such
recognition of great services, since the grant of estates
was really a mere confirmation of what Cortes already
possessed, he gave him the title of Marques del Valle
de Oajaca.^ Henceforth the name of Cortes gave
way gradually to the designation Marquds del valle,
Oajaca being rarely used, though the mere term * the
marquis' was his common appellation in New Spain,
just as Hhe admiral' was set apart for Columbus.*
The title and authority of captain-general of New
Spain and provinces, and coasts of the South Sea,
were also conferred on him, with power to appoint
and remove lieutenants.^
Cortes had evidently expected a dukedom, with a
proportionately larger domain, for when the several
documents for title and estates were presented, he
declined to receive them, declaring the reward imequal
^ven in Pacheco and CdrdenaSf CoL Doc, xii 376-81; Reales CiduUu^ MS.,
1. 48-9. See also Carjiedo, Estudios Hist,, ii. 7. The grant of the isles is
dated 6th of July, that of the lots, July 27, 1529, though Icazbalceta, Col.
Doc, iL 28-9, prints July 23. Among the lands was the Tlaspana, afterward
known as Rancho de los Tepetates.
»* This grant is dated July 6th, the 'July 20th,' in CoL Doc IrUd,, L 105-8,
being an error. Yet in a cedula of April Ist he is already called Marques.
Pacheco and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc, xii. 379-«0.
''The grant of marquisates became more common after this, chiefly in
connection with services in the Indies. Pizarro received it, and Ck>bo« was
made Marques de Cameraza, shortly after Cortes. There was an evident dis-
inclination to increase the number of dukes, and so this half-way concession
was tendered where the merits really deserved a dukedom.
^ This commission is also dated July 6th, but is merely a formal repetition
of one issued April 1, 1529, in answer to an appeal for his reinstatement, both
as governor ana captain-general. He was told that the governorship could
not be granted till the residencia reports arrived. JiecU C^aula and TUulo, in
Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col, Doc, xii. 379-80, 384-6; Panes, Kire^es, in Jf cmw-
97ienU)8 Dortiiti, Esp., MS., 71; CoL Doc In6d,, i. 103-d.
NOT ENOUGH. 311
to his services. When summoned before the emperor,
he observed that the sovereign could not have been
properly uiformed of the extent and resources of the
country he had gained for the crown, or of the
immense efforts for its conquest. "Cortds, what I
have given is not in final payment of your services,"
was the politic reply. *' I shall deal with you as the
archer at practice, whose aim g^radually improves till
he hits the mark. Receive therefore what I have
given, as an earnest, until, with a better understanding
of how matters are yonder, I shall be able to conform
more entirely to your merits."^ CortiSs could not but
kiss the royal hand and accept, though he was by no
means satisfied. Indeed, when the partial concession
of a habit of Santiago was tendered, he declined it on
the ground that no adequate rental or encomienda ac-
companied the title to support it.^
Among his most cherished desires was the rein-
stallation as governor, both as a solace for his injured
pride, and for the power it conferred to grant offices,
encomiendas, and other favors to adRerents. The
latter was sufficient inducement both for patrons and
friends to support the application with powerful argu-
ments and repeated instances. But the counter-
argument of opponents proved stronger, upheld as
they were by reports from New Spain, where his
enemies now held sway. Neither did the emperor
desire a repetition of the troubles which promised
to arise from such an appointment, nor, perhaps, to
hold out the temptation it offered to an ambitious
subject not wholly satisfied with the reward granted
for his services. The suspicions concerning Cortes'
'^CorUs, MemoriaJLj in CoL Doe, In£d., iv. 224-^. A subetantlal increase
in faYon never came, and for years afterward we find him clamoring about the
neglect* and the reduction in his grants owing to ambiguous documents.
*Yet his name remained on the renster of the order. 7'orreH^ Ifuit..
{irderuu MiL, 103. The honor was hardly worth his while, as a marquis.
His two natural sons Martin and Luis received it. Most writers, including
Presoott* consider the reward as a whole ^ratifying, but his biographer
Pizarro v Orellana hesitates not to write, * Todas parecieron pequeiliis, cou-
aiderando los servicios, lealtad, y hazafias deste grau Caudillo ' — an expression
-which appears to echo a wide-spread sentiment. Varoaes llrtU.t 120.
312 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICSk-CORTliS IN SPAIN.
loyalty had evidently revived to some extent, and it
had furthermore been concluded for the present to
try the eflScacy of an audiencia in that country. In
any case the result of the residencia must be awaited.
The crown had long been impressed with the policy
of not confiding the government of a new region to-
its conqueror, and this even before Columbus demon-
strated the wisdom of the measure by his failurea
The Great Captain had aspired to rule in Naples, but
was recalled for a different reward. These and other
answers were given to the applicants, but, aware
probably that a delay would lessen their chances, ther
persisted till the emperor returned a sharp refusal.
'* Speak no more of it," he said to the duke of Nassau,
who was among the supporters of the petitions ; " he
has now a marquisate with greater rental than all
your duchy yields." Cortds' influence was evidently
waning, and while the reason may readily be found in
the severe reports of the residencia judges, additional-
ones have been alleged in the offence he is supposed
to have given the empress by bestowing on another
the choicest of the gems brought from Mexico, after
receiving her intimation to inspect them, and by neg-
lecting to court the favor of the president of the
council and Secretary Cobos, on obtaining his mar*
quisate.*^
One more concession was made, however, both as
an honor and to promote the interest and extension
of the crown, by permitting him to make discovery ex-
peditions in the South Sea of New Spain, and to con-
quer and settle any island or coast thereof, westward,,
not included in the grants to others, such as those to-
Narvaez and Guzman. Of all such discoveries and
conquests he was made governor, magistrate, and
^•Bernal Diaz, Jfigt. Verdad., 225-6, points wholly to these additional
reasons, particularly to the latter. Cortes relied too much on the support of
B^jar, and of the sovereign prince of Nassau, hy whose friendship he was
deeply impressed, while Cobos and President Loaisa objected to this foreign
interloper. * Porq no piense ningun conquistador que se le deue,' is Gomara'a-
chief reason for the refusal of the government. Hist. Mex,, 2Si.
FUKTHER INDUCEMBNTS. 319
aJguacil mayor for life, with power to appoint officials
and depntiea Further, one twelfth of all such land
was granted to him till a full report concerning its
nature and resources should enable the sovereign
better to decide. This grant was in consideration
of the expense he would incur as discoverer and con-
queror. He must be governed by the regulations
lately issued for discovery expeditions, wherein it is
forbidden to take anything from the natives without
pajnnent or permission, including their labor, or to
carry them away from their country, or to enslave
them, save for refusing the faith or to submit to the
sovereign. Two friars or clergymen must accompany
the expedition to convert and instruct the natives, to
prepare a report upon them and the country, and
to give permission for enslavement when this was
deemed indispensable. Enrolment of men for the
expedition must not be made from among actual set-
tlers/^ This conunission was issued in October 1529
by the queen, the emperor having gone to Italy to be
crowned.
In the distribution of favors the friends and com-
panions of Cortes also received a share in the form of
coats of arms, offices, and lands, together with a con-
firmation of the encomiendas already granted them.
All who took part in the actual conquest were per-
mitted to carry weapons even in Spain.** The young
native nobles who came with Cortds were given in
charge of Friar Antonio de Ciudad Rodrigo to re-
ceive dresses and religious images, and to be taken
*^ These essential features for the government of discoverers, part of a
o^nla issued November 7, 1527, are incorporated in the commission to Cortes
dated October 27, 1529. On the 5th of November following, a confirmatory
oedula was issned, detailing certain powers to be exercised by the governor,
such as exiling and punishing objectionable persons. The text of both is
given in Pvga, Cedulario, 36-7; Col Doc InM., i. 108-22, ii. 401-5; PaHieco
and Cardenas, CoL Doc,, xii. 490-6, xxii. 285-95; Alaman, Disert., ii. app. ii.
21-5; 8oe. Mex, Otog., Boletin, v. 325-6. By decrees of May 9 and June 9,
1530, Juan Galbarro and Juan de Sdmano of Tenochtitlan were appointed
treasurer and comptroller, respectively, of the lands Cortes might discover
and occupy in the South Sea. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 77-83.
^ ' £n estoe Beynos, como en la Nueva Espafia, pudiesseu traer armas
ofeDaiaafl, y defensiuas/ Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vi. cap. iv.
314 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS-CORTfiS IN SPAIN.
home.** To the daughters of Montezuma, whom
Cortes had taken under his care at Mexico, were con-
firmed the estates given them by him on their mar-
riage,** to the great delight of the natives, who
regarded this act as a favor to the whole people. The
services of the Tlascaltecs were further remembered
by exempting them from being given in encomienda
even to the crown.**
Shortly after receiving the title of marquis, Cortds
was formally united to the woman already bound to
him by his father,** the beautiful and spirited Juana
Kamirez de Arellano y Ziiniga, daughter of the sec-
ond conde de Aguilar, and niece of the duque de
B(5jar,*^ a connection which admitted him to the inti-
mate circles of the highest society in Spain, Bril-
liant as the marriage must be regarded for Cortes, it
does not appear to have been looked upon as a conde-
scension on the part of the bride, for the groom
ranked as one of the most famous generals of the
age, the rumored possessor of untold wealth and
unlimited resources, and withal a gentleman by birth,
whose credit for services rendered and opportunities
to render more, promised for him even greater honors
and grants than he had received. All this was tempt-
ing even to the foremost of Spain's grandees, among
whom wealth was not over-abundant, and the uncle the
duke is said to have been quite eager for the match.
Many of the grandees dated their boasted titles but
^The dress is described in a special decree to that eflfect, in TemcatX'
CompanSf Voy., s^rie iL torn. v. 88.
** So far one or two out of four had married it appears. Cort^' saocessor
took away the grants, and these were now restored, chiefly as a matter of
policy.
** Herrera, loc. cit.
^ Bejar ' trato con mucho calor de casar le. Y assi le caso con dofta Inana
. . .por los poderes que tuuo Martin Cortes.' Oamara^ Hist. Mex,, 284.
"The father was Cirlos Kamirez de Arellano, the mother, Juana de
Ziiftiga, daughter of Conde de Baiiares, first-bom of Xlvaro de Ztlfiiga, first
duke of Bejar. Both families came of royal blood. The title of Conde
Aguilar de Inestrillas was created in 1476, in favor of Arellano, first gentle-
man of the bedchamber. The title of the duke de Bejar was created in
1485. Siculo, Corns Mem., 24-5; Claviaero, Storia Mess., iii. 236; Alaman,
Disert., iL 123. ' Hermana del Conde de Aguilar,' says Herrera, dec iv. lib.
iv. cap. i., from which it would appear that the father had already died.
THE BRIDES JEWELS, 315
one or two generations back, and beyond this they
ranked with the ordinary nobility, to which Cortes'
ancestors belonged.
Juana was indeed an envied bride, and the more so
when she appeared at court decked in the magnficent
jewels bestowed by her husband. The choicest were
five stones of great size and brilliancy supposed to bo
emeralds, and so pronounced by experts, for one of
which forty thousand ducats was oflfered.** They had
been cut by Aztec lapidaries with admirable skill and
taste, three in the form of a rose, a bugle, and a fish,
the fourth as a bell, with a pearl for clapper, and
bearing on the rim the inscription, " Blessed the one
who reared thee." The fifth and finest was in the
shape of a cup, with golden foot, and four chains
secured by a pearl which served for the handle. The
golden rim bore the scripture text, "Inter natos mu-
iierum non surrexit major." **
Quite a number of people were gratified with a share
of the precious stones, pearls and gold trinkets brought
by Cortes, all distributed with politic calculation. A
portion was set apart to procure spiritual favors,
through the instrumentality of Juan de Eada, who
was sent to Italy to kiss the feet of Clement VII. in
the name of his master, to relate his efibrts for the
advancement of the faith, and represent the spiritual
wants of the newly conquered region, among which
were more friars, and a reduction of tithes. The pope
held solemn services to render thanks for the acauisi-
tion of so many souls, and issued a number of bulls
^But refiued, says Gomara, though Herrera, ubl sup., writes: 'Le dauaii
por ella mercaderes de Seuilla; quarenta mil ducados,' to resell to the Great
Turk. The stones have since ueen classed as jade or serpentine, since no
emeralds exist in Mexico. Alaman, DiserL, iL 31.
^* These five stones, * ^ue las apodaron en cien mil ducados/ were lost when
Cortes landed at Algiers m 1541, during the storm which wrecked a part of
the Spanish fleet Oomara, Hwt. Mex,, 2S4. 347; Caro, Trts Sijlos, i. 75.
These, the 'finest jewels possessed by woman in 8i)ain,* had been descrided to
the empress, and roused her curiosity. Cortes was informed that she wished
to see and probably to buy them, and, unwilling to part with them, they were
sent to his wife before appearing at court, according to Gomara. Tliia waa
probably represented to the empress with a little exaggeration, and she re-
membered it to his prejudice. BemdL Diaz, Hist, Verdad,, 226.
316 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS— CX)RTfiS IN SPAIN.
granting absolution to conquerors for excesses, indul-
gencies for churches and hospitals, and special favors-
for Cortes and Eada, for the former notably the per-
petual patronage of hospitals founded in his name,
and the legitimation of his natural children.^ The
favors for Kada consisted chiefly of recommendations
for his advancement, and these not being carried out,
the disappointed soldier went to Peru, where in the
capacity of an Almagrist captain he led the onslaught
wherein fell the mighty Pizarro."
After the departure of the emperor from Spain^
Cortes found no reason to prolong his stay. He felt
on the contrary that he must hasten back to Mexico
to protect his interests before it was too late. The
decision of the crown to appoint a new government
for New Spain gave cause for delay, however, as it
would be preferable that he should not enter inta
Mexico before the change had taken place. The
representations from there sought, indeed, to prevent
his return at any time. The India Council appear
to have advised him to wait yet a while ; but, finding
that the delay would prove long, he disregarded the
hint, and early in the spring of 1530^* he left Se-
ville, attended by a brilliant retinue of companions
and servants, nearly four hundred, well armed and
equipped, and befitting his position as a leading noble
of the kingdom, and the central figure in the empire
he had won. He was accompanied by his wife and
^ These ore named as Martin Cortes, Luis de Altamirano, and Catarina
Pizarro. The only hospital so far founded by Cort& was de la Purisima Con-
cepcion, now Jesus Nazareno. The bulls are given in AlaTnany Duert., ii.
app. ii. 26-48. By request of the sovereign to whom belonged the patronage
of churches, Cortes surrendered the bull granting to him such privileges.
Puga^ CedulariOf 75; Pacheco and Cdrdenas, CoL Doe., xiii. 237-41.
^^ He was an hidalgo from the mountains of Castile. Almagro the elder
at first placed him in charge of his son Diego, who later made him maestro
de campo. 'Su Santidad le hizo merced. . .de le hazer Conde Palatine,* is
Bemal l>iaz' addition to favors granted him by the pojpe. Jliat. Verdad., 227,
*=* A royal decree forbidding his entrance irto Mexico is dated March 22,
1630, Pac/ieco and Cardenas, CoL Doc, xii. 403-5, hence he must have left
before that date. In a letter to the emperor, Cort& explains that he waited
for some time at Seville, and subsequently at San Liicar, hoping to join the
new oidores. Escritoa Sueltos, lll-S, Alaman assumes without good reasoiL
that he was bidden to wait for tiie oidores. Diaert,, ii. 32
RETUKN TO BIEXIOO. 317
mother, and proud indeed must have been the parent
to share in the ovation which fell from every side
upon the renowned conqueix)r, and to witness the
scenes of his achievements."
After waiting at San Domingo for over two
months, in vain expectation of the new oidores,
Cortes found the cost of maintaining four hundred
men too severe; he therefore proceeded, and arrived
safely at Vera Cruz the 15th of July.
His reception was not unlike that tendered him
four years before, when he was hailed by oppressed
natives and persecuted Spaniards as a savior. It was
not fully understood on the present occasion what
power he possessed, but the mere presence of the
hero, fresh from the hallowed circle of the court, and
radiant with the honors and retinue of a grandee, was
enough to obtain for him an ovation worthy of his
pretensions. The natives, in whose eyes none could
compare with Malinche, the conqueror, were the most
demonstrative, as with flowers they strewed the path
before him, and crowded round to place at his feet
their presents, from the humble offering of provisions
on the part of the poor common people, to the embroi-
dered robes and glittering jewels of the caciques and
nobles.^ The demonstrations by the Spaniards, who
flocked from everv part of the country to meet him,*^*^
were fraught chiefly with abusive accounts of the
audiencia, and loud complaints over the outrages com-
mitted against them.
Cortes exhibited his commission to the municipaUty
of Vera Cruz, and caused himself to be proclaimed
captain-general, whereupon he took formal possession
** Under their care came a nnmber of Franciscan nnnB and a dozen friars
of the order of Mercy. BemcU Diaz, Hist, Verdad., 231; Pachcco and Cdrde-
wju^ CoItDoc, xiii. 412.
^ A later investigation made it appear that the costly presents were with-
•drawn from the eyes of officials, ana that Ck>rtes sent secretlv to Spain some
10,000 pesos' worth of trinkets. Ir\formaeionj in Pacheco and Cdrdenas^ Col
Doc, xu. 531-40,
** ' Casi todos los Espafioles de Mexico, con achaque de salir a recibir le.
IStL pooofl diaa se lejntaron mas de mil.' Oimara^ Hist, Mex,, 286-7
818 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS-OORTAS IN SPAIN.
of Izcalpan, five leagues from the port, as one of the
towns granted him bv the crown.^
Both alarmed and angered at these independent
proceedings, the oidores sent orders for all Spaniards
to return to their towns under severe penalties/^ so as
to enable them to keep back Cortes, and perhaps to
drive him from the country. The natives were for-
bidden to hold intercourse with him, or to supply him
food. As for the authorities at Vera Cruz who had
countenanced the captain-general, they were punished^
and Alcalde Mejfa received orders to dispossess him^
and cast down the gibbet erected on his grant in sign
of authority. The oidores had heard of the coming
of new members from Spain, but seem to have at first
regarded them as intended to replace their defunct
associates, and they felt therefore as confident as ever.
Others understood the case rightly, however, and
many had suffered too much already from the audi-
encia to fear additional persecution, so that they pre-
ferred to remain with their old leader.
While at Vera Cruz, Cortes received a decree from
the queen forbidding him to approach within ten
leagues of Mexico, until the new audiencia arrived,
lest his presence should give rise to troubles. '^ He
resolved nevertheless to leave the unhealthy coast and
establish his headquarters at Tezcuco, although this
lay within the prescribed limit, for here alone could
he have ready access to supplies for his numerous ret-
inue. In their alarm the oidores sent an appeal to
Guzman for aid, and took steps to defend the capitaL
Cortds being both unwilling and afraid to create dis-
turbance, commissioned Bishop Garc^s and some or
^ Also called La Rinconada. According to his opponents these proceed*
ings were arrogantly conducted, ' con alguna manera de bollicio,' and this is
not unlikely with so large a band of turbulent followers. It is even said thai
he claimed all manner of authority not mentioned in his commission, and
threatened to hang the oidores. Letters of Salmeron and Ouianan, in Paeh&»
and Cdrdenaa, Col. Doc., xiii. 190, 412.
*' * So pena de muerte.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. viiL cap. ii.
••This bore the date March 22d, and was read to him also at Tlascala by
an officer of the audiencia, on August 9th.
INFAMOUS PEMBCUnONS. 319
the friars to represent his peaceful intents. If their
military preparations had for an object the pacification
of some district, he as captain-general would take
charge of any such undertaking, otherwise he implored
and even commanded them to pursue a peaceful course
This representation had a certain efiect, but the re*
sentment of the oidores was not relaxed. They laid
hands on the remaining property of their opponent,
cutting oflF all supplies from that source, and then
sought by strict orders and severe punishment to
lessen his intercourse with the natives, and by dimin-
ishing the contributions on which he subsisted to
drive him away."^
Galled by the deference shown to him, they sought
to rouse a hostile feeling among the Spaniards by de-
claring that the laws restricting encomiendas and other
privileges were due to his eftbrts. Under these re-
strictions Cortes' party was brought to such a stress,
according to his own statement, that more than a hun-
dred died from want of food, including his aged mother.
This, however, was exaggeration, and the deaths
must be attributed chiefly to the usual fever which so
frequently attacked new-comers. Though resolved
not to be driven to overt acts, he felt it necessary to
intimate that unless the persecution relaxed he would
be obliged to seize the towns granted him by the
emperor, so as to save the rest of his party from star-
vation. Greater harmony was also necessary to check
the growing insubordination among the natives, who
felt encouraged by the dissension to. attack isolated
Spaniards.* Reasoning and meditation had their
effect, and Cortes remained at his camp to await the
new rulers.
^Algoaciles were constantly busy arresting chiefs and purveyors, and
leading them to punishment with halters round the neck. Cortis, Escritos
SutUo^r 228.
''The lord of Tezcuco killed several chiefs and took refuge in sanctuary to
escape arrest. Zujndrraga, LeUre, in Temattx-Compang, Toy., a^rie ii. torn. v.
181. ' Y no en mnchos diaa faltnan mas de dozientos/ writes Gomara some-
what liastQy. Hist. Mex,, 287.
CHAPTER XVI,
THE SECOND AUDIENCIA AND ITS REFOBMS.
1590-1532.
Thb New Pbxstdent akd Oidores— Their Instructiovs^Msasvbxs iok
Settlers aud Natives— Sumptuary Laws— Impressive Eittrt of the
Oidores — The Government House — Swearing Allegiance to the
Sovereign— Kesidencia and Fate of Matienzo and Deloadillo—
Correoimiento System Introduced— A Check to Slavery — Advance-
ment OF Natives — Social Keforms — ^Founding of Puebla of the
Angels — Secret Order to Restrict Enoomibndas— General Clamok
AGAiNfirr It— The Conquerors and thsir Reward.
After the reception in Spain of Bishop Zomdr-
raga's raking denunciation of the audiencia, every
ship that left Mexico carried scores of letters detail-
ing the ceaseless abuses of which Spaniards as well as
Indians were victims. The conduct of Guzman dur-
ing his brief sway at Pdnuco was known already at
court, and now that to these charges were added
others still more damnatory, as well as complaints
against Matienzo and Delgadillo, it became evident
to Charles that his ministers had erred in the selec-
tion of men to whom the destinies of the colony had
been confided. ' He resolved on their removal, and as
his presence abroad was necessary, he charged the
empress to see justice dealt to these malefactors, and
worthy persons sent to take their places. Isabel of
Portugal was a princess of noble sentiments and of
sterling sense. Having submitted the matter to the
council, she resolved to make a viceroyalty of New
Spain, and to send thither as ruler from among the
nobles surrounding the throne a man whose birth and
THE PRESIDENCY. 321
|)OBition were guaranties not only of his loyalty but
of his freedom from the excessive avarice and vile
ambition native to men like Guzman. But time was
required both for selecting such a person, and to ena-
ble him to make preparations; and as the ills of New
Spain demanded an immediate remedy, it was decided
to send a new audiencia composed of members well
known for prudence and rectitude.* Some trouble
was encountered in the selection, several persons ex-
cusing themselves; but finallv the presidency was
-conferred upon Sebastian Bamirez de Fuenleal, some-
time inquisitor of Seville and oidor of Granada, and
then bishop of Santo Domingo and president of the
audiencia of that island.' He was informed immedi-
ately of the appointment, and ordered to be ready to
join his colleagues on their arrival at Santo Domin-
go.* The selection of the oidores was intrusted to
the venerable bishop of Badajoz, president of the
audiencia of Valladolid, with instructions to choose
only those worthy of association with the illustrious
prelate. The bishop, after due deliberation, named
Juan de Salmeron, Alonso Maldonado, Francisco
Ceynos,* and Vasco de Quiroga for these positions;
and the nominations were acce{)ted without question
by the empress.
Salmeron had acquired both skill and reputation as
alcalde mayor of Castilla del Oro, and Ceynos as late
^ The aiipomtment had been determined upon early in March 1690— see
-the queen s decree in Padieco and Cdrderuu, Cot Doc, zii. 404 — but the
oidores were not officially named until the 12th of July following. Puga,
Cedulario, 37.
s Of the family of the ooimt of ViUaescnsa de Haro, bom in the province
of Caenca, and well educated at the college of Santa Cruz at VaUadoIid. He
had been made third bishop of Santo Domingo in 1524, and three years later,
president of the audiencia established there. Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. i. ;
IkBUm Bioa., in Cartas de Ind,, 829; Mex., Not, Ciudad, 266. Oviedo, i. 82,
aays that he was also bishop of Oonoepcion de la Vega in the island of Santo
Domingo.
*The order was dated April 12, 1590. Oaiuaim DdvUa, L 262.
*I have preferred the spelling of PugOy Cedutario, 56, and of Cort^, Beat
ddula, in Packeeo and Cdrdenu, Col. Xhc, ziii. 241. Torquemada, Monq.
Iwi.y i. 603^ twists the name into ' Gavnos.' Lacunza, Diaeurao, HisL, 459, says
* Cainos. ' They eame respectively from Madrid, Salamanca, Toro, or Zamora^
mod MadrigaL BenudDim, HkL Verdad,, 230
Hicrr. Max., Vol. IL 21
att THE SECOND AUDIENCIA AND ITS REFORMS.
fiscal to the Council of the Indies, was admirabljr
fitted to act as oidor, but Quiroga's leanings were of
too clerical a character/ According to the instruc-
tions, dated July 12, 1530, on arrival in New Spain
they were to forward to their predecessors the letter
of the empress, notifying them of the change. Their
residence at Mexico should be the palace of Cortes,,
who would be asked to sell it at a fair appraisement.
In the absence of the president, the oldest oidor must
preside. As protection of the natives was particu-
larly enjoined, they must strictly adhere to the order
disregarded by the former audiencia, to hold no na-
tives, not even the ten servants allowed to the former,
their pay being for that reason increased by one fourth.*
All unfinished business pending before the first audi-
encia was to be promptly despatched.^ The residencia
of the late oidores and officials should be proclaimed
without delay,® and if guilty they must be sent to
Spain, t(^ether with the papers in the case.^ Guz-
*So observes Mendoza, Carta, in Florida, Col Doc, L 121-2. See Hist,
Cent, Am,, i., this series. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. viL cap. viii, says that 'el
Conseio supremo daua priessa en la partida de los nnenos Oydores, i Pfoca-
rana de enibiarlos con mucha conformidad de el Marques del Valle.' Taken
alone the latter part of the sentence might be construed to mean that Cort^*
feelings or wishes were consulted in the appointment of the oidores, but it
refers most likely to the orders given that Cortes and the oidores should sail
together; for Cortes himself admits that the matter was not referred to his
juasment. Escntos SueUos, 176-8.
•The salary amounted to 600,000 maravedls. Puga, Cedulario, 110. Mo-
reno, Frcuj, Quiroga, 13, says 600,000, which may include extras. The late
oidores should be made to pay the natives employed by them, and if anv
of the laborers had died the amount should be appUed to the hospital fund.
Land and other property extorted should be returned, even in case of h(ma
fide sale, if rightful owners so demanded. The fees of audiencia officers should
be the same as those of Valladolid and Granada.
^ Including the residencia of Cortes. But this had already been concluded.
The accounts of the late administrator of decedents' estates, Lopez de i(vila»
were to be examined, and, as the office had been abolished owing to fraadn-
lent management, the unsettled estates and fees must be taken in charge. In
1550 a ju^ado de bienes de difuntos was established, from which tibe crown
derived a goodly revenue. Recop. de Indias, i 489. For previous regulations,
see Puga, Cedulario, 13, 14, 20, 73-4; Fonseca, Hist, Hacienda, v. 458.
^ The process was specified, yet Fuenleal in a letter of the 30th of April,
1532, asked for further instructions. Carta, in Padieoo and Cdrdenae, CoL
Doc, xiii. 206-9.
*The royal officials had already been ordered to Spain, but the factor had
alone presented himself. They must now be sent after having submitted
their accounts and left deputies. One charge against them waswe engaging
in business contrary to instructioBs. The residencia of alcalde mayores might
INSTRUCTIONS. 328
man, if not guilty, should return to Pdnuco.*® The
estates of Cortes should be restored, and friendly
relations maintained. This applied also to adherents
who had suflTered in his cause," and to all whose prop-
erty had been unjustly seized.
In distributing encomiendas they should give con-
querors the preference, without favoritism, the limit
for such grants in the towns being two hundred* pesos
income.^ The towns might for the present elect their
own alcaldes. Sumptuary laws should be enforced
with more strictness, since extravagance in dress and
living was a cause for oppressing the natives. Gam-
bling must be punished, yet the fines imposed for
offences committed in this respect during the period
of conquest were to be remitted, except in extreme
cases. ^^ Concubinage must be suppressed, yet in such
a manner as to cause no social disturbance. Wliile
the maintenance of harmonious relations with the
clergy was a duty, as otherwise the salvation of souls
would be unattainable, they were instructed to report,
after their acquaintance with the country, whether
the actual bishops of Mexico and Tlascala were fitted
to occupy those positions, and if it were not well to
increase the number of bishoprics. The crown had
been informed that, contrary to the agreement made
with all bishops of the Indies, the two referred to
were in the habit of collecting personal tithes; this
must be strictly prohibited in any form. Friars could
be taken by depaties. Alguacil Mayor Proafio should, if reinstated, as not
gailty, be restricted to the power enjoyed by similar officers in Valladolid and
Granada.
**Or a lieutenant should be appointed. Puga, CedulariOy 45. It was
pointed out afterward that this province was too poor to support a governor,
and Faenleal recommended the appointment of a settler as alcal(fe mayor,
for sole ruler, with some deputies to collect taxes. Carta, in Pacheco and
Cdrdenas, CoL Doc., xiii. 222.
^' Such as Paz' brothers, Altamirano, who returned to testify against Gu2>
man, Ordaz, and others.
^' All petitions to the emperor in this and other cases should first be exam-
ined by we audiencia, to guajd against unfounded pretensions and statements.
'•By decree of 1530 Cortes was ordered to have restored to him 12,000
pesos in fines for eight years of j^^unbling. Paxiieco and Cdrdeiuis, in Col Doc,
3^1. 510. RegnlatioiiB were also issued to restrict gambling. Puga, Cedularhp
70; Otxienu dt la Corona, MS., i. 60-4.
324 THE SECOND AUDIENCIA AND ITS REFORMS.
hold no encomiendas, and exiactions by them should
be redressed and punished."
The nuns sent to teach native girls should be pro-
tected and favored both by the audiencia and the
bishops. The care of the natives was particularly
enjoined, and Bishop Zumdrraga received praise for
his energetic defence of them. There must be no
more branding, and traffic in slaves must be reformed
or abolished. Wrongfully enslaved natives were to
be hberated. Conversion being a main obj ect, churches
should be erected, religious education promoted, and
exemplary life set forth. In order to promote the
spread of Spanish customs and culture the audiencia
should appoint, from among Indians dwelhng in the
towns of the Spaniards, two regidores and an alguacil,
to sit in cabildo with the Spanish officers, who imder
penalty of the royal displeasure must treat them with
the greatest consideration.^^ On the other hand, they
must not be initiated into branches of knowledge
which might endanger the colonists. They shomd
not be allowed to ride, and neither horses nor mules
must be sold or given to them under penalty of death
and confiscation. The sale or gift of arms to them
was also forbidden. A full report of the condition
and resources of all the provinces subjugated must be
sent in, also information concerning adjoming districts,
officials, and other subjects. Encouragement should
be given to the cultivation of flax and other products,
and all women, natives and Spanish, should Imow how
to spin and weave.
The belief in the existence of a hill of silver in
Michoacan still lingered in the royal imagination, and
it was ordered that careful assays should be made, not
only here but in all provinces where the precious
metals existed. The crown had abandoned its claim
to all tithes on gold taken from mines, which were
'*It was instanced that the Franciscana had exacted gold fzx>m the Cem-
poalana.
i& Fraud on the part of interpreters should be prevented by employing two
to give separate renderings
THE NEW OIDORES. 325
HOW free to all, but no gold having been obtained,
except from natives, the royal intent was defeated;
it was ordered, therefore, that the privilege should be
annulled. Frauds against the treasury, in non-pay-
ment of tribute, secretion of moneys, and unauthor-
ized loans, must be investigated, and in order to
protect the custom-house revenue the three crown-
officers were to reside at Vera Cruz, each in turn, and,
conjointly with a regidor and the justice of that city,
appraise all cargoes m the presence of a notary.**
Meanwhile fresh complaints of Guzman and the
oidores continued to arrive, until it seemed that their
sole aim had been to disobey every instruction given
to them. The newly appointed oideros had been for
some time at Seville," and were now hurried away.
They sailed on the 16th of September, 1530, with
orders to touch at Santo Domingo so that their presi-
dent might join them, but on account of stormy
weather they were unable to obey these instructions,
and landed at Vera Cruz at the end of, the year.^
With them went several persons appointed to office, and
others on whom the emperor had conferred honors for
distinguished services.*^ The report of the coming of
the new audiencia, so long expected in Mexico, had been
^Many of the iiiBtractioiiB are mere repetitiona of those issued to the firs
aadiencia, and others are trivial. Thejr are all to be found in Pu//a, Cedula^
tio, 38 et seq.; Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. viii. Many are incorporated
in the general laws of Becop. de Indias, Zamora, Bib. Leg. UU., and Monte-
majfor, Svmanos, The ordinances for the ffovemmeut of the audiencia were
similar to thoee given to the previous body. See also Feiueca^ IlisL Han-
emia, i. iL v.; Ocnzalez Ddtnla, Teairo Eclea., i. 24. Puga's work, properly
entitled PfuUpu8 SecttndM, etc., Provunones, Cedulcu, 1 nstmmentos, eir., Mex-
ico, 1563, is remarkable as the first law-book printed in America, and perhaps
the first American book of any practical value, the earlier specimens of typog-
raphy, of which I have several, being chieflv ecclesiastic treatises.
^' During their stay in that city one of them belied his reputation for dis-
cretion by meriting a reproof on the part of the India Council for communi-
cating to an officer of the India house a certain royal order. Herrera, dec. iv.
libu Yii. cap. viii.
***Nou8 arrivkmes ici le 23 decembre,' at Mexico, evidently. Letter of
aadiencia, in Temaux'C(mvpan8j Voy.y s^rie ii. torn. v. 138.
^ Among those to whom the privilege of using coats of arms had been.
granted were Gerdnimo Lopez, Juan de Bdrgoe, Hernando Oomez, Ruy Gon-
xales» and Garcfa del Pilar. Id. All of these persons could not have accom-
panied the audiencia; the last named, as we shall see, was serving at the time
as interpreter to Guzman in Jalisco.
326 THE SECOND AUDIENCIA AND ITS REFORMS.
hailed with joy by all but Matienzo and Delgadillo,
who pretended that the new magistrates were simply
to fill the places of the president and the two oidores,
made vacant by death and absence. Whether it had
been entertained or not, the illusion was rudely dis-
pelled when the four oidores came on immediately from
Vera Cruz. Convinced at length, with becoming impu-
dence they covered their criminal hearts with the garb
of humility, and when their judges approached the
city they were foremost to render homage during the
pompous reception. The oidores entered Mexico in
accordance with the instructions they had received.
Just before they reached the city a box containing the
royal seal was placed on a richly caparisoned mule, on
each side of which walked two oidores, the seniors in
advance, marching under a rich canopy of silk, borne
by the noblest in the land, whereon were emblazoned
in all the pride of heraldry the arms of Castile and
Aragon. They took their seats on the 12th of Jan-
uarv, 1531, their instructions and the ordinances for
their government being read in full audience, after
which each of the four, placing the documents upon
his head, promised obedience. The president did not
arrive until September from Santo Domingo, where he
had been waiting the arrival of his associates.*^ They
took possession of the finished palace of Cortes, accord-
ing to orders, although not readily agreeing with him
upon the price. ^^
* Hearing at last of their arrival in New Spain, he set out and reached
Vera Cruz September 23d. There seems to have existed an impression that
he would not come. No one desired his presence more than Quiroga, who, on
the 14th of August, wrote to the India Council urging that the bishc^ of
Santo Domingo ue not allowed to decline the position of president, for the
state of afi^airs in New Spain demanded his presence. He added that no soldier
should be placed at the head of a&urs but a man of letters, whose conscien-
tiousness, experience, and freedom from avarice fitted him for the position;
such a man was Fuenleal, as he, while in Hispaniola, had had ample oppor-
tunityof judging.
'^ This was the western building, with the shops, and 20,000 pesos de oro
was demanded for the whole, but the audiencia paid him barely half that
amount for the main building, returning the shops which yielded a rental of
3,000 pesos or more. Cort^ demandea more, and was still complaining of
delayed payment in 1533. Pacheco and CdrdenaSf CoL Doc^ zii. 550-1. It
was proposed in 1537 to buy also the shops, but during the interval of oommu-
A HUNDRED VERDICTS FOR C0RT£8. 327
One of their first acts was a renewal of the oath
of allegiance to the king, the queen-mother, and the
young prince Telipe, in accordance with special in-
structions. This was administered after solemn mass
by the bishop, on a raised and decorated platform,
first to the audiencia, then to the officers of the mu-
nicipality and leading citizens, in the presence of the
assembled subjects, A similar procedure was exacted
in all the settlements of the country.^ After a pre-
liminary investigation the residencia of the late audi-
encia was proclaimed, and an embargo placed upon
their property including Guzman's Pdnuco estates.^
Now for the first time dared the oppressed give vent
to the feelings pent up during a long series of indig-
nities and outrages, and haste was made from all parts
to testify against the tyrants, and to claim damages.
The claims of Cortes' attorneys alone aggregated some
two hundred thousand pesos de oro. Matienzo and
Delgadillo naturally threw the chief blame on the
absent Guzman, but there was enough immediate evi-
dence to cause their arrest, the former, as the least
guiltv, being confined merely to the city limits, while
the msolence of the latter was softened by a term of
prison seclusion.^* The suit against them proved strong,
Cortes alone gaining a hundred verdicts,** and they
iiication with Spain on this point property doubled in value, and Mendoza
-objected to pay the 50,000 ducats demanded. Cort^' other house was then
valued at 60,000 castellanoe. Mendoza, Carta, in Id., ii. 20O-1. See letter of
•oidoree in Temaux-CompcMs, Voy., s^rie ii. torn. v. 161, on payments, and
Pnga, Cedularh, 37-8, on royal order to buy. The occupation of this house
involved the audiencia in certain meddling with municipal affairs, which was
resented by the city council. Appeals were addressed to the home govern-
ment and resulted m a c^dula granting one oidor the right to assist in the
cabildo sessions. Id,, 100-10.
''Torquemada, i. 605, describes the ceremony, and adds: ' Y esta fue la
pirimera Jura, que huvo en estas Indias.'
** Which consisted of slaves and live-stock, the whole insufficient to cover
the ' diz mille pesos qu*il a pris dans le tr^sor royal.' Temaux-CompaTU, Voy.^
serie ii. tom. v. 139. Delgadillo had hastened to convert his property into
money. Id., 174.
' >* Matienzo was even trusted so far as to be sent to P^nuco to report on the
slave-trade there. Bemal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 228.
^ Yet not all he sought, for his suits against them and Guzman continued
until after his death. See Paeheco and Cdrdenaa, CoL Doc., xxix. 298 et seq.,
xxiv. 462. They were mulcted 40,000 pesos de oro in 1532, for 25 of those
.suits. Cariat de Indiaa, 748.
328 THE SECOND AUDIENCIA AND ITS REFORMS.
were sentenced to heavy payments, for which their
Eroperty was wholly insufficient. They were sent t<^
ipain in the autumn of 1532, together with the evi-
dence, there to linger in disgiuce and poverty.*
The encomiendas wrongidly granted to their friends
were either restored to the rightful owner, or taken
for the crown, yet several holders made appeal and
managed to retain their grants.
With the residencia, "Qie administration of justice,
and the inauguration of reforms, involving long sit-
tings and rounds of visits, the audiencia had a hard
task before them, working daily twelve hours out of
the twenty-four, not excepting feast-days. Fuenleal,
indeed, felt it necessary to recommend the appoint-^
ment of two more oidores for a term of two years,
the others serving four years. *^ In a special council,
assisted by the bishop, a number of firiars, Cortes, and
several officials and residents, the holding and treat-
ment of the natives were carefully considered, as well
as the tribute system and cognate branches, and many
valuable conclusions were reached to aid the audiencia
in executing the orders for the withdrawal of enco-
miendas. Under the direction of the empress the sev-
eral councils in Spain had joined at the end of 1529
to consider Indian affairs, notably the holding of
Indians, and had resolved that encomiendas should
not be sustained. Their recommendation was to effect
this change within one year, granting present holders
but half the revenue during that time. In view of
the reasons presented by Cortes as well as by the
friars in favor of the system, and the danger of so-
sudden a reform, the second audiencia was empowered
^Fuenleal, Carta, in Padwco and Cdrdenas, Col Doc, xiiL 251; VUla
Sefior, Thsatro, i. 14. Two brothers of Delgadillo died in prison for their out-
rages. Bemai Diaz, Hist, Verdad., 230.
^ Two should remain in the capital with the president^ the rest 8honl<i
travel, each in his district, to watch over the execution of laws, the coUectioa
of revenue, and the welfare generally of the people. A relator was also recom-
mended, and a fiscal, since the order for a lawyer to fill this office at call did
not promote impartial pleadings. Cartas, in Pacheoo and Cdrdetuu, Col. Doe.^
ziii. 207, 225. The advice was partly followed, according to Pvga, Cectu-^
lario, 84.
CORRBaiMIBNTOS. 32^
to use iheir judgment before they took a step that
might create a revolt among the Spaniards, retard
settlement, or even affect the natives in a manner
prejudicial to the crown. They had secret orders
nevertheless to withdraw all grants unjustly held, to
incorporate for the crown all that fell vacant, and as
many more as they could with safety.*®
The system intended to replace the encomendero
rule was that of correffimientoSy in charge of petty
governors or magistrates known as corregidcrres,'' wha
as royal representatives were to govern the Indians as
tributary vassals, granting them almost equal freedom
with the Spaniards. They must report on the land
and industrial resources of the natives in their dis-
trict, so that the higher authorities might determine
* Salmeron allndes to the clamor created by the execution of this secret
decree; but 'come what may, your Majesty's orders shall be carried put/ for
they are just. Letter, in Temaux-Compam, Voy.^ s^rie ii. torn. v. 126. See
abo Puffo, Cedtilario, 62, and Leony TrcU. Ecom., 18, on the new order.
>* Who held civil and criminal jurisdiction in the first instance, and politi-
cal and economic supervision of his district. They were of three classes:
ktrado8y or versed in law, poliUcos 6 de capa y egpada^ and jnlUacos y mili-
tarts. All had the same power, except that the last two, as not versed in
law, had in suits to consult the alcaldes mayores, who acted as their counsel.
Those now to be wpointed in New Spain were not all of this formal diffnity.
thouffh enjoying the title and duties. In the instructions for their Kuiuance^
datea July 12, 1530, they were ordered to obtain an account of the lands cul-
tivated and the amount and kind of tribute paid; to keep a record of the
encomiendas adjoining their corregimiento, by whom held, how managed, what
tribute was obtained, how the natives were treated, what religious instruc-
tion was given, and whether there were any vagrants. They could accept no
gift or fee, directly or indirectly, under penalty of loss of office and a fine
seven times the value of the gift. Supplies might be obtained from the
natives, but only on accoimt of salary, to oe deducted when tribute levy waa
made. They could form no business connection, and could neither build a
house nor engage in trade. Besides responding to the usual demands on
their political and judicial duties, they must make an annual tour of their
district to watch over the interests of the natives. The established tariff of
official fees must be strictly observed. This clause was much needed owing
to the excessive demands of iudces and advocates. The audiencia were will-
ing to allow at first eight ana subsequently five times the amount charged in
Spain, while 20 times more was expected, and tliat in nearly all trailes and
mrofessions. See Lettrt, in Temaux-Compafui, Voy., serie ii. tom. v. 123-4.
Setena fines were to be applied wholly to the royal household. The super-
-vision of municipd duties, of religious and social conduct, of roads and fences,
of inns, and so forth, was enjoined. All official acts were to be testified to by
notary. The care of the Indians was particularly urged, to liberate them
hoax oppression, idolatry, and vices, and to promote Christian civilization.
The instructions are quite minute. See Puga, Cedtdario, 52-6; J/errera,
dec iv. lib. ix. cap. xiv.
330 THE SECOND AUDIENCIA AKD ITS REFORMS.
upon the kind and amount of tribute to be collected
by the corregidores. They must watch that the na-
tives tilled their land and kept to their other work
so that the tribute might not fall off; they must pro-
mote their conversion and the spread of civilization,
and protect them from every abuse and maltreatment,
keeping also an eye upon adjoining encomenderos and
settlers within the district, and watching as magis-
trates over the observance of social, religious, and
poUtical laws.
An alguacU and a priest aided them in the dis-
charge of these duties. Their only recompense was
a salary which for smaller districts amoimted to a
trifle over three hundred pesos. *^ As the new system
would materially aflect the conquerors who had cer-
tain claims to the land acquired by them, it was
proposed to give them the preference in appointing
corregidores. The first task of the audiencia was to
inspect the towns and apportion districts of sufficient
size to support the many claimants entitled to oflBce.
Many of the divisions were too small to support the
triple offices of corregidor, alguacil, and priest, and
acting corregidores or fi^ents were appointed, partly
for economic reasons, partly to allow the appoint-
ment of humbler candidates, as but too many of the
conquerors were declared to be unfit for the office of
corregidores. By March 1531, about ninety of the
dispossessed landholders had been compensated with
appointments as corregidores, alguaciles, and as super-
visors of small districts.'^
Another reform introduced was the treatment of
natives by encomenderos, as only a portion had been
dispossessed. The audiencia perceived with horror
how the poor creatures had been torn from their
homes under the most shallow pretences, to be en-
^'Le salaire des corr^sidors varie de 320 k 380 pesos d'or, celui dm
alguazUs de 120 k 140, et celui des cor^ de 150 ii 170. Us sont tr^-moderM,
et cependaat nous ne savons avec quoi les payer.' Leitre de» OMdiUurs^ in.
Temaux'CofmpamSt Voy., serie ii. torn. v. 132.
*^ 'De ceux. . .38 seront corr^gidors ou alguazils.' Id.
TREATMENT OF THE NATIVES. »1
slaved and branded ; some carried to distant regions
and made to work in the mines, there to die from
hardships and maltreatment. Wars had been forced
upon provinces in order to give excuse for enslaving ;
petty offences had been falsely charged against free
men to secure their condemnation, and, failing in this,
they had been declared slaves of chiefs and transferred
as such to the Spaniards. For this a remedy existed
in a cddula of August 2, 1530, forbidding Enslave-
ment either in war, or by any process whatsoever,
and as a check to further abuses in this direction, all
holders of slaves were directed to register them be-
fore the royal officials, and if necessary prove their
title. Bishop Zumdrraga was by the same decree
confirmed as protector of the Indians, to watch over
its observance, and shield the oppressed, yet with au-
thority subordinate to that of the audiencia.*^ Strict
as the law appeared, it was not difficult to evade it
with the aid of corrupt officials, by whom the audien-
cia could easily be deceived. Even the saintly oidor
Quiroga joins Salmeron in suggesting, a few months
after the issue of the c^dula, that natives guilty oi
rebellion, idolatry, and social crimes be condemned to
the mines, which must be abandoned unless workers
could be obtained.** Despite the abuses that crept
in, a salutary check had nevertheless been given to
Indian slavery. Soon followed the liberation of chil-
dren bom of such slaves, and gradually slavery in its
real sense became confined to the negro race."
Another evil was the carrier system, by which chiefs
" His jurisdiction was limited in cases of maltreatment to 60 pesos de oro,
«r ten days imprisonment, and he had no authority over officials. Puga,
Cedulurio, 64-6. His inteHerence became nevertheless distasteful, it seems,
to Fuenleal, who recommended that no more protectors be appointed.
»CVir&M, in Paekeeo and Cdrdenas, Col Doc., xiii. 199-200, 424-6. Sal-
meron even usee the word enslavement in this connection. A joint letter of
the audiencia, of March 1631, states that the order against slavery had
already injured mining and raised the price of goods. Temaux-Comparut,
Foy., s^rie ii. tom. v. 147-8.
^ Cortes urges in 1537 that no undue haste be used in liberating slaves,
merely that children be declared free. Eiteriios Sneiton, 277-8. The price of
slaves in 1 532 was 40 pesos. See Fuenleal's letter, ubi sup., 258-9.
^32 THE SECOND AUDIENCIA AND ITS REFORMa
or towns were called upon to fiimish men to enco-
menderos and officials, or for pretended royal service^
to transport provision and material to the settlements^
or for armies. The burdens and pressure to which
such impressed natives were submitted were quite
appalling, hundreds perishing on the road, there to
be left as carrion.^ To stop the impressment was
impossible, as available beasts of burden were too few,
and as there was no other way to utilize certain na-
tives who were accustomed to carrying. Neverthe-
less restrictions were introduced, with limits on the
burden, the distance, and the proportion of the in-
habitants to be thus employed. Married men were
allowed to employ four carriers, bachelors, two, who
must volunteer for the work and receive in payment
one hundred cacao beans daily.** All natives, indeed^
must be paid for work, the rate and number of hours
being determined by the audiencia.*^
In these and other tasks of reform this body was
aided by native alguaciles, instructed by Spanish
officers and intrusted with the staff of office, as a step
to teaching them the administration of municipal
aflairs.** A further step was the establishment of
the town named Santa F^, near Mexico, for converted
natives, especially those who had left the monastries,
and here under the care of friars in their convent
hospital they were to be confirmed in the knowledge
'^The Huexotzincas, who bordered on the mountain passes leading to
Mexico Valley, were constantly impressed for scaling the ranges with bur-
dens, a strain under which hundreds perished, as Zumirraga writes in his oft-
quoted letter.
^Fuenlealf Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, CoL Doe., xiii. 212. He sug-
gests on a later page, that enough beasts exist to dispense with much of the
carrying, and urges the continued introduction of live-stock. Guzman favored
the same idea for Mexico, but not for New Galicia, where few beasts could
be found. Id., xiv. 8G-7, 92-3. Beaumont adds his comments. Cr6n. Mich.^
iii. 447-8. Herrera, dec. v. lib. i. cap. vi., alludes to the limit of 30 leagues
for certain transportations, with proper care and maintenance of the carriers.
'^ Pwja, Cedulario, 77, 85. The audiencia speaks in 1531 of ' un demi*
oelemin de mais par jour' to workers on a convent. Temaux-Compans, Voy.,
s^rie ii. torn. v. 178. At a later date the pay was a silver cuartillo daily, antT
Mendoza recommended the increase to ten maravedls, owing to the rise in
pricesgenerally. Rdaaon, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc, vi. 606-7.
'^'l^e audiencia did not find the Indians civilized enough to form towm*
councils. LeUre, in Temaux-Compana, Voy., serie ii torn. v. 168.
PUEBLA DE LOS ANGELES. 333
«id practice of European arts and institutions. Others
were placed in apprenticeship to Spanish artisans.**
Efforts were also made to gather and provide for half-
breed children deserted oy their fathers,*' and to
administer relief for the suffering created by the
measles, which burst suddenly upon the natives as an
epidemic, and committed ravages only inferior to those
of the small-pox,*^ Moors and Jews, and descendants
of those who had been stamped by the inquisition,
were expelled, so that their presence might not pro-
fane the increasing number of converts.*^ Measures
against vagrants were made more stringent, as they
set a bad example to the conm^iunity, and created no
little mischief in the native towns. This applied also
to many idle and dissolute persons, who, without being
actual vagrants, proved equally pernicious to the com-
munity. A mmiber of these were settled in different
towns, and given land, together with ten or twenty
natives to aid them in cultivating it.
Among the results of the colonization measures was
the founding in 1530 of the city of Puebla de los An-
geles, by Hernando de Saavedra, corregidorof Tlascala,
with the approval of the audiencia. Bishop Garc(5s had
^It was founded bv Qniroga, who projected two more. Id., 135, 166;
BeaumcnU, Crdn. Mich., liL 310-11.
^They might be intrusted to encomenderoe till of an age to care for them-
■elves. Pugci, Cedulario, 88. Quiroea had been actuated to this step partly
by the number of children drowned in the ditches round Mexico. Moreno,
Fra/jmetUoB, 20-1. The illegitimate offapring of Indians and Spaniards
received the name of Montalieses. Frejes, Hist. Breve, 174. Bishop Zumilr-
raga had fined Indian adulterers, but this act was annulled. Ordenes de la
Corona^ MS., ii 6.
*^It stands recorded in the native annals as lepiion tahuail, small pest,
the small-pox being called great pest. Mendieta, Hist, tkles., 514-15. Moto-
linia places it 'eleven years after the conquest,' Hist. Ind., i. 15; while
Bernal Diaz assumes that it came in 1527, preceded by a ' sabre-like light ' in
the heavens, from which the priest predicted what followed, namely, an epi-
demic of measles and a sort of leprosy. In the year after, a rain of toacls
terrified the settlers of Goazacoalco. Hist. Conq. (Faris, 1837), iv. 461-2. In
OajacOf Ret, Pacheeo and Cardenas, Col. Doc., ix. 212, a famine is recorded,
which extended over Miguatlan region. Sahagun describes a pest about that
period, ' y salia como agua de las bocas . . .^an copia de sangre [a] por lo cual
maria y mnrid infinita gente.* Hist. Oen,, ii. 273.
^^Sevond petitions appoajred to this effect. See Pacheeo and Cdrdenae,
CoL Doc, xii 124, 136. The decree against Jews appears in Libro de Cabildo,
MS., 194, and that against the others was already issued by the previoua
aiodiencia^ both to be evaded by bxibee.
334 THE SECX)ND AtlDIENCIA AXD ITS REFORMS.
already represented to the crown that unless a Spanish
town was established in his diocese Uttle progress could
be made in the way of either spiritual or temporal im-
provement, and he appUed for permission to found one.
The necessity was, however, so evident that, confident
of the approval of the king, the audiencia authorized
the beginning of the work before the receipt of instruc-
tions from the crown.^ According to Motolinia, the
work was begun on the 16th of April,** and firom
Bishop Zumarraga's statements we learn that the site
first selected was situated on low ground, and that it
had been decided before he left New Spain, in 1532,
to remove the town to a higher position.**
Although great assistance had been given to the
settlers by supplying them with native labor from the
neighboring towns of Tlascala, Tepeaca, and others,
during the first three years the colony did not make
that progress which the promoters of it had hoped.**
The cause was the uncertainty as to the royal orders
^By c^dnla of Jannary 18, 1531, the queen afmroved of the plan by
instmctiiig the audiencia to found a town on an eligible aite. P^^ga^ Cedulario,
68.
** There is some descrepancy abont the date of the founding d Paebla, bnt
that given by Motolinia is well supported. Icaebatceici, Col. Doc., L 232; Condlkf
Proo., 1555-65, 243. Salmeron, writing on the 30th of March, 1531, uses these
words : ' Se comienza & ensayar la Puebht de los Angeles, ' Pacheco and CdrdenaSp
Col, Dor,,, xiii. 196; yet on August 14, 1531, he describes the town as fairly bnUt^
containing a church, public structures, four^hostelries, and 50 houses, and the set*
tiers already engaged in agriculture. Temaux-Compana, Voy., serie ii. torn. t.
163-5, 187-90. Vetancnrt gives April 16, 1530, as the date when the first maaa
was said, which statement is corroborated by Motolinia. Vetancurt, however,
errs in asserting that the work was begun by permission of Fuenleal, as the
president had not yet arrived in New Spam. Ckron., 47. Zamacois states
the city was founded in 1533 as a measure resolved upon by Fuenleal and the
audiencia. HUt. Mex., iv. 562. Some minor authorities give the year 1531*
and others 1532, as the date of the founding of this town.
*^ Pacheco and Cdrdetuu, Col. Doe., xvi. 560-2. The new town was built
on the margin of the river Atoyac. The site was five leagues south of Tlas*
cala, 20 leagues east of the city of Mexico, and 40 leagues west of Verm Crux.
Upon it were very ancient ruins, those, according to tradition, of the city
of Quilaxcolapan, founded centuries before by vemecat and Xicalantoalt.
Another name given to this ancient city was Vasipalan, meaning * country of
snakes. * Medina^ Chron. de San Diego de Mex. , 242-3. QuilaxooUpaa signifies
the 'place where entrails are washed,' the name being derived from the cus-
tom of throwing into the streams near by the entrails of human victims sac-
rificed by the TUscaltecs. Alcald, Deservp. Pueblo, Ma, 15.
^Salmeron, in a letter dated November 1, 1532, states that the colony-
was on the decrease. Temaux-Companaf Vcif., aerie iL torn. t. 207.
COLONIAL DEVELOPMENT.
385
-with regard to privileges and immunitiea Doubt also
Prevailed as to repartimientos/^ Meanwhile the queen,
J cedula of the 20th of March, 1532, sanctioned the
proceeding, and instructed the audiencia to advance
the settlement as fuUy as lay in its power, granting
exemption from taxation for thirty years. She also
conferred upon the town the title of city, and granted
it a coat of arms ^ appropriate to its name of Puebla
de los Angeles.**
Yet for some time discontent prevailed amonff the
colonists, and their numbers decreased considerably.^
But this unfavorable state of affairs did not last for
many years, as in 1535 a subscription to the amount
" * Lea mecontents r^p^tent sans cease aux colona qu'ila les perdent et ae
perdent eox-mSmea, puiaque cet eaaai pronve qu'on pent gouverner le paya aana
repartimientoa.' Id.
« Medina^ Chron. de San Diego de Mex. , 243; Piyo, Cedulario, 76. The anna
ocmaisted of five towers, through the centaral one of which rushed a rapid river.
The ahield waa anrmounted by
an [ imperial crown, and aup-
ported by two angels hcddins
m their hand the lettera K ana
V, which, aa Medina conjee-
tarea, ai^oified Charlea V. In
the orle la inaoribed the motto:
'Angelia avis Devs Mandavit
de ae vt cvatodiant te.' I re-
produce a wood-out represen-
tation, of these arms from Gkni'
talez DdvUa, TetUro EcUs., i,
between pp. 70 and 7 1, in which
an error of se for te occurs in
the motto. Calle asaerta that
the coat of arms was granted
on the 20th of July, 1(>38, and
the title of ' muy Noble, y Leal '
on February 24, 1561. Mem, y
Not., 61.
*• Salmeron, in March 1631 , informed the crown, without giving any reasons,
that this name had been adopted su^ect to his Majesty's approval. Pacheco
and Cdrdeneu, CoL Doc, xiii. 196. Tradition, however, assigns reasons for
the name. 0^ is that Bishop Garces saw, in a dream, angela surveying the
site, ConcHhs Proo., 1566-65, 243; and another one informs us that while the
Spaniards were employed in founding the city a great multitude of angels
appeared in a dream to Queen Isabel and incUcated to her the site. Oarcia,
HisL Beth., lib. iiL 19.
^Lois de Gastilla made declaration in Toledo 1534, that he had been at
Pnebla and that the vecinos were dissatisfied. Although he had heard that
. there were 60 colonists when it was first settled, when he was there there
were only 17. These complained that Tlaacala and Cholula had not been
— igntnl to them in reportimiento, though a promise to that effect had been
matfe. PueblOy Probanza, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, zvi. 557-9.
Arms of Puebla db Los Anoelbs.
336 THE SECOND AUDIENCIA AND ITS REFORMS.
of eleven hundred and twenty-six pesos waa raised for
the erection of a more suitable church, which was
begun in August 1536 and completed in October 1539.
From this time continued success followed, and Puebla
became not only the cathedral town of the diocese,"
but a flourishing agricultural and manufacturing cen-
tre/^
Flattered by the good efi'ect of many benevolent
measures, and the ease with which reforms had been
introduced into the Indian department, the audiencia
began to write glowing reports of their progress, and
of the improvement of affairs generally. Their secret
orders were not divulged, and for a long time the
withdrawal of encomiendas was understood to be a
step toward a new distribution, partly of grants in per-
petuity. This belief was fostered to some extent by
the utterances of certain oidores, made in good faith
in favor of encomiendas as needful to colonial advance-
ment, and partly by the public letters of Fuenleal
to the same effect. But the latter were intended
only to deceive the settlers, or calm them, for in pri-
vate letters he spoke against all but temporary grants,
and made light of protests from the colonists.^ Some
of these, however, thought it prudent to secure all
the benefit possible from the natives held, and this to
a degree that left a st^-mp of desolation upon many a
fair district. This done, they were ready to join
those who had been dispossessed in an overwhelming
clamor against the gradually disclosing policy of the
audiencia. The country would surdy be ruinedL
^^ The episcopal seat was removed from Tlascalato Puebla in 1550. Alxmt
this period it contained 500 vecinos. Mex, Inform. ^ in Padieco and Cdrdenaa^
Col. l)oc., XV. 447-9. As early as 1531 Salmeron had suggested that PaeUa
should be made the seat of l£e bishopric — Temaux-ConqMng, serie ii. torn.
V. 185 — and Bishop Garces also agitated the question of removal thither.
He did not, however, live to see the change effected.
^^ Notably that of silk. By cedula of April 23, 1548, free license was
given to its inhabitants to establish silk factories without being subject to
control or interference. Jiecop. de Ind., ii 108.
^ * £1 aber quitado los mdios y avellos tornado para Vueetra Magertad
fu^ cosa guiada por Bios.' A little below he urges delay in considering per-
?)tuity grants, 'aunque en el parecer que envio digo otra cosa*' Carta,, im
acheco aad Cardenas, CoL Doc, xiii. 252-3.
CORKEGIMIEKTOS OR ENCOBflENDAS. 337
Without natives to work for them the Castilian would
be reduced to starvation and compelled to go in search
of other fields. The natives would relapse into their
old ways, grow arrogant, rise against the Spaniards,
and none might predict the end
The corregidores also joined in the cry, and com-
plained bitterly of the small pay which barely sufficed
for absolute necessaries.^ The friars, who were inter-
ested, for that matter, by reason of a number of snug
grants, came to their aid with strong arguments,
dwelling in particular on the need of the encomienda
system to promote conversion, and thereby maintain
control over the natives. The oidores became divided
on this point, Salmeron and Quiroga showing a pref-
erence for the system, and the able Ceynos appearing
against crown holdings by which the revenue was
reduced to nothing. It was also argued that encomen-
deros could be supervised in their treatment of vassals
fiilly as well as corregidores, and would not only take
greater interest in their charge, but msure a larger
tribute." The economic feature must after all out-
weigh philanthropy, at least with a monarch in need of
funds, and as corregimientos involved a costly staflf of
petty governors and collectors, with payment of army
and pensioners, nearly all of whom could be discarded
under the encomienda system, which also afforded a
surer return, it is no wonder that the high resolves
were shaken. Viceroy Mendoza, indeed, received
orders to stay his hand against encomenderos, and, as
he strongly condemned corregidores, and advocated
native service as necessary for the country,^ we find
** This is ffraphically set foiih ia a petitioa from a number of conquerors,
in ChL Doe. fnid., L 526-^.
^Ceynos recommended entailed grants, with enriqnefia clause, of most
land, and in large lots, say to about 400 deserving men in all, 200 of whom
were to reside at Mexico, paying one tenth of revenue to the crown. Smaller
mats lead to extortion. Carta^ in Icazbalceia, CoL Doc, ii. 158 et seq., 237.
Tlie representations of the friars, headed by Valencia and Betanzos, are given
in Id., 156, 190, and others appear in Pacheco and Cdrdena$, CoL Doc., iv.
566-71, xL 197-8, xii 123-6, 140, xvi. 660.
^See his letters in Id., iL 183-6, Florida, Col. Doe., i. 122, and Temaux-
VompanBy Vo^., s^e L torn. x. 364, wherein he also exposes the corregidores
Hist. Mix.. Vox*, n. 22
338 THE SECOND AUDIENCIA AND ITS REFORMS.
the old system revived with ever increasing entailment,
for a number of lives, side by side with corregimiento
rule, till it withers in the general advancement, and
disappears by decree of Cdrlos III.*^^
The question was of vital importance to the con-
querors, who, after performing achievements unequalled
K>r daring and grandeur, as Bernal Diaz asserts, had
for a dozen years assisted to establish a new country
for the crown. If their motives were not governed
wholly by patriotism, the result nevertheless appeared
to the benefit of their God, their country, and their
king, and they were entitled to a better reward than
appears to have been given them — instance such meri-
torious men as Montano, the volcano-climber. Much
of the complaint, as recorded in different memorials,
and in the soldier chronicle of Bernal Diaz, is no
doubt the chronic grumbling of men disappointed in
their inordinate pretensions, or torn by envy at the
greater honors and opulence gained by favorites of
fortune, or by persons more careful of their opportu-
nities than the reckless, shiftless adventurers who seized
an emperor and subdued a nation, and then abandoned
the substance to disperse in profitless search of new
worlds to conquer. There had been here a Monte-
zuma, and there an Atahualpa ; surely there was noth-
ing so very improbable in the fancy that there might
be half a score of such kingdoms scattered about the
world. But the gold and pearls of new kingdoms
once more melted into air, and when the restless sol-
diers returned to neglected grants, they found them-
selves too often stripped of these. And so they
struggled on, a prey to their own folly, yet ever
bringing accusations against a not altogether thankless
as negligent officers and cmel extortioners. The commiasionera sent to do
justice, Puga, Cedulario, 75, did little good.
^^In Leon, TrcU. Encom., 4 et seq., we find the rules and prosress of the
svstem fully revealed, with entailment to the third, fourth, and fifth genera-
tion, in from 1669 to 1629. Mendoza speaks of a system of deductions and
vacancies in the corregidor holdinss, m order to obtain funds to support
appointees for whom no place oouid be found. Packeoo and Odrdenas^ CoL
Jjoc., vi. 500.
DISPERSION OF THE CONQIJeROM. 389
government, and finding consolation in tirades and
petitions, and above all in dwelling upon the pictures
of the glorious past, dimmed here and there by recol-
lections of those who had yielded life upon the terrible
stone of sacrifice, yet anon illumined by heroic deaths
on the battle-field. Many succumbed to broken
health, and a half-century after the landing of Cortds
but five of his famous band of five hundred and two-
score remained, as Bemal Diaz querulously relates :
**A11 of us aged and infirm, and very poor, burdened
with sons, and daughters to marry, and with grand-
children ; and so we live in trouble and misery " — a
sentence which may possibly belie itself, however.
But let the old soldier grumble ; it gives us pleasure
sometimes to exaggerate our merits.
As for the band of Narvaez, about a thousand
strong, he knows of but twelve remaining; and the
followers of Garay, all gone or dispersed. Y et the con-
querors did not disappear so entirely after all; the
number of prominent and wealthy men who in later
generations claimed descent from them is quite numer-
ous, and many, indeed, have by illustrious deeds
revived the laurels gained by their forefathers."
^ Bemal Diaz' own family, despite hia complaints, rose to prominence, or
ra^er sustained itself, as told in Juarrw^ Ouat., i. 338; Pimhy EpitoTne, ii.
604. His own book conclndes with brief biographies of a large number of
his comrades. Ifigt. Venkid,^ 14, 129, 240-7, and passim; the records in Cor-
U8, Residenda^ i. ii., and Ramirez, Proceao, give additional facts, and long
and nearly complete lists of the first-comers have been collected in IcazbcU-
eeta, CoL Doc, i. 431-6; Soc Mex. Oeog., Boletin, 2da 6p., ii. 264-63; Dice.
Univ., ii. 492-510; lUuArackm Mex., i. 346-9. The Mcmumerdoa Hist, y
Polit., MS., opens with a list of descendants living in 1590, and gives some
account of their condition. See idso Mex, Man^. al Rey, 22-6; Ocmalez
Dddila, Teatro Ecles., i. 177; Torquemada, i. 351, etc. Additional authorities
for the three preceding chapters are: Packeco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., ii.
45-6, 114, 200-3; iv. 146-7, 666-74; vi. 277, 500, 507; viii. 21; ix. 212; xi.
197-8; zii.-xiii. passim; xv. 443; xvi. 368, 560; xxvL 352-564; xxvii.-ix.;
Ckhnalpahu Hiet. Conq., ii. 162-9; Temaux-CompoM, Voy., s6rie L tom. x.
206-57, 345-65; s^rie ii. tom. i. 209 et seq. ; tom. v. passim; Libro de Calnldo,
MS., 144, 194, 240-4; Oviedo, i. 114-15; iiL 520-35; Leon, Trot. Encom., 18
et seq.; Pttga, Cedulario, 6 passim; Cartas de Indias, 659, 837-41; Torque-
mada, L 312-13, 502-3, 699-608; iu. 39-42, 101-2, 167, et seq.; Las Casas,
Regie Jnd. DewutoA., 40^, 91-112; Rarmrtz, Proceso, 191-205, 236-58;
^iguerva, VhuOdas, MS., 121-2; Icaasbalceta, Col. Doc., i. pp. xlviii.-ix.,
IvL-lxiv., 14 et seq.; ii pp. xxiii-v., 28-30, 156-89; Col. Doc. In6d., i. 29,
31-41, 103-22, 521-aO; ii. 401-^; iv. 224r-6; Archivo, Mex. Doc., i. pawim;
ii. 81, 166-7, 297-302; MwdUy FasU Novi Orbis,, 104; Florida, Col. Doc,,
?A0 THE SECOND AUDIENCIA AND ITS REFORMS.
121-33; Ordenes de la Carom, MS., i. 1-6, 60-4; Alfonm> el Sabh, Las Sieie,
Partidas, L-iv.; Heccp. de Indias, i. 570; iL 157-8, 197; CorUa, Eacritoe
SueUoe, 76 paasim; Ramirez, Doc, MS., 260-362, 399-402; Dnran, HisL
Ind,, MS., 517-25; Mendieta, Hi^. Ecles,, 224 paasiin; Vireyes, Instruc,
MS., aerie iL pt. L; Gonzalez DdvUa, Teatro Ecles,, L 20-4» 71, 80^, 262;
Arrowz, HisL Orkaha, 314-15; Medina, CkrOn. de San Duigo, 9, 10, 19-20,
242-3, 256; DdvUa PadUla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex,, 1-54, 126-49; PrexoU's Mex,,
ii. 477, 311-33; also notes in Mex. eds., i.-ii ; Humboldt, Esaai PoL, i. 164,
182; Fernandez, Hist. Bcles., 47-96; 112-13, 156-9; PerdUa, NoL Hist., 136-7;
164-8, 276-9; Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., ill. 210 passim; iv 51, 85-96, 115-16,
571-90; V. 229, 287-9; Ddvila, ConHnuadon, MS., 30, 284r-93, 312; Buata-
fnanie, Necesidad, 41-3; Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 8, 62, 72-6; pt. v
6, 7, 34, 41, 45-50; pt. vL 322-9; Escosura, Canjuradon, u. 48-62; Burgoa,
Oeog, Descrip. Oaiaca, I 3-64; ii. 380-97; VUla Sehor, Theatro, i. ia-14; ii.
112; Lerdo de Ttjada, Apunt. Hist., pt. iv. 248-52; Montemayor, Svmarios,
pt. L 87-105, 175-81, 209-36; pt. ii.-iii passim; Alaman, DiseH., i 250-70,
app. 29-30, 125, 215-22; ii 20-33, 151-96, 307-16, app. 15-49; Burgoo,
Palestra Hist., 1-15; Cmidlios Prov. 1555 y 1565, 29-^4, 227-82; Salazar,
Mex., 1554, 303-7; SdUxmr y Olarte Conq. Mex., 346-62, 398-441; Oortis,
HisL N. Esp., 12-13; Prov. Sto Evangelio, pt L; Ckdle Mem. y Not., 41-4;
Bivera, Gob. Mex., I '22-7; Mex. Extractos de Cidulas, MS., &-12; Mex.,
Not. Ciudad, 266; Lacunza, Diacursos Hist, pt. zxxiii. 458-^; Vetancmt,
Menohg., 485; Id., Chron., 26-48; Id., Trot. Mex., 28-54; Id., Pueblo, 64-6;
Zamwa, Bib. Leg. UU., iL 374-418; v. 149-306; Museo Mex., iiL 82; Brasseur
de Bourhourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 723-74; La Rustradon Mexkana, L 345-9;
Pelaez, Mem. Guat., L 123-9; Nueoa Esp. Breve Res., MS., 225-45; Mex.,
Manifiesto al Rey., 22-6; Mex. Mem. Agric 1843, 9, 10; Peter Martyr, de
InsvUs, 147-57; Aa, Naavkeurige Versameling, xrviiL; Dice. Univ., L 356-8,
500-13; ii. 475-510; v. 578; vi. 475-8; viiL 62-3, 135, 213 et seq.; ix. 41^13;
X. 746-69; Reales Cidulas, MS., L 148-9; Granadoe, Tardes Am., 28-338;
Evan^ Sister Rep., 42; Fundadon, Prov. Santiago, MS., 1, 2, 15; Helps'
Span. Cwiq., iii. 114 et seq.; iv. 354; Id., CorUs, iL 176-82, 248-58; Ca;ca,
Tres Siglos, i. 66-116; CUmenie, Tobias Ckronoldg., 173-220; Remesal, HiH^
Chyapa, 10-13, 35-41, 104r-ll, 479; Remlla, ResHmen Hist., 481-8; Soe. Mex.
Gtog. Boletin, i. 22S, 828-41; iL 7, 137, 254-63, 434-44; iii. 347; v. 325-6;
X. 108-13; xL 501; Zamacois, Hist. Mex., iv. 197 passim; v. 71, 166; x.
1208-9; Santos, Chron. Hospitalaria, 433, 473; Pap. Frands, MS., L pt i;
Larenaudibre, Mex. et Guat., 162-8; Mazariegos Chiapa, 33-43; LaAarpe^
Abriid, X. 62-122; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, L 46-60; CampbelTs Hist. Span. Am.,
41; Dtorama, 169-70; Cortds, Brieven, ii. 290-3; Sandoval, Hist. Carlos V., L
895; Nouv. Bib. des Voy., 124-7; Pimentel, Mem. LiL Actual, 168-76; Guerra^
N. Esp., iL 608-10; Alegre, Hist. Comp., L 213-16, 434r-9; Voyages, New CoL,
L 348; Nouvelles An. des Voy., xcix. 192; Iglesias y Conventos de Mex., 62-4,
175-90; Frost's Pic. Hist. Mex., 130-4; Garcia, HisL Beth., liiL 19-20;
Young's Hist. Mex., 46; Bussierre, L'Ennp. Mex., 356-80; Sanchez^ PuOk
Sagrada., 1-162; Salmon's Mod. Hi&L, iiL 196; Kingdwro/ugh's Mex. Aniiq.^
viL 198; Jalisco, Mem, Hist., 205-12; JffiB., CoL Leyes 1861, L p. xl.; HeUer^
Rdsen in Mex., 128; Mayer's ifeas. Aztec, L 87-90; Touron, Hist, Oen, Am.,
V. 93-7; Epiacopado, Mex., 7; PorHUa, Esp. in Mex., 199-202; G^^ried,
Rdsen, iv.; Cortds, Aven. v Conq., 289-304; DwUmt's Mex, Papers, 192;
Lettres Adifiantes, iv. 356-^; Diario Mex., viiL S25; El Lkm Meaakemo, L
280-07; Fosney, MeB^que. 501; QrHalva, On^mca, 2-0.
CHAPTEK XVIL
CONQUEST OF NUEVA GAUCIA.
152ft-153i.
Coruna's Mission— Adyancb or the Cross — Bntrt or Guzman urro Hz-
CHOAGAN — His Atrogitixs— Tbrribls Fats or Kino Tanqaxoajt —
Campaign in Cuinas, Cuitzoo, and along Chapala Lake— Batixs of
TonaiJl — ^Raiss from Nochistlan — El Gran Teul — Operations in
Jalisco — ^In Quest or the Amazons — ^The Greater Spain — Cross-
ing THE EspiRiTu Santo— On to Aztatlan — Devastating Floods —
Branding Slaves — ^The Amazon Myth — Change or Plans — Found-
ing or Towns— Guzman Defies the Audhngia— Castilla's Disoom-
nruRB — Nemesis — ^Bibliographt.
It has been related how Cortes, lured by ever
present rumors of gold and pearls, had sent forth
expeditions which skirted the southern sea from rich
Tututepec to distant Jalisco, and then retired to
Colima and Tzintzuntzan to form nuclei for proposed
colonies, and starting-points for more effective inva-
sions. In Michoacan the exploitation of mines proved
a means to attract and maintain settlers chiefly of a
reckless class, whose conduct was not calculated to
create admiration. The native king, indeed, had cause
for bitter complaints, and after the overthrow of
Salazar, in 1526,^ he came to Mexico for redress,
there to observe for himself the beneficial influence of
friars, particularly in restraining the colonists in ex-
cesses against natives. Of a timid nature, Tangaxoan
thought it politic not only to accept baptism, with the
^Beaomont, Cfr&n, Mich,, iii 215, places this visit during the troublous
iam9 of Salaar's rule; but had he come then that rapacious tyrant would
liave held him a prisoneF to extort treasures, for Albomoz writes in 1525 that
the king should be sent for and seized, beoanae he resisted the miners. Carta,
in JoagbcUetOf CoL Doe,, i. 602-3.
(841)
342 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA.
name of Francisco,* but to ask for friars to acorn-
pany him and spread their faith in his kingdom. This
was accorded, and Martin de Jesus, also known as De
la Coruna, one of the twelve Franciscans,^ set forth
with two or three companions.*
They were well received, and soon a convent and
church arose, the latter dedicated to Santa Ana,
wherein began their proselyting work. A not alto-
gether politic iconoclasm created a hostile feeling
among the people, abetted by the native priests, and
but for the decided attitude of the king and his
courtiers in favor of the friars, their task would have
been diflScult. As it was, idol after idol was cast
down, and temples were purified of their abomina-
tions, or destroyed,* and since the wrath of the gods,
manifested only in impotent oracles, seemed powerless
against the attack of these solitary men, the people
recovered from their first shock and began to look
more kindly on a religion held by doughty conqueror
and patronized by royalty. This change was greatly
promoted by the exemplary Ufe of the friars, unselfish,
devoid of greed, patient, benevolent, and sympathiz-
ing, and these virtues touched the people in particular
through the care of children and invalids. With the
'So Torquemada, iii 332, assumes, followed bv Beaumont, yet it is not
unlikely that the baptism took place later, though not after 1529, as shown
by PtVar, in Icasbaloeta, Col. Doc, ii 248. Alegre names him Antonio^ Hiat.
Ccmp,Jegu8, i. 92, and so does Chimalpain. Hist, Ccmq., ii. 78.
vHe IB hiffhiy spoken of for his charitable character and rigid observance
of rules. After working zealously in Michoacan he went with Cort^ to Cal-
ifornia, became guardian at Cuemavaca, returned to Patzcuaro, where he
died probably in 1558. Vetancurt says September 25th, omitting the year.
Ment^., 185; Datos Biog., in Cartas de Indiaa^ 780; Torquemada, iiL 435-7;
Beristain says 1568.
*Mendieta, Hist, Ecles., 376. In a memorial of Gonzaga ^ve are men-
tioned: Ansel de Saliceto, or Saucedo, later known as Ansel de Valcencia.
Gerdnimo de la Cruz, Juan Badiano, or BadiUo, properly Vadier, Miguel do
Bolonia, and Juan de Padilla, and Beaumont insists on accepting^ them, but
Torquemada points out that some of these arrived only in 1527. Brasaeur de
Bourbourg, AisL Nat, Civ., iv. 731, 745-6, takes a ground opp|osite to the
clear statements of Mendieta, and perverts his quoted authority, Torque-
mada.
^The chroniclers gravely relate that idols even of gold and silver were
destroyed or cast away. ' Jtmt6 vna gran suma de idolos, y k los de metal, y
oro los arroj6 en lo mas prdEondo de la laguna^* Vetancvrt, Menolog., 105.
MARCH OF GUZMAN.
343
arrival of more fiiars,* conversion spread, and hermi-
tages and convents were soon established in different
towns, as Guayangareo, Patzcuaro, Acdmbaro, Urua-
pan, and Tar^cuaro, all of which were subordinated
to the mother institution at Tzintzuntzan, a city con-
firmed as capital by decree of 1528/
MiCHOAOAN AND COUMA.
Thus spread a peaceful conquest, marred onlv by
occasional excesses from ruthless colonists, ana the
Tarascans were becoming reconciled to the Spanish
domination, tempered as it was by the influence of
the cross. But the peace of Michoacan was not des-
tined to be of long duration The wealth of its hills
was against it, as demonstrated not alone by the
unruly conduct of the first colonists, but by the
infamous proceedings of the first audiencia against
Tangaxoan Caltzontzin, king of Michoacan, who had
been summoned to Mexico and there held captive,
with significant intimations that it would be as well
for him to arrange for a plentiful supply of gold
*The records of Acdmbaro sive the names of several additional friara
-who are are said to have arrivea already before the close of 1526. BeauniotU,
CrdfL Mich., iii. 27-53. 1527 is a more correct date.
^ Puffo, Cedulario, 27. Beaumont enumerates several more establishments^
Jiotably round Lake Patscuaro. Cnin. Mich,, iii. 243-8.
344 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GAIJC3A.
It was in December 1529 that Nuiio de Guzmai^
left the capital as one flying from retribution. He
appeared in Michoacan at the head of a well-equipped
army, accompanied by the king, who now served in
the additional capacity of hostage.® The return of the
monarch was sufficient in itself to give rise to dem-
onstrations of joy, notably at Tzintzuntzan, although
the festivities were soon marred by bitter grief Im-
mediately after his arrival the president required the
king to furnish the Spaniards with from six to ten thou-
sand servants for the march northward, and a few days
later, under pretext that Tangaxoan did not supply
the necessary provisions, Guzman placed him in irons
and confined him in a room near his own. Gold and
silver were also demanded, but the amount given was
far from satisfying Guzman's greed, and Tangaxoan
was repeatedly tortured* in the effort to ascertain
from him the hiding-place of his store of precious met-
als, small amounts of which were still brought in from
time to time in the vain hope of obtaining the royal
captive's release.
As soon as the requisite number of natives had been
furnished they were distributed among the Spaniards,
and the march of the army continued, the lord of
each town or village being carried along in chains as
a guaranty of submission on the part of his sub-
jects, after the manner of Tangaxoan, Don Pedro
the governor, and Don Alonso, the king's son-in law.
From Tzintzuntzan they went to Purudndiro, fording^
the river Tololotlan, or Lerma, February 2, 1530, at
or near Conguripo. From the day, they named the
river Nuestra Senora de la Purificacion del Buen Paso,
^The king was apparently at liberty, bat a guard, specially appointed to
watch him, would have made futile any attempt to escape. Owsman, 4a BeL
An6n., 463.
* Garcia del Pilar and the alcalde Godoy were employed for the purpoee,
but the statement of the former leaves it uncertain whether the kmg was tor^
tured while in Tzintzuntzan. An order was given, but before it was carried
into effect two friars interceded and the king was restored to his prison, where
he was kept altogether about three weeks, until the march of the army '
resumed. Pilars Seladonj 218-9; Ousaman, 4a Jiel. An^n,, 463.
THE TORTURE APPLIED. 345
taking formal possession by appropriate ceremonies,
on February 7th, of the country on the northern bank
now visited for the first time, and building a kind
of walled church, or hermiti^e, also dedicated to Our
Lady of the Purification.^^
Encamping near the ford, Guzman proceeded to
further try the king, charging him with the murder
of several Spaniards, relapse into paganism, and the
treacherous design of laying an ambush for the army.
Observing that his prisoner was not willing to confess
crimes which he never had committed, Guzman re-
solved to apply more forcible remedies.
Two Tarascan interpreters were the first victims.
Information was demanded as to the number of Chris-
tians killed by their ruler, the time since the occur-
rence, and the whereabouts of Caltzontzin's wives and
treasure. It was of no avail that they protested
ignorance, the lash and dripping water were emploved
to revive their memory, and at last fire was applied
to the feet, until the toes dropped ofF.^^
During the following three days Don Pedro, Don
Alsonso, and even Tangaxoan were subjected to the
same treatment, all except the application of fire, and
^Beanmont, Cnin, Mich., iii. 354-60, follcywed by Ramirez, Proceso, 203-6,
and others, represents the army as having r >.ached the river on December 8th
at Conguripo, whence they went to Tzint/'>'itzan, thence to Puru^udiro, and
after advancing a few letu^es crossed a great river. No one would suppose
from this version that Conguripo and the crossing near Furuindiro were
identical as is the fact; clearly the authors had no such idea themselves.
Other writers, as Frejes, Hifi, Breve, 73, and Romero, NoL Mich., 122, make
December 8th the date of the final crossing. But most of the original
documents say the river was forded in February, while Guanan in Bamusio^
iii. 331, and Oviedo, iii 563-5, affirm it was on Purification day, or February
2d. The confusion in dates, and consequent blunder in the route, arises doubt-
less from the fact that certain writers, learning that the event took place on
the day of Nuestra Seflora, have supposed it was the Conception, December
8th, instead of the Purification, February 2d, of our 1 uly. Throughout thU
canipai^ there is the greatest confusion m dates. I have spared no pains in
ascertaming in each case the exact or approximate dates; but I have not
deemed it best, except in a few cases for special reasons, to show in notes the
methods of arriving at my conclusions. I have abundant material at hand
for such notes, but they would be long and numerous, and serve no useful
pnrpoee save perhaps as a record of the author's industry.
"Only a few Spaniards who enjoyed the confilence of the general were
present at this intamous proceeding, cou.lucte<l in a small hut outside the
can^. IHlar, Tutimonio, in Jiamirez, Proce^to, 2(56.
*M6 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GAUCIA.
with the same result. They were firm in denying
the possession of treasure, and aflSrmed, as was doubt-
less true, that the gifts already made represented the
accumulations of many years, and that as their coun-
try produced but little gold they had no more to
give.^^ Irritated by failure, Guzman sentenced the
ruler to death, declaring him guilty of all the charges ;
and after having been dragged over the plain tied to
the tail of a horse, Tangaxoan was burned alive at
the stake. ^^
To the last Tangaxoan protested his innocence and
his ffood faith toward the Christians, called on his
people to witness how the Spaniards rewarded his
devotion, and asked that his ashes be taken home^*
for burial. This request was disregarded, however,
and the ashes were thrown into the river by order
of Guzman. ^^ These facts were brought out at the
trial of the infamous president in later years, and are
supported by statements of the best authorities. I
believe there is no circumstance to be urged in behalf
of Nuflo de Guzman which can justly relieve him of
^' Pilar and the author of the 4<* ^^^ Andn, state that the day after the
torturing of Caltzontzin, several of Guzman's followers left the camp and
returned some days later with a great quantity of gold and silver, found in a
house indicated by the king when under torture. T^Uarj Jielacion, 250-1, and
Ouzmarif J^ Bet Andn,, 461-5.
^ * £1 pregon decia por haber muerto muchos cristianos, ' Ouzman, Sa JHeL
Andn.y 439, * decia el pregon & este hombre por traidor, por muchas muertes
de cristianos que se le han probado/ Sdmano, Bel., 262. Bemal Diaz, ffiti,
Verdad., 230, and Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Ctr., iv. 752, affirm
that the king was strangled, but they are evidently mistaken. Pilar, Testi-
montOt in Raminez, Proceso, 269, says, *luego pusieron fuego i la lefla, y
comenzd i arder, y asi quemd al dicho Cazolzi, haata que naturalmente
perdid la vida.* Don Pedro and Don Alonso were only saved from sharing
the king's fate on account of the intercession of the former contador Allx>mos
and of Father Miguel de Bolofla. Oil, in Soc, Mex. Geog., BoUtin, 2da ep.,
i. 800.
^* ' Mandaba que dcspues de quemado cojiese los polvos, y cenixas de el . . .
y que alii hiciese juntar k todos les sefiores de la (licha Provincia, y que lea
contase.. .que viesen el galardon, que le aban los Christianos. ' PUar, TeMi-
momo, in Bamirez, Proceso, 269. Navarrete, IJvtt, Jed., 29, says, 'though the
king's will was complied with, the Tarascos remained quiet; their own king
had accustomed them to pusillanimity. '
** Brasseur de Bourljourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.j iv. 752, following an old manu-
script, claims that the greater part was saved by friends and servants of tho
late king, and secretly i)uried at Patzcuaro, with all the honois and solem-
nities due to his rank.
TANGAXOAN BURNED. 347
the black crime of having foully and without provoca-
tion murdered the kind-hearted Caltzontzin.^*
These proceedings materially affected the progress
of the expedition, for the news spreading throughout
the neighboring districts caused the natives either
to fly, or to rise in defence of their homes, only to
encounter certahi defeat. Any other leader would
have been startled by the desolation which met his
eye on every side, but Guzman seemed rather to
accept it as a flattering tribute to his renown, and
made light of the alarm manifested by some of his
followers, declaring that he would assume the respon-
sibility before the crown of all his acts.
During the stay of nearly two weeks at the camp
by the ford of Purificacion, and while the proceedings
against Caltzontzin were carried on, detachments were
sent out in different directions to receive the submis-
sion of the towns, and they met with no resistance. ^'^
Then, after miUtary ordinances were published, the
army started d6wn the river on or near the northern
bank, and after a march of six days arrived on the
borders of Cuinao, or Coynan province, watered by
the stream known afterward as the Zula. Chirinos,
the late worthy associate of the tyrant Salazar, who
accompanied the expedition as captain, was sent in
advance to demand submission. He found the chief
town abandoned, and the inhabitants in rapid flight,
^*It IS fair to present the excuses that have been offered for Guzman's act.
OviedOy iii. 564-5, says the kinff refused to give intormation about the northern
country, and that he confessea the murder of 35 Spaniards, whose remains
were used at pagan festivals. Salazar y Olarte, Conq. Mex., 426, tells us he
had relapsed into idolatry and sacrificed Spaniards, dressing himself in the
skins of the victims. Mota PadiUa, Conq, N. OaL, 23-4, savshe was accused
of disloyal plots, was formally tried and convicted, and that bo learned a
lawyer as Guzman would not have proceeded illegally! Guzman himself in
Varta a S. M., in Hamtuao, iii 331, says that Tangaxoan was tried on many
charges, especially that of rebellious designs, impudently referring to the
records of the trial. If from the standpomt of the times we admit relapse
into idolatry as a justification for his deaUi, it is very evident from the friend-
jship of the friars for Caltzontzin that there was no such relai^se in his case.
" Mota Padilla, CofUf. N. GaL^ 27, without naming any authority, states
tbat one of these expeditions penetrated to Guanajuato. According to Tello,
Ouanajuato was then conquered. Both Mota Padilla and Navarrete, who
follows him, HisL JaL, 29, mention Penjamo as one of the pueblos subjected
at this time.
348 C50NQUEST OF NUEVA GAUCIA.
yet defiant, though a slight skirmish, involving the
capture of a few of their number was all that resulted
from the demonstration. For several weeks the
army remained in the camp outside of Cuinao, the.
town itself having been burned, doubtless by Guz-
man's order, although it was claimed, as also in many
later instances, that such deeds were due to the
Aztec and Tlascaltec allies who could not be con-
trolled. Meanwhile expeditions were made into the
neighborhood by detachments under Guzman, Chirinos,
and Crist6bal de Onate, to reduce the country and to
ravage. Their task was not difficult, for the villages
and farms were all abandoned, while straggling fugi-
tives hovered in the distance. A number gr^ually
came in to tender submission, and among them the
cacique, upon whom the devout Guzman himself
exerted his oratorical power in behalf of the faith for
which he was thus mowing a path. It is unnecessary
to say that the chieftain was convinced by the argu-
ments of his teacher.^®
From here a message was sent to the adjoining
province of Cuitzeo,^^ which lay on both sides of the
main river on and near the shores of Lake Chapala,*^
the chief town of the same name being on the south'
em bank and -within the territory discovered by Fran-
cisco Co.rt^s in 1524. It was, however, no part of
Guzman's policy to avoid that territory or to respect
the rights of preceding explorers. Chimalhuacan
^^ It is amusing to read Guzman's account of this effort, and to note the
flow of devout sentiments from his pen. Truly, the sovereign must have con-
gratulated himself on possessing so earnest a champion of the cross. See Car-
ta, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc , xiii. 363-4. According to Mota Padilla^
Conq, N. Oal., 29, Fray Martin de Jesus made here an attempt at conversion,
but this is more than doubtful, for he is nowhere else mentioned as a member
^f the expedition. It is also said that, while in Cuinao, messengers returned
from Michoacan, bringing more gold and silver tiian ever before. They had
been sent bv Don Fed&o and Don Alonso, who by this means sought to obtain
exemption from further torture. Pilar, Bel, 251, and Ouzman, 4a Bel Andn.,
466.
^'Beaumont, Crdn, Mich,, iii. 384, followed by Zamacois, ffisL Mtj., iv.
500, tells us this was not Cuitzeo de la Laguna near Lake Chapala; but they
are clearly in error.
^Chapala, lake in Jalisco; Laet, 1633, L. Chapala; Jefferys, 1776^ L, Cka-
jxi/a; Kiepert, 1852, lake and city Chapala, Cariog. Pac, Coast, MS., iL 496.
BATTLE AX THE FOBD. 349
und the Avalos proviDces he regarded as legitimate
fields of conquest, and he anticipated pleasure as well
as profit in wresting these regions from Cort^s.^
The natives of Cuitzeo, however, were not at all incUned
to receive the strangers with open arms, and their
cacique sent answer "that he knew what sort of men
the Spaniards were, and challenged them to enter his
country." Guzman is said to have hesitated as to what
course he should pursue, but Crist6bal de Onate soon
solved his doubts oy tauntingly observing that Cortes
would never have achieved his glorious triumphs had
he allowed himself to be regulated by formalities and
requerimientos. He made his demands with foot in
stirrup, and entered the very camp of the foe to hear
the answer.^ The march was accordingly directed
toward Cuitzeo, and before long they came in sight of
the enemy. When at a gunshot's distance, a native
champion came forth to test in a personal combat tlie
valor and weapons of the Spaniards. He was easily
vanquished by Juan Michel, a Portuguese soldier,
who obtained permission to exhibit his prowess, and
the defeat so terrified the Indians that they hastened
to seek shelter at the river. Here they recovered
their courage, and, on attempting to cross the stream
on rafts and by fording, Guzman's forces were attacked
in the water and a desperate struggle ensued in the
current, on the banks, and on the river island, where
the foe had intrenched themselves.^
This continued for several days with severe losses
on both sides, Guzman's being mostly confined to his
native allies. A few horses were killed, but great
care was used in disposing of the bodies so that the
*^Moia Padilla, Ccnq, N, €fal., 27, here as well as in the rest of his
acooont of Gazman's campaign, seeks to defend the unscrupnlous policy of
the president.
** * Cort^. . .oon las armas en la mano y el pi^ en el estribo; remitia bus
emhajadas, mas las respuestas las oia en las miBmas canales de las poblaciones. '
Moia PadUla, Conq. N. OaL, 30.
^ Captain Vasqnez, armed with a sword and a buckler, was the first who
leaped mto the river, and, followed by some of his foot-soldiers, opened the
attack upon the natiTes intrenched on the island. Sdmano, JReladon, 268.
360 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA.
foe might not know that those dreaded monsters were
vulnerable to their weapons. At last the river was
passed, Cuitzeo was taken, and within a fortnight the
neighboring places on or near the northern shore of
Lake Chapala, and on both sides of the river from La
Barca to Poneitlan, were reduced to allegiance by a
series of minor expeditions, described with some detail
in the records, but a fuller narrative of which is
neither practicable nor desirable here."
From Cuitzeo the Spaniards proceeded to TonalA,**
the aboriginal name of the region about the present
Guadalajara, entering and taking possession of the
chief town, also called TonaU, on March 25th. The
town and province were at the time under a female
ruler, who received the Spaniards with kindness,
mindful of the former visit of Francisco Cortes; but
some of her people, notably those of Tetlan, well in-
formed of Guzman's proceedings in Michoacan and
the murder of Tangaxoan, were indignant that their
mistress had welcomed the enemy of her race, and two
** I deem it useless to give long lists of town names, most of which otn bo
found on the ma^, but very few of which are applied to the same localities
as m aboriginal times. The original towns were for the most part destroyed,
and those which succeeded them under Spanish auspices have in many instances
experienced several changes of locality, while retaining the same names. As
a rule I shall name only such towns as are necessary to show the route fol-
lowed, and such as acquired some importance in later times. Among the acts
of cruelty perpetrated in this region was the setting a fierce dog on the fat
cacique of Cuitzeo for alleged neglect in furnishing supplies, an act attributed
bv Salazar y Olarte, Cong, Mex., 426-8, to a ' delirious impulse ' on the part
of Guzman. A Mexican chief also was so beaten for some fancied misconauct
that he lost permanently the use of his hands. Otesman^ 4a JReL Andn,, 467.
Navarrete, ffUe. Jal, 35, speaks of the artificial formation of a ford by filling
the river with sand. Guzman, Hamusio, iii. 332-4, tells us of finding cannibals
and burning a sodomite; he regrets the idolatrous tendencies of ^e natives,
and says — ^uncontradicted so far as I know — that he is himself the greatest
sinner of all, but hopes that God in his ^eat goodness will accept his efiforts
for the conversion of gentiles. Oviedo, lii. 565-6, speaks of ovens filled widk
human bodies frying in their fat and blood, to be used as food.
^ Chirinos was detailed with one detachment to reach Tonali by a differ-
ent route and render Guzman assistance in case of need. Guzman, Cbrto, in.
PacJieco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., xiiL 370; Tello, in Higi. If. OaL, ii. 349^
and others imply that Chirinos was instructed to conquer the northern regions,
joiniiur the main army at Topic; but probably the division of the army waa
not e&cted till later. On the march from Cuitzeo to Tonali the ' friendly
Indians ' were kept in chains, or under strong guard, by order of Quzman;
to prevent them from escaping or abandoning the baggage. Onzman, 4a ReL
Awin., 467.
FIGHTING AND PLUNDERING. 361
or three thousand of them gathered vrith hostile dem-
onstrations on a height overlooking the capital, near
the actual site of Guadalajara. A demand of submis-
sion was haughtily spumed, whereupon Guzman led
the charge against them, assisted by Oilate and Ver-
dugo. A lively battle ensued, for the natives fought
with a desperation hitherto unparalleled; but they
were comparatively few in number, and had at last to
succumb, with great loss. During the struggle Guat-
man's lance was wrested from his grasp and directed
against himself, but one of his companions turned the
weapon from its course and saved his life. It is even
said the fight was so hot that Santiago himself felt
obliged to appear in succor of his faithful children, **
After this battle the whole province was quickly
brought into subjection; in fact, there was no further
resistance. Yet the hostilitv of the Tetlan warriors
gave Guzman a pretext for plundering ^ and burning,
the latter part of the performance being always at-
tributed to the unmanageable Indian allies. On the
ground that the province had not been permanently
subjected by Francisco Cortes, Guzman claimed it as
a new conquest, and in commemoration of his great
victory two chapels were built, one within the town,
dedicated to the holy virgin ; the other on the lofty
battle-ground, dedicated to the victoria de la cruz, by
which term the chapel became known, and in token
of the same a cross was erected, some sixty feet in
height, which could be seen for many a league, bearing
witness to the irresistible valor of Christian soldiers.
""Mota Padilla, Conq. N, OaL, 39, says the attack was made while the
Spaniards were seated at a banquet given by the queen, while most of the
original authorities and eve-witnesses state that the battle was fought before
Guzman entered TonaU, but the president's own report shows clearly that it
took place after he had left the town. Sdmano^ jKeladon, 269-70; GuzTnan,
Sa HdL An6n,t 441; Id,y 4^ HeL, 468; L&peSt Bfl., in PacJieco and Cardenas,
CoL Doe. , xiv, 41 9-20. The day after the battle Chirinos arrived, and was sent
to ibe other side of the river to disperse the reassembling fugitives, but owing to
the ruffgedness of the country his expedition failed. Otaman, in Id., xiii. ^4.
" ' 1 o no lea maestro boluntad de querello [gold and silver] ni que vengo
& ello. . .yo les he mandado decir que no tengo necesidad de oro, sine de que
■can baenos,' says the president hj/pocritically in his letter to the emperor in
Paeheco and Cdrdenaa^ CoL Doc, xuL 373-4.
352
CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA.
After a fortnight's stay at TonaU, about the begin-
ning of April, the army resumed its march,^ passing
almost wholly through deserted farms and villages.
N ear Contla a body of natives ventured to attack the
vanguard under the maestro de campo, in retaliation
for which a hill village was suprised while the inhab-
itants were engaged in reUgious exercises.^ On ap-
KuEVA Galicia.
proaching Nochistlan, Guzman learned that numbers
were prepared for resistance. Messengers were sent
to demand peaceful submission, only to be driven
"According to Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal, &S, and Beaumont, Cnin.
Mich., iii. 391-2, a garriaon was left at TonaU under Captain Vasquez de
Buendia. Guzman appropriated Tonal& to himself, but later the crown took
it from him and ma^ it a corregimiento. LeUre^ in Temaux-CompanSf Voif.,
serieii. tom. v. 177.
" * A ToUlitla . . . hall€lo8 en una borrachera, por donde cpeo que no no*
salieron de guerra.* Otamian, Carta, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc,
xiii. 375. The places touched since TonaUL were Ghapetala, XimoMntk^
Ixcatlan, Hacotla, Contla, ToUlitla.
THE GRAND T£UL. 363
l)ack by missiles. When the army came in sight,
however, the natives retreated toward the mountains,
the cavalry pursuing and capturing a number. The
torch was now appliecl to the deserted town, and
detachments were sent to explore and conquer the
neighboring districts. One band under Chirinos,
sent to Teul, passed through an ancient city, with
many large buildings similar to those found in Mex-
ico by the first Spaniards, but returning to Nochis-
tlan the accompanying natives burned the relics.
Another successful expedition was made under Ver-
dugo** in the direction of Xalpan; within a few days
the lords of that region appeared in the camp, tender-
ing their submission, and delivering some idols, which
were inmaediately destroyed.
The people in Nochistlan, though fugitives, had not
abandoned all thoughts of resistance ; and when one
day a body of about five hundred came to the deserted
town in search of provisions, they attacked and killed
a number of Aztecs and Tlascaltecs and pursued the
remainder to their camp. Immediately some Span-
iards, and later Guzman himself, mounted and went
to .the rescue, but night having set in, the enemy
retreated in safety to the penol.^^ Next morning, at
the head of a division, Ofiate started in search of the
fugitives, and was followed a few hours later by Guz-
mam During the day various encounters took place ;
the enemy were in all cases put to flight, though sev-
eral horses were wounded. The army remained here
about a month, celebrating holy week in a small church
hastily erected. Soon after easter having previously
taken possession in the name of the crown, the march
was resimied,** and after three or four days they reached
** He WM a brother-in-law of Diego Velaasquez, the governor of Cuba, and
companion of Narvaez. After the capture of the latter, ho enlisted in Cortes*
army, and at Villalafte's conspiracy, without knowing it, he was chosen aa
flucoeMor of Cort^ Later he settled in Mexico, holding alternately the
officers of regidor and alcalde. See HiaL Mex,, i. passim, this series.
*^ This peflol is said to be the same on which Alvarado fell in later years.
**Tello, followed by Mota Padilla, Beanmont, Frejes, Ramirez, Navarrete,
and QUf speaks of expeditions under Cbiiinos ard Ofiate, from Cuitseo and
Hist. Mix., Vol. IL 28
364 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA.
the " grand Teul," the principal aboriginal town of all
this region, spoken of as a kind of sacred stronghold
built on a high mesa, and containing fine temples,
fountains, and statues of stone.^ But hallowed as it
was to the entire native population of that region, it
possessed little attraction for the Spaniards, whose
forces under Chirinos had reduced it to ashes.
From here it was decided to cross the western
range in search of the large and populous provinces on
the South Sea, distant some twelve days' journey, and
as provisions were scarce, with few prospects of re-
plenishing along the route, the army was divided
One division under Chirinos marched westward across
the Nayarit Mountains, by a difficult route which can
not be exactly traced by the records, and arrived at
Tepic early in May.** Guzman with the remainder
followed a route to the south, recrossed the river, and
approached Tepic by way of Iztlan and Aliuacatlan,
Ukewise over bad roads, where part of the baggage
was lost. They met with no resistance, though some
of the villages had been abandoned. On reaching
Jalisco, the last place explored by Francisco Cortes
in 1524, they learned that Chirinos had been in Tepic
TonalA, as distinct from the operations of the main army, exploring part of
Aguascalientes and extending as far as Jeres in northern Zacatecas. Accord-
ing to these authorities the main army remained south of the river, waiting
at Aztatlan until joined by O&ate's force, thence proceeding to Tepic, where
was Chirinos' division. Gu even makes Guzman in his march from Aztatlan
to Tepic pass as far south as Mascota. But all these statements are indefinite
and contradictory to those of Guzman and others, who agree that the main
armv crossed the river and marched by way of Niichistlan to Teul. None of
the latter speaks of any independent branch expedition, but Ofiate or Chiri-
nos are repeatedly mentioned as having been sent forward to reconnoitre.
Oviedo, Herrera, and Salazar agree with this version, at least with that whidi
refers to Guzman's march in person through Nochistlan. See TeUo, HiH, ^.
OoLf 343-7, and others, ubi sup.
^ There is much doubt about the locality of ' the grand TeuL ' No extensive
ruins so far as I know have been discovered in the region of the pueblo which
now bears that name. For a descrii>tion of the aboriginal remains in this
region, see Native Ra/xs^ iv. 578-93, this series. Guzman calls Teul, Teblichan,
and also Teul or Tonauipan.
'^The country was so rugged that of the 17 days employed they oould
travel only three days on horseback. Ouxmofif Carta, 383. Tello, HisL N. OaL^
343-5, compares this crossing the sierra to Hannibal's crossing the Alps. The
Tepic natives thought the Spaniards must be birds, regardmg the roate as
impassable to men. Ramirez, Proeeao, 207-8, thinks Chinnos reached the ooest
north of the Rio Grande and retiimed aoathward to Tepic.
GUZMAN AT TEPIC. 355
for three days, and was then only two leagues distant.
Notwithstanding the lateness of the hour they imme-
diately joined hmi. Guzman remained at Tepic about
three weeks to refresh the horses and to await reen-
forcements from Mexico. In the mean time parties
were sent out in different directions to receive the sub-
mission of the native chieftains and to gather supplies
for the army. There was no organized opposition here,
though the general feeling in the province was hostile,
as indeed it could not long fail to be under the treatment
of Guzman's raiders, and as the commander really
wished it to be, so that the conquest might not seem too
easy, and that an excuse for plunder might not be
wanting. The caciques of Jalisco declined the honor
of becoming vassals of Spain, and all the efforts of
three or four embassies to persuade them were in vain ;
they even went so far as to kill several of the allies
and one Spaniard, who, too confiding, had strayed
from the camp. Thereupon an expedition agamst
Jalisco was undertaken in three divisions, commanded
by Guzman, Chirinos, and Oiiate, respectively; but
besides securing a few prisoners and burning the
towns and villages on the way, nothing was achieved.
Having previously been informed of Guzman's plans
the natives fled to the mountains, and though pursued
for eight leagues, rough ground saved them.*^
When Guzman halted he learned that the ocean
lay but two leagues distant, whereupon he proceeded
thither the following day and took possession. After
extending his exploration a short distance in a north-
em direction, and having discovered a port, sup-
posed to be the best on the whole coast,^ he re-
turned to Tepic, whither meanwhile the caciques of
Jalisco and neighboring towns had repaired, volun-
"^Tho author of the ^a RtL Awfn., 460, aaserts that Jalisco had peacefully
nbmitted, bat rebelled when an ezoesaive tribute was imposed, in coiiBequence
of which Guzman bnmed the town.
** JoBt below the present San Bias; Guzman called it Martouchel, and aa
llaataiiche], or Port of Jalisco, it was known for many years. Map-makers.
and writers evidently considered it distinct from San Bias.
356 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA.
tarily tendering submission. A garrison was estab-
lished, the nucleus of the villa de Compostela founded
the next year, and regular officers were appointed to
collect tribute and otherwise attend to the emperor's
interests in this region. In the last days of May the
horses were rested, the province was pacified, and the
army ready to advance.*'
Although successful in the acquisition, or rather
appropriation, of vast tracts of land properly belong-
ing to the conquest of Francisco Cortds, so far the
expedition was deemed a failure, having yielded but
little gold and silver. It was expected, however, that
the northern provinces and especially the country of
the Amazons, the Hesperides of the sixteenth-cen-
tury Spaniards, would yield ample compensation for
all hardships. Progress hither was checked some-
what by the hostile attitude of the inhabitants of
Centipac, or Temoaque, a rich and populous province
on the northern bank of the Tololotlan, where Captain
Barrios had been sent to explore and seek a ford. He
crossed the river, but was repulsed with some loss by
the native chieftains, who sent back a warning to
Guzman not to invade their country on penalty of
being cooked and eaten. The main army, however,
marched at once from Tepic and reached the bank of
the river on the 29th of May,^ when the commander,
clad in his best armor and mounted on a gayly capar-
isoned steed, entered the stream, and halting in the
midst of the current named it Espfritu Santo. Then
mounting the opposite bank, closely followed by the
army, Guzman took possession of the new territory
" Here were appointed Francisco Verdugo, treasurer; Crist<$l>al de Oflato,
contador, or auditor; Juan de S&mano, factor; and Heman Chirino8» ▼eedor,
or inspector; but most of these officers seem to have gone on with the army.
*^ This date — Espiritu Santo day — is ^iven by Guzman, in several of the
original documents, and by Oviedo, iii. 571. Tello, Ilisi, N, GaL, 347»
makes the date May 1st, which is the day of San Felipe and Santiago. This
author was perhaps misled by the name Santiago afterward applioi to the
river. Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iii. 401, says the crossing took place early in
1531. A native captured near the river was delivered to the blood-hoimda for
refusing to give information.
GKEATER SPAIN. 357
for Christ and Charles, by waving his sword and with
it cutting down some branches of trees; he ordered
the trumpets to be sounded, and pompously pro-
claimed that this new conquest be thereafter known
as "la conquista del Esplritu Santo de la Mayor
Espana/' or Greater Spain. The acts of possession
and naming were properly certified before the notary,
and the whole world was defied through loud-voiced
heralds to appear and dispute the regularity of the
proceeding, feut no champion of aboriginal rights,
nor envoy jfrom any old-world nation appeared to utter
a protest.^
The army of Centipac soon appeared drawn up not
far from the shore to utter a more practical protest by
disputing the furtiber advance of the invaders. That
the Spaniards might not be terrified by superior
numbers and escape annihilation by flight, a part of
the native force was at first placed in concealment ;
but the leaders soon realized that their full strength
was needed, as the Spaniards attacked and were
attacked simultaneously at several points, one part of
the native force falling furiously on the division in
charge of the baggage. For several hours a desperate
struggle was carried on, the natives exhibiting not
only valor, but a skill in military tactics unprece-
dented in Spanish experience of aboriginal warfare.
Superior weapons, discipline, horses, and at least equal
numbers, including auxiliaries, at last gave the victory
to the invaders ; the brave defenders of Centipac fled,
but relatively few escaped.
Armed resistance in this and the adjoining prov-
inces was at an end, and the army of Nufio de Guz-
* Telh, 349, names it Castilla la Nueya de la Mayor Espafia. The title
Greater Spain was bestowed with a view to eclipse the glory of Cortes as the
eonqneror of New Spain. Mota Padilla, Conq, N, OaL, 23, etc., says that
Guzman ^ve this name at the first crossing of the river on the Michoacan
border. Kamirez, Proceao, 208-11, strangely confused in this part of Guz-
man's trip, idmitifies this Rio Esplritu Santo with the Rio de las Caflas instead
of the Santiaffo de Tololotlan. The crossing was probably not far from
Santiago Ixcnmtla. For account of ancient remains on this river, see Uativt
Maces^ iv. 575, this series.
358 CX)NQUEST OP NUEVA GALICIA.
man was drawn up next day to thank the holy spirit
for the victory.*'
For two or three days the army remained encamped
near the river, in a town called Temoaque according
to some documents;*^ then they inarched northward,
crossed a large river, and encamped at the town of
Omitlan on the northern bank. The nver, doubtless
from the day of crossing, June 5th, was called Trini-
dad, and was probably that now known as the San
Pedro.** Here the festival of Corpus Christi Sunday
was celebrated on June 9th, and here they remained
about forty days to refresh horses and men, await
correspondence and reenforcements from Mexico, and
receive the submission of the country. The province
was fertile, supplies were plentiful, and the inhabitants
well disposed at first ; but very soon, despoiled of their
property, most of them fled to the mountains. From
Omitlan several officers returned to Mexico,*® and by
them Guzman sent his report to the emperor, dated
July 8, 1530, a document which, except where it refers
to the outrages committed, is one of the best author-
ities extant. Guzman requests the emperor to confirm
his past acts and the names he had given. He an-
nounces his intention to march four or five days later
to Aztatlan, three days farther on, a province reported
to be rich and populous, which he desired to reach
^ Seven or eight SpaniardB, 10 or 12 horses, each worth about 400 pesos
de minas, and hundreds of native allies, all of whom were probably valued
less than a single horse, were killed, while a large part of aU the forces and
about 50 horses were wounded more or less seriously. Guzman tells us that
several of the Indian a&ies were killed by the lance-thrusts of the Spaniards,
the struggle being so close it was impossible to distinguish them from the foe.
Oviedo represents the force of the enemy at 12,000, that of the killed a»
£,000, and says all the Spaniards were wounded. Telle, Hist, N. OaL, 347 et
seq., and Beaumont, Crdn, Mtdu, iii. 401, state that the entry into this province
was without resistance, and minutely describe the ceremonies and attentions
at the reception.
*^The author of the Sa ReL Awhi,^ 446, calls the place Atecomatlaii*
** The small stream between the Tololotlan and San Pedro could hardly
have been called a larse river by Guzman and others, who imply that tlia
Trinidad was the first large stream north of the Tololotlan.
^ Captain Bocanegra, uie maestre de campo Vallaroel, and the comendador
Barrios, according to Sdmano, 279-80, and Lopez, 432, 436. As to the latter,
lx>th authorities are confused. He is also mentioned as having returned frooL
Aztatlan three months later.
AZTATLAN. 359
before the threatened rising of the rivers should stop
his progress. From Aztatlan he proposed to press
on to the Amazon country, reported to be ten days
distant.**
About the middle of July it was resolved to pro-
ceed, and Gonzalo Lopez, who after Villaroel's return
to Mexico had been made maestre de campo, was
sent in a northerly direction to find suitable winter
quarters. Passing over flooded roads, where some-
times the water reached to the stirrups, Lopez
discovered Aztatlan, the chief town of a province of
that name, and with this information he returned to
the camp. A few days afterward the whole army
resumed the march ; but instead of three days, as ex-
pected, it required nearly a week to reach Aztatlan,
on account of the rainy season and the marshy nature
of the soil. Several days alone were spent by the
maestre de campo with the vanguard in building two
bridges over swollen rivers, which otherwise it would
have been impossible for the foot-soldiers to pass.**
Aztatlan reached at last, they establish themselves
in winter quarters, and remained there about five
months. This province, situated on the northern
bank of probably the actual Rio de Acaponeta,*^
afforded food in abundance, and at first, as long as
the rains did not prevent raids for plunder, all went
well.
**Cartay in Paeheeo and Gdrdenas, CoL Doc, xiii. 356-93, and in RamwiOy
iiL 331-9. Guzman also aaaertB that a church was buUt at Omitlan.
^Siimano, ReL, 279-^80, speaks of a river called Santa Ana from the day
of crossing, July 26th; and says they afterward crossed another nyer, on
which lay Aztatlan on Santiago day, or July 25th!
**It was certainly on either the Acaponeta or the Bio de las Caflas, the
present boundary between Jalisco and Sinaloa. The two streams are not
over 10 miles apart at their mouths. The Sa Rel Andn., 446-7, makes the
distance from Omitlan 10 leagues, and adds that when the army had forded
the stream and were pursuing the foe they came to a larger river, which
stopped the pursuit, it is clear that no such stream could have been found
near the Cafias and north of it The la Rel. An&n,, 288-9, makes the dis-
tance 10 or 12 leagues from Esplritu Santo River. The statements are not
definite enough for exact location in a country like this, where there are
several streams, each with branches, to say nothing of possible changes within
three centuries. The name Aztatlan applied in later times to a town on the
Aci^K>neta, is considered by Ramirez, Proceso, 208-11, as worthy of notice in
aeo €X)NQUE8T OF NUEVA 6ALICIA.
While here, Guzman learned that his presentiment
of a change unfavorable to him in the government of
New Spain had been verified. A letter from the
oidores Matienzo and Delgadillo arrived in the first
week of September, announcing the return of his
enemy Cortes and the overthrow of the first audien-
cia. Certainly Guzman congratulated himself for
having so timelv and with such advantage escaped
the company of his former associates. Although
probably on the same occasion he was summoned to
appear in Mexico, he was in a mood rather to increase
the present distance from the capital, until he could
return as the conqueror of a new kingdom/^ But in
any case it would be better not to leave the terri-
tory wholly to his enemies, particularly as the late
oidores would doubtless attempt to prove their own
innocence by heaping blame upon him. It was difli-
cult, however, to find a person intelligent and at the
same time trustworthy enough to plead successfully
for the absent governor. Nevertheless he would do
what he could. So he selected the former veedor,
Peralmindez Chirinos, whose interest he considered
as linked with his own, especially since the appoint-
ment at Tepic of his nephew, Hernando Chirinos, as
veedor. With a letter of Guzman, and accompanied
by ten or twelve other Spaniards, Chirinos set out
fipom Aztatlan for Mexico.^
Scarcely had Chirinos departed when a fresh mis-
this connection. Tello, ffigt. N. Gal, 349-60, sa^s that Aztatlan was burned,
vagtiely implying that a battle was fought in which a great number of natives
perished, and that subsequently the province submitted, the Spaniards bein^
received amidst dances and festivities. He also gives an account of a pablie
performance arranged in honor of the strangers, a fight betw^n a tiger and a
caiman in the yard of a house. According to the Sa ReL An6n., 4A7, the
relics of a Christian trader who had died seven years before were found at
Aztatlan. Have we here a trace of the missing Villadiego?
" The author of 4a Rel Andn., 470, says ne had received the news of
the arrival of Cortes already at Omitlan, though the message of the oidcvres
reached him only at Aztatlan. Beaumont asserts that it was at Tepic, but
his account of this expedition is very confused. Crdn. Afich,, iiL 400-L
^In his letter to the emperor, dated Chametla, Jan. 15, 1531, QuxnuuL
refers to another sent from Aztatlan. Oussman, Carta, in Padieco and Cdrde-
nas. Col. Doc, xiii. 406. According to the la Rel. Andn., 2S2-i, Chirinoa
returned from Chametla north of the other point named.
DIMINISHING NUMBERS. 361
fortune befell Guzman. About the 20th of Septem-
• ber, when the rainy season was nearly over and the
patience of the inhabitants quite exhausted, a sudden
rise in the river at midnight, preceded by a tempest,
and, as some say, by the appearance of a comet, sub-
merged the whole region of the camp for about two
leagues in circumference, and made it literally 02*0-
UaUy 'place of waters' — now known as Etzatlan. The
slight shelter of the soldiers — for the army was not
encamped in the town — was blown or washed away ;
hogs, cattle, and large numbers of sick allies were
drowned ; and it is even said that the towns near the
river were flooded; the waters subsided rapidly, but
left the army in a critical situation.
The rich stores of food which the natives had
been forced to supply were now spoiled, and as the
people had for the most part fled to the moun-
tains, there were no means of replenishing the store.
A pestilence attacked the auxiliary troops, carrying
them off by thousands ; the survivors were threat-
ened with starvation.*" Notwithstanding this, Guz-
man persisted in his plans of further exploration
northward, and it was in vain the Aztec and Tlas-
caltec leaders implored permission to leave that vale
of death and remove to some healthier locality. In
vain they offered all their booty, jewels, gold, and
silver. The leader's inflexibility could not however
prevent attempts to escape. A number of Indians
ran away; others were killed in the attempt; and not
a few recaptured were hanged, while others anticipated
such a fate by committing suicide. Even th6 Span-
^The acconnts giyen of this inundation are doubtless exaggerated. It is
■aid that the soldiers escaped drowning only by climbing trees; that 1,000 sick
Indians were drowned; that of the remainder only 500 survived the famine
and the pestilenoe; that the survivors had to live on toads and insects; that
all the Mexican leaders perished, etc. Beaumont, Crdn Mich., iii. 399-401,
rcprcacntit the flood as having occurred at Tepic. £scudeio, Not, Sort., 2o-G,
puts the flood at Chametla. Navarrete says the Spaniards escaped on balsas
to Acaponeta. Lopez, in Paeheoo and Cardenas^ CoL Doc., xiv. 439, makes
the somewhat broad assertion, 'Adolecieron muchos espaHoles, los cuales, asl
elloe oomo los indioe, faeron ooradoe y aaistidos del capitan general . .como si
fneaen sua hijoa.'
362 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA.
iards become rebellious, and at least one of their num-
ber was hanged as an example. '^
What concerned Guzman most was the decrease
of his force. He was determined on this adven-
ture. In fact, he must go on ; he could not well turn
back. It was sad for him to see his men perish, not
because of the men, but because of himself. Even
now if he would continue his expedition he must have
reenforcements. The maestre de campo, Gronzalo de
Lopez, was therefore sent to Michoacan and the Avalos
provinces for Tarascan warriors and carriers, together
with hogs and other suppUes.^^
At length Guzman became convinced that he must
remove &om that spot if he would not see the
whole army perish, for disease was daily thinning his
number. A division under Lope de Samaniego was
sent northward to Chametla, where they met with a
friendly reception, and brought back fowl and fish.
As they gave a good account of the place Guzman
resolved to remove thither, sending first Verdugo and
Proaiio with a small force to prepare quarters, a task
which they easily accomplished, aided by the friendly
natives. At the same time, that is, at the end of
November or beginning of December, Garcia del Pilar
was sent southward to hasten the return of Lopez,
who had been absent about forty-five days. He found
the worthy maestre ^^ at Ahuacatlan faithfully engaged
in branding slaves,^ for the northern market. On
^ Another Spaniard was saved from the gibbet only on account of influen-
tial intercession; others charged with attempts at flight were kept prisonets.
^^ Tello and Mota Padilla, followed bv Kavarrete, says it was the captain
Juan Sanchez de Olea who was sent to Mexico for aid. According to Tello
he returned in two months with 6,000 carriers and supplies. Mota Padilla
•estimates the number at 3,500. Lopez, in Pacheco ana Cardenas, CoL Doc.,
xiv. 437-8, and the author of the 3a Rel Andn., 447, add, that a commission
was given b^ Guzman to enslave and punish the natives of the Jalisco dis-
trict for havmg attacked a convoy of provisions sent from Michoacan, killing
some of the men.
^* Oviedo informs us that Lopez served under Guzman with 10 horsemen
at his own expense; and unlike most of his companions he came back as poor
as he started !
^Beaumont, CrdiL Mich., iii. 404, speaks of 5,000 slaves sent by Guzman
from Jalisco to P4nuco. This statement, if founded on fact, probably refers .
to a somewhat later period. Pilar and Lopez in their declairations estimate
THE LAND OF THE AMAZONS. 383
their return with succor they found Aztatlan almost
deserted, Crist6bal de Onate alone having remained
in charge of the baggage.
About three weeks after Verdugo had been sent t<>
Chametla, Guzman followed with the main army,
and was kindly received by the natives," who sent
them food, and furnished a thousand carriers to trans-
port their baggage. But continued friendships the
Spaniards could not endure. Would not some of the
survivors of this sickly army, some of the soldiers
of this dastardly commander, prick these unsophisti-
cated natives to the commission of some rash act
which would justify the Spaniards to rob and enslave
them! Nothing more easy; and by the time the
maestre de campo and Pilar arrived with reenforce-
ments the country was in a state of glorious hostility.
Enslavement flourished so that soon almost any num-
ber of human beings could be obtained at the rate of
five pesos each. Those captured in raids were divided
among the Spaniards present.
After a month's stay at Chametla the army pro-
ceeded northward to the Quezala province, and thence
to Piastla, easily subduing the natives of the district.
The women were becoming more beautiftd as they
continued their course, which seemed to indicate that
they were approaching the object of their dreams,
the country of the Amazons. And indeed, glowing
reports of Cihuatlan, the ' place of women,' confirmed
the marvellous tales which had reached the capital.
the number at 1,000. They were branded with an iron given Lopez by Guz-
man, and with the commander's authorization. Makins considerable allow-
ance for exaggeration in the statement of Pilar, there still remains little doubt
that the outrages committed on this people may be classed among the most
noteworthy of the world. See Pilar, 256-7; Ouzman, 4a ReL Andn., 473-4;
Lopez, in PcKheco and Cdrdena$, Col. Doe,, xiv. 461-2.
^Passing on the road through Acaponeta, Juan Sanchez de Olea with
auxiliaries and supphes is said to have joined them. In the same place the
tro<nw and stores were mustered. Tello, Hist, N, Gal., 351-2. The province
of Chametla was on a river from 12 to 20 leagues beyond Aztatlan according to
different estimates by Guzman's officers. The chief town, bearing the same
name, was about five leagues from the river's mouth, which formed a tolerably
good harbor. The stream was doubtless the one flowing into the sea next
above the Rio de las CaAas, which still retains the name on some modern
maps, as does indeed a town near the original site.
964 COKQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA.
All was so unknown ; great patches of untraveraed
earth spread out in the boundless blank plains ; it was
as easy for the credulous sixteenth-century men to
believe one thing as another concerning those lands as
concerning the unexplored sky or the dark bowels of the
earth — ^to believe of all these places to be what they
were told, whether by home sages or foreign savagea
And it may not be the last time that these Span-
iards awoke to disappointment, when they learned at
Cihuatlan that the Indians had been telling stories to
amuse them; that there was no Amazon island or
other great wonder there awaiting them. Yet for a
long time they continued to talk of these things, and
in a measure to believe in them though they knew
them to be false. Still, the determination of the
commander was to go forward. Marching yet far-
ther north they came to Colombo, in the province of
Culiacan, where they remained for seven months.
Fruitless explorations were sent out in divers direc-
tions; tracts of barren land inhabited by rude people
oflPered little inducement for further efforts. The
fading of the Amazon myth tended to lower the
enthusiasm of the soldiers, but Guzman remained
steadfast. It is even hinted that vs^ue rumors of the
later famous Seven Cities had reached his ears, and
served to fire his mind, now weakened by hardships and
disease." So impaired was his health that he had to
be carried in a litter. Be this as it may, the march
was renewed, now in an easterly direction over rough
roads and across steep mountains.
But Guzman's star was sinking, and however much
his efforts attempted to avert it, he was finally com-
pelled to yield before nature's barriers. Confronted
by the fact that to continue would entail the loss of his
entire force by starvation, he returned to Culiacan,
where the villa de San Miguel was estabhshed. Local
authorities were appointed, and a number of soldiers
^ Ovzmany la and ga JReL Andn,, 292, 903; but these allusions may be baaed
on later reports.
GUZMAN IN JAUSCO. 365
left there as settlers, to whom were given repartimi-
entos. With the remainder of his army Guzman
began about the middle of October 1531 his march
southward, to protect what he chose to regard as his
rights in Jalisco. Having failed to find the Amazon
Ides, and having also by his unwise and oppressive
policy estranged the inhabitants and destroyed the
riches of the provinces to which he had some claim
as discoverer, and which should have satisfied his am-
bition, he felt that the region south of the Rio Grande
del Espiritu Santo must be preserved at any cost.
Perhaps to a man of his temper these lands seemed
all the more desirable because another had a better
right to them. His northern possessions properly
managed would have brought him wealth and feme ;
he chose to return and renew his quarrel with Cortes,
and thus bring upon himself ruin; but he had the
satisfaction of knowing that in these later years his
old enemy was hardly less unfortunate than himself.
Guzman had asked the emperor to confirm the name he
had bestowed of Greater Spain, his own title as gov-
ernor of that province, his distribution of the towns
among his friends, and his right to enslave rebellious
natives. His petition was granted except in the mat-
ter of making slaves, and m the substitution of the
more modest and appropriate name of Nueva Galicia.
This confirmation of his authority was probably re-
ceived by Guzman before his return to Tepic." His
authority as governor of Pdnuco was continued, but of
course at the coming of the second audiencia he lost
his governorship of New Spain.
It is not hkely that definite southern limits were
^ Moia PadiOa, Conq. y. OaL , 83. The document containing this confirma-
tion ao far as I know ia not extant. The first mention of the new province by
royal authority which I have found is in a c^dula of Feb. 17, 1531. Puga,
€edulariOf 73. The new province is spoken of in the earlier documents not as
Nueva Galicia^ or Nuevo Keino de Gsklicia, but as Galicia de Nueva Espaila.
Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ix.'cap. zL, says tha^- Guzman received notice of his
appointment at Chiametla on his journey south. The oidores at first doubted
the genuineness of the commission. Letter cf 1631^ in Temaux-CoTnpana^ Voy.^
mem ii tom. v. 136-8.
366 CX)NQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA.
at first assigned to New Gralicia, and the governor's
first care was to distribute the Jalisco towns amon^
his partisans,*^^ encroaching without scruple on the
earher encomiendas of Francisco Cortes and others in
southern Jalisco, the Avalos provinces, CoHma, and
even Michoacan, maintaining that the former dis-
coverers had not fpermanently occupied the territory,
and that he had been obliged to reconquer it — a plea
of some plausibility, were it not that the hostility
of the natives and the necessity for reconquest had
resulted altogether from his own outrageous acts,^
He founded, either immediately or within a few years^
several Spanish settlements. Among these was the
villa of Santiago de Compostela, in the immediate
vicinity of Tepic and Jalisco towns, for a long time
the capital of New Galicia.^
Not long afterward Juan de Onate was sent to
establish Espfritu Santo, called later Guadalajara, in
honor of Guzman's birthplace. The first founding wa»
^^ Tello, Hist, N. Ghii., 355-62, gives a list of the principal encomiendas and
the persons who received them. See also SocUU Amir., i. 35-52. GuzmaiL
was m some way nrompted to it, because several of his captains, asking per-
mission to go to Mexico, went to Peru. Afraid lest the desertions might
materially reduce his power, thus invalidating his conquest, he went in person
to Ahuacatlan and the Rio Grande, where by liberal grants of encomiendaA he
contrived to satisfy the discontented. Beaumontf Cr6n, Midi., iv. 58-9.
^The dispossessed holders appealed to the crown, and by c^ula of April
20, 1533, Guzman was forbidden to meddle with Colima encomiendas. Pnga,
CeduUirio, 82. He pleaded that the settlers of Colima had encroached on
Jalisco. Carta, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col Doc., xxiii. 438.
'^ Named after the capital of Galicia iu Spain and honored with all the
privileges of its old-worla namesake. Also called by some writers Espiritu
Santo de Compostela, Compostela y Santiago. Ogilby, 1671, Dampier, 1G99»
Laet, 1633, West-Ind. Spieghel, 1624, write Compoatella; the latter adds Cen-
quipa; Jeflferys, 1776, Kiepert, 1852, Compostella. Cartog. Pac Coast, MS., ii.
528. Beaumont and Mota Padilla mention the year as 1535, but the different
declarations given by Guzman's captains about the year 1532 speak already
of the establishtnent, and agree that it was made on their return from the
north, and hastened by the arrival of Castilla from Mexico. Guzman him-
self says in his letter of January 16, 1531, that the 'Villa del Espiritu Santo/
as he calls it, had been established in the Topic province, and that it was the
first town laid out on this expedition, but probably the real foundation was
made when he returned. Ramirez, Proceso, 215, claims that Guzman founded
the town in that place against the wishes of his officers, in order the better
to defend himself oy sea or land against Cortes. Telle ffives a list of the earlv
settlers. Hist. N. Oal., 360-1. Ancient map-makdrs ml up this space aa fol-
lows: Lok, 1582, OaUda, in large letters across the country; Laet, 1633, N^ttewL
Galicia; Kino, 1702, Nova Oallicia; Jefferys, 1776, New OaUicia or Ottadala-
xara; Kiepert, 1852, JaUsco or Nueva OaUda, Cartog, Pac Coast, MS.. iL 552r
FOUNDING OF GUADALAJARA.
367
at Nochistlan; but in 1533 the town was removed to
the Jacotlan Valley, near Cuquio, and finally in 1541
placed south of the river, in Tonald. Even in 1533
the transfer was talked of, the latter place being deemed
more convenient, but Guzman objected, preferring to
hold that region for himself.**
During this time La Purificacion on the Colima
frontier was also founded by Guzman, all with an
eye to defeating his archenemy in case of open rup-
ture.^
While thus engaged in establishing his authority
in the south of New Galicia, Guzman was beset with
serious diflSculties from the first. The second audien-
cia had come with instructions to proceed with the
residencia against the former president and oidores,
and while hastening to seize the property of the
•Mota PadOla, Conq. N. Oal, 65,
77, asserts that in 1530, when Guzman
marched northward, a ^^arrison under
Juan de Ofiate was left in Nochistlan,
and that on December 3, 1530, Guzman
issued at Culiacan a commission to or-
pnize that settlement. The latter date
is evidently wrons, as Guzman was in
January 1531 still at Chametla. The
statements made by members of the
expedition, however, agree that Gua-
dalajara was established after the
founding of Compostela, la BeL A ndn, ,
292-3; SaJieL Andn,, 459-60; Lopez,
BeL, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, xiv.
461 . By a c^ula of November 8, 1529,
the kizig granted the city of Guadala-
jara a coat of arms, described in Tello,
Hisl, N. Oul., 371-3; Beaumont, Cr6ru
Mich,, iv. 176-7; Alegre, Hist, Comp.
Jeaua, L 81 passim; Mota PadUla,
Conq. N, Gal, 109, 18a-9; CaUeMenu
y Not,, 90; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teairo
EcJLuM. , i. 1 78-9. Some writers, as Beau -
moot, Cr6n, Mich., iii. 498, 557-8, and
Navarrete, Bist. Jal., 59, mention an-
other intermediate transfer of Guadalajara. Ogilby, 167, writes Guadalarra;
Laet, 1633, Guadalajara; Jefferys, 1776, Kiepert, 1852, Guailalaxara. Cartog,
Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 492.
« Authorities differ between 1533 and 1536 as the date. Tello, Hist. N.
Oal, 360, gives a list of 21 settlers. Ogilby, 1671, gives this places as Puri-
/caUo; Dampier, 1699, Purijication; Laet, 1633, Purijication and Acatian;
West'Ind. Spieghd, 1624^ PuHficatio and east Ycatlan; Jefferys, 1776, la Pu-
Tijicaatm; Kiepert, 1852, Purificadtm, Cartog. Pac. Coast, MiS., ii. 484.
Coat op Arms
OP THE City op Guadalajara.
368 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GAUCIA.-
implicated officials, they had Bummoned Guzman to
answer at Mexico to the fast accumulating charges,
including not only abuses as head of the administration,
but the illegal appropriation of treasury funds for hig
expedition, the torture and execution of Tangaxoan,
and other outrages. Guzman paid no attention to the
orders of the government at Mexico, which he refused
to recognize, still styling himself president and gov-
ernor of New Spain. His policy was to communicate
directly with the crown, and thus gain time to estab-
lish himself firmly in his new possessions, and to take
advantage of circumstances in finally defending his
conduct before the emperor.
Meanwhile he sought through the agency of friends
at court, who had so far served him well, and by
means of letters, to exculpate himself. In a tone of
injured innocence he protested against the sequestra-
tion of his property, and the maliciousness of the
charges against him. "What justice is it that per-
mits such measures without a hearing? Is this my
reward for having served your Majesty with so much
labor, faithfulness, and honesty?" It is well for some
that they can make up in brazen assurance what they
lack in humanity and integrity.^
His refusal to attend «»t Mexico for trial was based
on the ground that the conquest in the north-west
demanded his constant attention, and as even his
opponents recognized that interference therein might
imperil Spanish interests, the audiencia resolved to
postpone the case.^ Soon after came orders to inves-
tigate the main charges, and depositions were taken
and forwarded to Spain."
^The blame for slave traffio he threw upon the settlers. The reports of
the bishop could serve only to prove his malice and Guzman's uprishtneas.
' No pue<.u> de todos ser amado, mas espero en la misericordia de Dioe. Cartas
in Pacfieco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 407-13.
^ZumiLrraga and others thought, however, that Guzman should not be
left in charge of the country. Id., xvi. 363-76. 'Nous lui avons aooorde un
an.' Letter of audiencia, in Ternaux-CoTnpans, Voy., s^rie ii. torn. v. 205;
Torquemada, i. 604-6.
^By different decrees of 1530 to 1532 the crown demanded the immedi-
ate repayment of treasury funds and the investigation of Guzman's rale ia
EXFLorrs OF cashlul m^
The authorities at Mexico clearly saw the futility
of discountenancing the acts and attitude of Nuiio de
Guzman. Indeed, with the forces at his command,
he could afford to bid defiance even to armed oppo-
nents, as he stood prepared to do. Cortds had natu-
rally objected to the advantage taken by Guzman of
his discoveries and plans for conquest, but this could
no longer be rememed, and all he might do was to
take possession for New Spain of the districts actually
subjugated by his lieutenants, and at the same time
afford an opening as settlers to a number of the needy
adherents who had followed him from Spain. While
taught by his own acts in similar cases, and by the
trickery of others, he allowed himself nevertheless to
suppose that the authority of sovereign and audiencia
would be suflBcient to obtain respect for the claim.
In this belief, as captain-general, he commissioned
Luis de Castilla, a knight of Santiago, of noble
family, to proceed with a hundred men to settle and
rule the country bordered on the north by Rio Tololo-
tlan.
Castilla approached Jalisco from the south at the
same time that Guzman returned toward it from the
north. Informed of the presence of a rival, the latter
hastened to install a municipality at Compostela, as
capital of the district, and to let the intimation reach
Castilla that he had been anticipated. Luis replied
that he came in the name of his Majesty, and must
take possession. Guzman was by no means prepared
either to yield or to shed the blood of officers armed
with a royal commission ; yet peradventure he might
<^pture him. To this end artifice alone was left to
him ; so he sent a message full of bland assurances,
Pinnoo, and his execution of Tangazoan. Puga, Cedulario, 75, 7d-30, 83, 87.
The receipt of the papers was acknowledged in April 1533, the examination
having begun in January 1532, says Beaumont. Cr&n. Mic-h.^ iii. 379; Id., MS.,
179. The chief witness was Garcia del Pilar, a conqueror under Cort(^s,
whose services had procured for him a coat of arms. Lately he had served
as officer and interpreter under Guzman, and was accordingly well informed.
He died during the trial, in February. CorUs, Hesidenria, ii. 201-24. Bemal
Bias wrongly states that he fell in battle. Hist. Verdad,, 241.
Hist. Mix., Vol. U. 24
370 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA.
declaring that the commands of the sovereign would
receive his himible obedience, and even bidding the
knight welcome as a valued neighbor. Satisfied, Cas-
tilla encamped at Tetlan, preparatory to entering
Jalisco on the morrow.^
The object of Guzman's message was to throw the
recipient off his guard. Following it came Captain
Onate with some fifty trusted cavalry to seize upon
whatsoever advantage might offer. Informed of the
negligence prevailing in the enemy's camp, he pointed
out the easy task of capturing the companv. It was
finally agreed to undertake it, and, stealing forward un-
der cover of the night, at the first break of dawn they
fell upon the camp with a thundering "Viva Dios y
el rey, y su gobemador Nuiio de Guzman." The sol-
diers of Castilla were so completely taken by surprise
that they made no effort at resistance, and all were
quickly disarmed under the eyes of their leader^
whom Onate sought to reassure with affected consola-
tion. Finding that his person was respected, Castilla's
fears abated, and he hastened to use the permission
granted to exhibit his credentials at headquarters.
On beholding him, Guzman broke forth with the fierce
inquiry why he presumed to enter with an armed
force into his territory. Castilla answered by pre-
senting the royal commission in dignified silence. This
being read, Guzman kissed it with great humility.
As for obeying it, that was another matter. The
c^dula had evidently been issued under false repre-
sentations, for the province of J&lisco had never been
subjugated by Cortes, and as the sovereign could not
desire to give to another his hard-earned conquests,
wherein he had founded the first settlements, he must
appeal to Spain before obeying the order. While a
notary drew up the answer and protest, the governor
sought to charm his captive by a display of his briU
^ Some of his followers expressed doubts about Guzman's sixLoerity, bat
Castilla maintained; 'Ko hay que recelar.' Moia PadiUc^ Cong. If. CfcU., 94.
Another account refers to the preliminary capture of some of Castilla's strag-
glers. Ouxmanf 4aReL An6n.^ 481-2.
FALL OF GUZMAN. 371
liant conversational power; but when he dismissed
him, he changed his tone, and bade him depart with
his followers within four hours, under penalty of a
traitor's doom.*" The threat lent wings to Castilla,
and he hastened crestfallen to report his failure to the
captain-general. "It appears that the Castillas in
New Spain are better fitted to govern in peace," caus-
tically obser\'ed Cortes as he turned his back upon him.'^
This was the governor's last triumph; from this
time his prosperity waned. His friends and sup-
porters one by one left him, some of them estranged
by his arbitrary misrule, others because the star of his
foe seemed in the ascendant. The refusal of the king
to confirm Guzman's license to enslave the natives
thinned the settlers' ranks ; the governor's severe pun-
ishment of certain persons who disobeyed the law —
a tardy attempt to conciliate a powerful element
among his foes — drove away others; while of the
remaining colonists many were drawn away by ex-
citing reports of the gold discoveries in Peru. The
governor had the petty satisfaction on several occa-
sions, as will appear, of refusing water and other aid
to the vessels sent out by Cortds, or of plundering
those vessels when cast aground on the coast ; but so
weak did he become finally that he offered no resist-
ance when Cortes marched to Jalisco to recover his
vessels.*"
** ' Tenia intencion secreta de mandarle cortar la cabeza,' sayis Beaumont^
Crdn. Micfi., iv. 68. The 4a Rel Andn., 483, states that CastUla had been
captured oa the road in company with four or five men.
*^ Castilla was ordered to Spain with the documents bearing on the case,
ihere to add to the charges against Guzman, but a gale swept the sea which
swallowed the vessel bearing them with all on board. Mota PculiUa., Conq. 2i.
ChiL, 97; Castilla's death is implied in CorUa^ Encritoa Sueltotf, 193, yet a man of
wmilar name figures some years later in New Galicia. Ramirez and some other
writerofepreseDt that this expedition of Castilla was subsequent to, and partly
i^ QpqifMquenco of, Guzman's treatment of Hurtado during his voyage up the
coast; but this is erroneous, for Hurtado did not sail until May or June of
1532, while the audiencia re^rted the whole Castilla affair to the court on
April 19, 1532; and their action in the matter was approved by the (^ueen in
a letter of October 16th. Puga, Cedulario^ 80. Moreover Cortes describes tho
a£Eur in a letter of April 20, 1532, and says that Guzman from the north, and
CaatiDa from the south, botii arrived at /alisco the same day. Cartas^ 512.
'^In Pof^eco and CdrdenaB^ CoL Doc., xii xiii. and xvi., are a number of
^2 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GAIJCIA.
Shortly after Castilla's return, the audiencia, doubt-
less at the petition of Cortes, had ordered Guzman to
confine the exercise of his authority to the region
north of Jalisco, and in no case to interfere in the
government of CoUma, Michoacan, or Tonald.* This
was confirmed by a peremptory order from Spain of
April 20, 1533, bidding Guzman not to interfere in
the southern encomiendas and not to call himself
hereafter governor of Pdnuco. A month later he
was required to report in future directly to the audi-
encia of Mexico in all matters affecting Nueva Gali-
cia/® Of his later transactions we know little save
in connection with the seizure of Cortes' vessels, and
in allusions to petty campaigns against natives whom
oppression had driven into revolt, and to visits to his
possessions at Pdnuco/^ The succession of disap-
pointments and humiliations encountered in the deser-
tion of comrades, in signs of disfavor at court, in
pending residencias, and in subordinating him to the
government at Mexico — all this, in connection with
dwindling credit and resources, could not fail to bend
his haughty spirit. "I am driven to despair," he
writes, " without a crust to eat."^*
Better boldly face the storm, he concluded, than
endure this torture. He would throw himself at the
feet of the emperor and seek mercy. He accordingly
placed Crist6bal de Oftate in charge of the govern-
ment, and set out for Pdnuco, to collect additional
funds and seek means of conveyance to Spain. His
star willed it, however, that he should turn aside to
Mexico, there to meet a portion of his just deserts.^
hb letters wherein he seeks to justify his condact and bring censure on that
of his opponent.
''Tonali, however, seems to hare been under the rule of later govamors
of New Galicia.
''^Fuja, Cedulario, 82-4, 87.
" Cartci, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas^CoL Doc, ziii 414-20.
^ * T creo que ni la justicia divina ni humana no son dello servidoa.' €€Ula,
in Id., 419.
7* * Con el motivo de no perder crecidas sumas de dinero que le debtan en
la caja real de Mexico de resulta de sus salarios.' Beaumont, Cr&n, Mick,, it,
81. Bemal Diaz states that Mendoza invited him to come to Mexico with a
AUTHORITIES. 373
Tiew to save him from the indisnity of arrest in his own provinces. HuL
Verdad,, 231. But this is doubtful
The original authorities which I have consulted on Gusnan's expedition are
as follows: Relatione di I^vnno di Gwman^ in Hamusio, iiL 331-9. This Ib a
letter of Ousosan dated Omitlsn, July 8, 1530, directed to the emperor, and siv-
ing a detailed account of progress down to the date. The Spanish original has
been published in Packeeo and Cdrdenaa, Col. Doc, ziiL 366-93, and a very
impefect condensation in English mav be found in Purehas, Hia PUffrimea, iv.
1556-9. The writer admits only such outrages on the Indians as were mer-
ited through disloyalty to the emperor or ii^delity to the white man's God;
but in such cases speaks of his orders to hang and bum with a coolness that is
revoltinff. The narrative is marked by hypocritical expressions of submission
to the ouvine and royal will, extreme even for that time. Hie SelacUmcB
Awhmnaa {la, ^a, So, and ^) de la Jornada out hmo Nuflo de Oueman d la
Nueva OdScia were written by eye-witnesses of the events described, includ-
ing both friends and foes of the leader, were drawn out appcurently by the
official investigation of Guzman's conduct^ and are to be found only in Jcash
halceta, CoL Doc, iL 288-306, 439-60, 461-8a The first and second seem to
have heea written by the same person, whose name is unknown, as is that of
the writer of the third. Icazbaloeta finds much reason to identif^r the author
of the fourth with Cristobal Flores. Similar to these narratives is the Rela-
don of Cronzalo Lopez, in Pacheco and OArdenas, CoL Doc, xiii 411-61; the
Helacion de Oarcia del Pilar and the RelacUm de Ja Conquista de loe Teules
Chkkhneeas by Juan de Simano, in Ieassbalceta*$ CoUeetion, ii. 24^-87. Yet
the aimilaritY between the statements of Ldpez and Sdmano, as also between
those given by Pilar and the author of the 4^ Hel Anon., implies that they
were not made quite independently. The testimony of Ldpez may chum, as
to facts, perhaps more reliability than the other when we consider that dur-
ing the last paft of Guzman's campaign he held the position of a maestre de
campo. Pilar was a young interpreter of Nahua dialects, and one of the
original oonquistadores, but not of good repute, if we may credit Bishop
ZumiLrraga's allusions to his maqtdnadones dwbdlicas and to his unfortunate
escapes from being hanged. Tenuxux-Compana, Voy., s^rie iL tom. v. 26.
He was a willing tool of Guzman during the campaign, but a bitter foe after-
ward, showing ful his leader's acts in their worst ligh^ and relieving himself
of all complicity by throwing the blame on the other interpreter, Juan Pas-
cnaL In adclition to this narrative, Pilar's testimony taken at Guzman's
trial is published by Ramirez and Beaumont^ whose works are noticed below.
Juan de S4mano was one of Guzman's captains, and afterward held a high
position in Mexico.
Of the early chroniclers who claim or may be supposed to have had access
to oru;inal sources of information, are Oviedo, Hi«L Gen., iii. 661-77, who
consulted several members of the expedition, especially Francisco de Arzeo;
Padre Tello, Hist, de la Ji. Oalicia, written about 1650 by a Franciscan who
had spent over 50 years of his life in the country of which he writes, but
whose work, or such portions of it as have been preserved, is valuable rather
for information on aboriginal manners and customs than as an historical narra*
tive; Herrera^ dec. iv. lib. viL cap. viii.; lib. viiL cap. L-ii.; lib. ix. cap.
ix.-xiL, who consulted some of the anonymous manuscripts; Mota Padilla,
Cong. N. Gal., 23-66, 75, who also saw some of the original documents and
often cites Tello; Beaumont^ Crdn, Mich,, iiL 266-7, 351^-422, MS., 135,
174-207, who cites Tello and Herrera, and gives Pilar's testimony. See also
Salazar y Olarte, Conq. Mex,^ 426-35; Torquemada, L 338, 600-4; Gomara,
Hitt. Ind., 66, 271; Bemal Diaz, IlisL Verdad. 229-31; Villa Seflor, Theatro,
iL 203-4, 229; Calle, NoU y. Mem., 8^90; Cavo, Tres Siglos, I 14, 95, 101-2.
Among modem writers the only ones who have treated this expedition at
length are Frejes, HisL Breve, 41-68, 118-21, Ramirez, Proceao de Resid.
contra Alcaradoy Guzman, 187-258, and Navarrete, Compendio de la Hist, de
JaUtoo, 27-61, 8&-6. The second nves some of the original documents of the
Te«id«iicia» and draws his historical sketch chiefly from Beaumont and Mota
374 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICXA.
PadiUa, with Bomewhat less skill than might be expected from the aathor's
high repntation. The latter follows Telle to a great extent, and his work
does not show extensive research. Other works which mention the expedi-
tion are the following: Eeoovedo, in 80c. Mex. €hog., vii 5, 6; OH, in Id.^
viii 477-80; Oarda^ m Id., viiL 23; Paym, in Id,, 2a ^p. L 797-801, iL
137-^; Hemandoe y Ddvalos, in Id,, 2a 6p. iii 187-8; Rcmero, NoL Mich.,
122, 186, 193, 197-8, Mtueo, Jfex., iv. 115; Chimalpain, HisL C(mq., 184-6;
Moreno, Frag,, 8, 9, 30; Escudero, Not. Son,, 25-6; Temaux-CoT/^ans, Voy.,
serie i. torn. ix. 286, etc.; Bumey's Chron. Hut, Voy., i 165, 169-70; OaJr
vino*8 DUeov,, 40; Wegt-Ind. Spieghd, 334-50; CkdlcUin, in Nouv, Atl Voy,,
cxxxL 240-1; DaM SI Oringo, 58-9; Laet, Nwwb OrbU,, 284-^; Domeneeha
Deserts, L 168; Chttfriedt, IT Well, 605; SodStS AnUr,, i. 35-52; Riveni, CMk
Mex,, i. 18, 24-^; LarenaudUre, Mex, et Ouai., 144; Puga, Cedulario, 80, etc.;
J}icc Urdv,, ix.-x.; Oreenhow*s Memoirs, 25, etc.; Parra, Conq, XaL, x. MS.,
76; Rivera, Deserip. Za^., pt. ii 1-5; Alegre, Hist. Comp, Jesus, i. 204; Chnzalez
Ddvila, Teatro, Ecles,, i 17S-9; Ataman, Disert,, I app. 27-8; Brasseur de
Bourbourg, HisL Nat, Civ,, iv. 744-53; Camargo, Hist. Tkau, 182; Zamacois,
HisL MSJ,, iv. 476-7, 48^90, 493-515; MarelU, Fasti Novi Orbis, 21; Romero,
in Soc Mex. Oeog., Boletin, viiL 538, ix. 15, 85-6; Ardiivo Mex,, Doc, i
362-3, ii. 201-2; Mimummtos HisL PoUt., MS., 8, 9; MonuTnentos D<mm, Esp.,
MS., 239-40; Russelts HisL Am., i. 381; Voyages, Selection qf Curious, 39;
Santos, Chron. Hospit,, iL 445; Jalisco, Mem. HisL, 34-62; ChrdovkS Anc
Mex., ii. 248-9; Expl. del Codex. Tel Rem,, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq,,
V. 155; DiUon, BeaitUs, 39-61; Pvmentel, Mem., 96.
CHAPTER XVIIL
ESTABLISHMENT OF A VICEREaAL GOVERNMENT.
1535-1537.
J^FVOUFTMXST OT MeNDOZA — HiS INSTRUCTIONS AND PBIBOQATIVIS — AbRIVAL
AND Reception of the Fieot Viceroy— Inaugural Ceremonies— Re-
tirement or THE OlDORES — DlFHCULTIES OE THE ADMINISTRATION — CnT
Imfrovembnts— Deeensive Measures — Apparent Weakness of the
Spaniards— Procliyities and Ck>NDiTioN or Negroes— Their Ck>N8PiRo
ACT AMD ITS SUPPRESSION — MuSTER OP SPANIARDS IN THE CAPITAL.
The sad failures attending the governing of this
<listant world which the Genoese had found and the
Estremaduran had conquered, led Charles to bethink
himself of other meana Would not a miniature
courts having about it the sacred smell of royalty, the
very embodiment of imperial power and prerogative,
awe the turbulent spirits of New Spain into more
courteous submission ? And so it was determined
that a viceroyalty would be the proper thing in this
region.
Acting in accordance, therefore, with the wishes of
his Majesty, who was in Flanders, the queen proceeded
to select a person qualified both by birth and ability
to fill so high a position. Her first choice fell upon
the oonde de Oropesa, who, however, under various
pretexts declined the offer, as did also the mariscal de
Fromesta. She next tendered the appointment to
Manuel Benavides, but his exorbitant demands with
respect to the power to be vested in him, and supplies
of money, induced her Majesty to withdraw the nom-
ination. The position was lastly offered to Antonio
<le Mendoza, who though he accepted it was detained
(875)
876 ESTABLISHMENT OP A VICEREGAL GOVERNMENT.
several years in Spain before sailing for^the seat of his
government.^
Though the Cortds party considered that the choice
ought properly to have faJleii upon the marques del
Valle, the crown did not evidently deem it prudent to
invest with such power one whose possessions in the
country were so extensive, his interests so lai^e, and
his friends so numerous.* The selection of Mendoza
was, morever, a fortunate one. Of noble birth, being
son of the second conde de Tendilla, and first marquds
de Mond^jar, he was connected with the celebrated
naval commander Bernardino de Mendoza, and the
equally famous statesman and historian Diego Hur-
tado de Mendoza. Both as regards character and
ability he was well fitted for the place, his governing
capabilities being equalled by the integrity of his in-
tentions. Austere in his habits, and practising absti-
nence to an extent injurious to his constitution, he
never relaxed his exertions in the discharge of his
duties, while the responsibility of his position increased
his anxiety.
Besides his appointment as viceroy,^ Mendoza was
created president of the audiencia in the place of
Puenleal, who was returning to Spain. This office did
not, however, entitle him to vote in judicial matters,
the administration of justice remaining in the hands
of the oidores, whose provisions, sentences, and decis-
^He reoeived the appointment in 1530, Beaumont, Crdn, Mkh., iiL 539,
but did not arrive in Mexico before 1535. From Puga it appears that his
appointment was formally made out April 17, 1535. Cedulario, 98-9.
^Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. i.; Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 540-1.
' He was assigned a salary of 6,000 ducados, 3,000 of which he received as
viceroy and 3,000 as president of the audiencia. He was, moreover, allowed
2,000 ducados for the expenses of his body-guard. Piuja, Cedulario, 98-9. In
1614 this salary was raised to 20,000 ducats, pay for six months bein^; alloweil
for the voyage out, and a similar amount for the expenses of returmnff. Ala-
man, Disert, iii. app. 25. The 6,000 ducados, at 375 maravedfs each, were
equal to 5,000 pesos de minas at 450 maravedis, and the laborious investigator
Clemencin estimates the value of the pesos de minas in 1497 to have been nine
doUais and seventy-five cents, so that Mendoza s salary would be about equiv*
alent to 48,750 dollars of modem coin. But the purchasing power of coin then
was in some directions five or ten times greater than at uie present day; so
that it is impossible to estimate accurately the value of coin then as compaired
with the present. Mem, Valor Moneda^ MS., 501 et seq.
ANTONIO DE UENJX)ZJi. 377
ions had to be signed by the viceroy. In addition to
these appointments he was constituted acting captain-
general, and empowered to assume the corresponding
functions should circumstances render such a step
necessary. His privileges and prerogatives were most
ample, and although he was advised to consult with
the audiencia on matters of importance, he was fully
authorized, after receiving their opinions, to act on his
judgment. The instructions given him for his guid-
ance were explicit. All affairs of the government were
placed under his direction. The prelates were to be
consulted on ecclesiastical matters, the establishment
and extent of bishoprics, and the erection of churches ;
and a full report thereon was to be forwarded to the
king. Clergymen who caused scandals were not to
be tolerated in the province, and such as had been
frairs were to be sent back to Spain ; the limits of the
bishopric of Oajaca, which it was proposed to erect,
were to be determined; the church patronage enjoyed
by the crown was to be upheld, particularly the right
of presentation to all ecclesiastical positions ; ecclesi-
astical judges could have no power to arrest and punish
civilians, and the audiencia was empowered to inter-
fere in cases of appeal. Convents were to be reformed,
and not allowed to become places of* refuge for crimi-
nals/
But though his Majesty was anxious for the proper
spiritual government of his realm, his worldly inter-
ests were by no means left out of sight, and sugges-
tions were made to promote the increase of the royal
revenue.* The capability of the natives to bear in-
* The payment of church tithes by the natives was to be closely investigated,
and an estimate made of what portion of them ought to revert to the crown.
It was ordered, also, that in the existing convents the natives should receive
Itetter instructions, Packeco said Cardenas^ Col Doc.^ xxiii. 426-45; and they
were to be encouraged in industrious habits, and to collect themselves into com-
munities. No arms were to be sold to the natives, nor were they to be taught
to manufacture them. Spaniards settled in Mexico were to keep ofifensive and
defensive arms in their houses, and negroes were forbidden to carry weapons
cither publicly or secretly. Herrera^ dec. v. lib. ix. cap. i. and ii.
^ Mendoza^ among other orders, was instructed to search for buried treas-
ures in the great temples of Mexico, the king having been informed tliat
378 ESTABUSHMENT OF A VICEREGAL GOVERNMENT.
creased tribute was to be considered, as well as the
question whether those portions of the country hith-
erto exempt could not be taxed. Moreover industries
were to be encouraged for the promotion of the wel-
fare of the coimtry and the benefit of the royal treas-
ury; the accounts of the royal officials were to be
examined and the collection of all balances due was
ordered. Instructions were also given for the erec-
tions of forts, and provisions were made with regard
to arms in order to insure the safety of the country.
About the beginning of October 1535, Mendoza
Arrived at Vera Cruz,^ and preparations were made to
receive him with becoming ceremony. He was con-
ducted in great state to the capital, where he was
sumptuously entertained by the authorities. Never-
theless the reception was quite tame as compared with
later ones, when the viceroy was conducted with ex-
cessive pomp and pageantry, involving great expense,
from Vera Cruz to the city of Mexico, the whole
journey being a triumphal march, the road spread
with palm-branches and spanned by arches of fresh
evergreens and flowers; the entrance into Tlascala,
Puebla, and all the principal towns on his route being
signalized by martial music, and processions of multi-
tudes of natives decked in brilliant colors and bearing
aloft the banners and devices of their towns. High
in front of the viceregal party there used to float a
richly embroidered flag, on one side of which were
worked the arms of the king and on the other those
of the viceroy. The solemnity of the reception on
native nobles had been buried there with great riches. The question of send-
ing slaves from Spain or elsewhere to work in the mines was also to be exam-
ined. Id.
' Herrera only mentions the year without giving the month. Id. Torque-
madasays in 15&. Monani, Ind., i. 608; followed by Figueroa, Vindicku, BIS.,
126, Vetancurt, Trot. Mcx., 7, and several minor authorities. Padre Medina
assigns the 15th of August, 1535, as the date of his arrival in Mexico, Ckron,
de San Diego de Mex., 233; but the acts of the ayuntamiento of Mexico show
that on the 13th of October dispositions were made for the reception of Men-
doza, and on the 17th the commission made a report of the conference held
with him. Presuming that the conference was held on the 16th, bis arrival
probably took place on the 15th. Zamacois accepts this date. HiaL Mij.^
IV. 586; and Rivera, Oob, Jf«., i. 29.
RECEFnON OF A VICEROY. 379
each occasion was proportionate to the importance of
the town; and as his successor approached the capital
the outgoing viceroy left the city to meet him and
resign the government into his hands.
On arrival at Chapultepec the viceroys used to halt,
and in the evening proceed to the city, where the cere-
mony of taking possession would be performed with
great solemnity. Then he was conducted first to the
hall of the audiencia,^ after that to the hall of civil pro-
cedure, where the seal was delivered to him, the royal
c^dulas constituting his appointment were exhibited,
and the oath was taken by him on the holy gospel.
Then followed, on a day appointed for the purpose, his
public entry into the city, on which occasion was dis-
played a costly magnificence in retinue and appareL
Near the church of Santo Domingo the ayuntamiento
delivered to him the city keys beneath a triumphal
arch, whence, under a canopy of state, he was con-
ducted to the cathedral, where he was received by the
archbishop in his pontifical robea At the entrance
another was usually erected for the occasion, beneath
which a panegyric in verse was addressed to him.
After the te deum the viceroy would proceed to the
palace, and for several days the city would be gay
with festivities, the night bright with fireworks, and
the day one continuous round of bull-fights and other
amusements.*
' Each viceroy was the bearer of a sealed letter, called the pliego de mor-
taja« addressed to the aadiencia> and which could be opened only in case of
his death while in office. This document designated tne person whom the
crown appointed to succeed him under such an event.
' The expenses of these inaugurations in time became excessive, amounting
to as high as 26,000 pesos. The king, by royal c^dula of May 6, 1688, limited
the sum to be employed for this purpose to 8,000 pesos. Ordenes de la Co-
rmub, MS., i. 9-11. On account of the disputes which occurred on the entry
of the viceroy Galvez, in 1783, the court ordered that in future the procession
on horseback into the city should be discontinued, and thenceforth the cere-
mony terminated, and the viceroy and accompanying authorities entered the
city &om Guadalupe in carriages, the garrison bemg drawn out in the streets.
The respective oaths were \Sk.en in the council-diamber, and the ayunta-
miento paid the expenses of banquets and other festivities. These still
amounted to the fpreat sum of 14,000 pesos, and the second count of Revilla
Oigedo advised his successor to suppress them. Alaman, JMserL, iii. app. 99.
In former times it had been the custom for the authorities of the capital.
380 ESTABLISHMENT OF A VICEREGAL GOVEMmENT.
Soon after the aarival of the viceroy several mem-
bers of the audiencia retired from office. President
Fuenleal, ah-eady advanced in years, had in 1532
requested permission to return to Spain, and the
oidores Salmeron and Ceynos, for the same reason,
were equally anxious to be relieved from their dutiea
By c^dula dated November 13, 1535, Francisco de
Loaisa was commissioned to take the residencia of
the four oidores.* On the 24th of February, 1536,
this order was proclaimed with the usual form in the
city of Mexico; but it does not appear that charges
were preferred against any one except Quiroga, wKo
was accused of having caused to be erected two hos-
pitals, one at Santa F6 near the capital, and the other
in Michoacan, the construction of which had brought
great distress to the natives, whose houses had been
destroyed to supply materials. Quiroga, however,
vindicated his action by proving the great benefit that
had been derived from the hospitals, especially from
that in Michoacan, and in March 1536 he was
formally exonerated by the juez de residencia.^**
Shortly after the favorable termination of their
residencia, President Fuenleal and the oidores Sal-
meron and Ceynos returned to Spain. It is no more
than a just tribute to their memory to acknowledge
that they faithfully discharged the duties intrusted to
them;" that during their administration, in conjunc-
tion with their colleagues, the system of tyrannical
misrule oi^anized by their predecessors was broken;
and that reforms of essential benefit were effected by
including the tribunal of the inquisition, to meet the viceroys at Chapultepec,
where they were entertEuned with bull-fights and festivities, but from the
tenor of a royal cedula of 17C1 it appears that before that year Chapultepec
had ceased to bo the halting-plaoe Defore their solemn entry into the city.
Reales Cidulas, MS., L 105.
* On the 19th of the same month an order was addressed to the viceroy-
directing him to return their staffs of office to tiie oidores on the event of their
residencia beins satisfactory. From the day on which the varas were given
back to them they could continue to receive tiieir annual salary of 500,000
maravedls. Pwyo, Cedulario, 110.
^•BeaumofUj Crdn. Mich., iu. 316-17, iv. 315-49.
^^ Bemal Diaz says that the new audiencia * no entendian sino solamenta
en hazer lo que Dioe^ y su Magestad manda.' HUt. Verdad,^ 230.
A BIGHTEOUS RULER. 381
them under circumstances which required the greatest
prudence, good judgment, and courage."
It is refreshing to be able to speak well of one of
Spain's rulers m America. Mendoza made every
effort to carrv out the instructions he had received.
The duties oi his position had been rendered some-
what less diflScult of performance by the previous ex-
ertions of the second audiencia in the work of reform ;
nevertheless it was no easy matter to rule with satis-
factory results a community divided into factions,
whose opposing interests were asserted with jealous
cUums of merit and equal expectations of support.
The number of provinces, and the varied condition
of the native tribes in different parts, rendered it im-
K)ssible to apply the same rules in all casea Regu-
tiotis which were beneficial and necessary in some
districts were inapplicable in others; hence discon-
tent and charges of capriciousness against the viceroy.
Moreover, each ruler of a province and each enco-
mendero wished the government to adopt his own
particular views, and the advice offered to Mendoza
was so multifarious that he found it the best plan
quietly to listen to all without dissenting, and then
do as he thought best," as contradiction on his part
led to interminable wrangling. The adjustment of
existing jealousies between the conquerors proper and
the new settlers was a difficult task, but much more
so was the enforcement of the new laws relative to
the treatment of the natives; and though he was
u Speaking of President Fnenleal, Gonzalez D&vUa attributes to his care
and prudence all the good that was effected in New Spain during this period,
and adds that he returned to the Peninsula without gold or silver. Teatro,
Ecka., L 262. On his return he was appointed to the see of Tuy; afterward
he was made bishop of Leon, and finally of Cuenca on the 25th of July, 1542.
At the same time he was chosen president of the audiencia of Valladolid,
where he died January 22, 1547. He was buried in the Dominican convent
ol Santa Cm^ founded by himself in his native place. Dernal Diaz, HtsL
VerdcuL^ 230; Herrera, doc t. lib. ix. cap. i.; Oviedo, iii. 534-5; Torquemadct,
1 608; Cartas de Indias, 829-33.
" ' £bi verdad,' says Mendoza to his successor, ' que si hubiese de hacer lo
ique se aconseja, que ya la tierra estuviera trastomada de abajo arriba viente
veoea.' Seladan, m Pacheco and Cardenas, Col, Doc, vi 509-11.
382 ESTABLISHMENT OF A VICEREGAL GOVEKimENT.
"Well aware of the necessity of extending to them
protection, he advised the repeal of the laws." The
excessive difficulties encountered in legislating for the
benefit of the natives are aptly represented by Men-
doza, who considered that the numerous experiments
tried were enough to drive them to insanity."
Apart from the administration of political affairs
the viceroy was occupied in carrying out improve-
ments in the city of Mexico, and providing means of
defence against outside and inside attack. The second
audiencia had already executed certain works benefi-
cial to the comfort of the inhabitants, such as the
introduction of water into different parts of the cap-
ital, and the substitution of stone bridges for wooden
ones/* The aqueduct from Chapultepec to the city
had also been begun by order of the oidores.^^ The
continuance of these improvements under a viceroy^
and the prospects for the future of stability in the
government, had naturally an effect upon the value of
city real estate; and Mendoza informs the king, on
the 10th of December, 1537, that rents and property
had doubled in value since his arrival^ The defensive
^* The general outcry against these laws impelled Mendoza to act contrary
to his feelings. ' Tengo harto escrnpulo, ' ho writes to the king, * de dar pares-
cer que V. M. los quite de su cabeza; ' and he goes on to state that on one
occasion when in 1537 he had transferred certain Indians to the care of the
royal treasurer they wept for joy. Parhero and Cdrdftias^ CoL Doc,, ii. 205-6,
^^ ' Y en lo de los indios, son tantas las mudanzas, que algunas veees he
dicho qiie los hemos de volvcr locos con tantos ensayos.' Mendoza, in ItL, vi.
510. One of Mendoza's lirst actions was to induce certain prominent enoo-
menderos to exchange towns which it was important that the crown should
control — such as Cholula and Huexotzinco — for encomiendas in the interior.
The principal incentive to the assignees was the expectation that much gold
existed in the new districts assigned to them. The encomenderos, however,
soon repented of their bargain and reclaimed the towns tliey liadsurrendered,
but in Tain. Torquemada, i. 613-14
^'Fuenleal, writing in September 1532, stated that these improvements
woold be finished during the next month. Paeheco and Cdrdenaa, Col. Doc,
xiii. 235.
"The queen, by c^dula of November 13, 1535, ordered the viceroy to
complete it, as being most necessary for the convenience of the inhabitants.
Puffo, Ccdulario, 109. Its completion, however, was not the result of a lim-
ited number of years, and indeed work at this aqueduct has been going on,
from time to time, ever since its commencement.
^ Temaux-Compans, Voy,, serie iL tom. v. 260; Pachtco and Cdrdenat^
CoL Doc,, ii. 200. Arrangements were made with the different religions
orders that the construction of their buildings should be conducted on proper
plans so as to insure the erection of good editices. Jd., vi. 513.
MORE ARMS NEEDED. 383
measures adopted by him also contributed to this
increase of prosperity. Besides steps taken to cast
pieces of artillery from metal produced in the coun-
try, ^^ he proposed to erect on one of the causeways a
fortress, which he considered would greatly contribute
to the security of the city.^ Though this project
does not seem to have been carried out, at Vera Cruz
he began the erection of fortifications, as a defence
against corsairs^ and for the purpose of providing
facilities for the repair and security of vessels, which
were frequently exposed on that coast to violent
storms."
Protective measures against internal revolt were
indeed of vital importance to his Majesty's domain,
and instructions were from time to time issued, de-
signed to keep the colonists on their guard." Owing to
the scarcity of arms the position of the Spaniards at this
juncture was by no means secure. The recognition of
this want had not only impelled Mendoza to apply to
i*Mendoza reports to the king December 10, 1537, that there is abun-
dance of metal m the country for the manufacture of artillery, but that
skilled workmen are wanted to extract and smelt it. He therefore requests
that such be sent from Spain. Id.y ii. 183; Florida^ Col. Doc., 121.
** He moreover recommended the building of a strong fortification on the
Calzada de Tacuba, containing apartments for the audieucia, a foundery,
mint^ and arsenal. Such a fortress he believed could be constructed for 9,000
pesos, the sum which had been paid Cortes for houses for the audiencia. Id,
This work, however, had not been commenced in 1540, and Mendoza that
year describes the old fortress as in a ruinous condition aud of no further
use for the purpose it was intended, namely, as an arsenal and dock*yard,
since the lake was quite dry. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col Doc, ii. 357. He
had in 1537 stated that, from the same cause, it could be removed to no plaoe
that would enable the brigantines to be of any service. Id., 182-3.
^ The India Council had, as early as 1526, deemed it advisable to order
the building of forts in America as a protection against pirates. Herrera^
dec iii. lib. x. cap. ix.
^ To defray the expenses of these works he laid an impost upon the mer-
chandise imported from Spain, and borrowed 2,000 pesos with which to begin
operations. The viceroy, however, met with difficulties and delays: some
I^usque workmen whom he had employed died; and Sancho de Piniga, master
of a vessel bound for Spain, attempted to steal 2,000 pesos de minas which
Mendoza intrusted to his care for the purchase of tools. He was detected
and imprisoned, but managed to escape. These mishaps retarded the work,
and in December 1537 Mendoza requested the king to send out competent
men. Florida, CoL Doc, 123-5.
''The queen in November 1535 ordered arms to be distributed among the
settlers in the city of Mexico. Puga^ Cedulario, 109-10.
384 ESTABLISHMENT OF A VICEREGAL GOVERNMENT.
the king for weapons of war,^* but also for permission
to retain and purchase arms which were on the point
of being withdrawn by adventurers from PerA. This
apparent weakness of the Spaniards in New Spain
was regarded by the negro population as offering a
fevorable opportunity to effect their destruction, and,
with the cooperation of the natives, Uberate the
country from the Spanish yoke.
The viadictive character and hardihood of the Afri-
can race had at an early day attracted the attention of
the government to the danger to which the Indies
were exposed by the importation of negro slaves. In
proportion to the population their numbers were be-
coming alarming," and although their number in New
Spain was relatively insignificant compared with that
of the indigenes, it was such as to hold out to them,
turbulent as they were and refractory by nature, a
prospect of gaining their freedom. They were further
emboldened by the knowledge which they obtained
of the troubles that embarrassed the king, and by the
arrival of vessels from Spain only at long intervals."
Their intercourse with the Indians, and the mutual
'^In December 1537 he informs the king that no anna had been reoeived
by him from the royal officials at Seville, to whom the matter had been in-
tnuted. Pachecoani Cdrdenas, CoL Doc,, ii. 200.
'^In 1523 it was ordered that the number of negroes should only be in
the proportion of one to three Spaniards, and that the latter should be well
armed; ' porq a causa de auer mnchos mas negros, ^ Christianos en las islas, y
auerse comen9ado a de8uergon9ar.' Herreru, dsc in. lib. v. cap. viiL Later
other precautionary laws wore passed. In 1551 negroes were prohibited from
carrying arms. By order of 1542 they were not permitted to l)e out of doors
at night. Recop. de Ind,, iL 363-4. In 1575 they were forbidden to Uve in
Indian towns, and negroes without occupation were to be sent to work in
the mines. As the necessity of more stringent laws became apparent^ it was
ordered, in 1612, that they should not congregate in companies of more than
three, while only four negro men and four women were allowed to attend
at the funerals of those of their race. Montemayor, SvmarioB, 208, pt. iii
45-6. Nevertheless the negroes in many matters met with consideration,
and inducements to become quiet members of the community to which they
belonged. By a royal letter to the authorities of New Spain, dated Noyem<
ber 1526, we learn that it was considered advantageous to allow them to
marry, and after a certain period of service even to purchase their freedom.
Pugd, Cedulario, 20. Marriage was to be encouraged amonff them, Imt the
act of marriage did not confer freedom. Beam, de fnd,, ii. 361.
^The viceroy in his letter to the kin^ of^ December 10, 1537, allnding to
'las guerras ^necesidades que Y. M. tiene,' remarks, 'y viene 4 noticia de
los negros y de indios, sin que se les encubra nada.* He also advises the king
THE NEGROES BECOMING DANGEROUS. 385
cympathy which existed between the two races, offered
a temptation to their unsubmissive proclivities. Ac-
<;ordingly a plot was formed to massacre the Spaniards
and, in alliance with the natives, gain possession of
the country. The head-quarters of the conspirators
was in the city of Mexico, and there they held meet-
ings, elected a king, and formed their plans in connec-
tion with those of their race located at the mines and
outside towns. One of their number, however, informed
;;he viceroy of the plot, and Mendoza by judicious man-
agement succeeded in arresting the already elected
king and the ringleaders. Confessions opened their
eyes to the danger escaped. The Spaniards in the
mining districts and country towns had already been
put upon their guard, and other arrests were made out-
ride the capitad. Twenty-four of the captured con-
spirators were hanged and quartered.*' Although no
complicity could be proved against the Indians, in-
vestigation left little doubt that they were aware of
the p:ot, and that, had the negroes broken into overt
acts, the natives would have given their aid.
It waa now deemed dangerous to import negroes,
and the viceroy requested the king to prohibit the
traflBc. Moreover, to arouse the settlers from their
apathy, and inform himself of powers for defence, he
ordered a muster in the city, at which six hundred
and twenty horsemen presented themselves, four hun-
dred and fifty of whom were well equipped and fit
for service. There was also an equal numoer of foot-
soldiers, well conditioned.*®
to send veeatUB regularly, so that news from Spain miffht be received fre-
quently. Such communication would contribute greatly to the content and
quiet of the people. Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 199.
^ Many of the negroes fled, four of whom with one woman were killed by
the Indians, who salted their bodies and brought them to Mendoza, because
he bad ordered the fugitives to be taken dead or alive. Id., 198. 'En este
afto de 6 Casas y de 1537 se quisieron alzar los Negros en la Ciudad de Mexico,
de los qualce ^orcaron los inventores de ello.' Cod. TelL Bern,, in Kings-
haromghfs J/eae. AnHq., v, 155.
** These noznbei's do not represent the whole Spanish male population in
the capital at tills time, because there were ' otros muchos que, por indisposi-
4iioii ▼ otaroe impedimentoa jnstoe, dejaron de aalir.' Pacheco and Cdrdinaa^
Cd. Doc., iL 199-200.
Hut. Ksx.. ToIm U. 26
CHAPTER XIX.
A DECADE OF CHUBGH MATTEBS.
1630-1540.
Tboubues of Bishop ZumAbraoa— He Goes to Spain— His CoNSECBATioir
AND Retubn to Mexico— Fibst Chubches in the Capital — Uncebtain
pRiosriT AND Sites— The Fibst Cathedbal— Necessitt of Mobe
BisHOPBics— Dioceses of Oajaga and Michoacan Established — Fban-
cisGAN Pboobxss— Custodia OF Santo Evanoelio Raised to a Pbov^-
INCE— LaBOBS of the PaDBES— DOMINICAN PBOYINCIA ESTABLISHED—
Unseemly Stbife — Successful Pbopaqandism— Abbiyal of Auous-
TINIANS— LaBOBS AND HaBDSHIPS — ^PbOVINCIA ESTABLISHED — MlBACtT-
Lous Shbine at Chalma— Dagon Ovkbthbown— The Viegin or
Guadalupe— A Globious Vision— A Modest Shbine and a Costlt
Chubch— A Wondbbful Painting — Multitudes of Conyebts — Secbet
Idolatbt.
While the political government of New Spain was
thus undergoing important changes, reforms equally
momentous were being effected in the ecclesiastical
administration. The disorders which had prevailed
previous to the arrival of the second audiencia had
been such as no efforts of the church could arrest. The
ecclesiastical body found their labors at conversion
almost ineffective from the fact that their teachings
were naturally disregarded by the natives, who saw
clearly enough that the doctrines of the religion
preached to them were practically ignored by the
race enforcing it. The condition of the^ natives, both
spiritual and temporal, during this period was lament-
able in the extreme. Bishop Zumd-rraga, who had
been appointed protector, exerted himself in vain to
alleviate their sufferings; his efforts in their behalf
seemed only to bring upon himself the animosity of all
(886)
ZUMARRAGA m SPAIN. 3S7
interested. Nevertheless his words had their effect,
and he was sent for from Spain to give advice on
measures for ameliorating the condition of the Indians.
Without money,^ but resolute in his labors, he
arrived in Spain about the middle of 1532, and was
received at court with every mark of favor. His
defence of the religious orders in New Spain, and of
his own line of conduct, his description of the con-
dition of the natives and his fervid pleadings in their
behalf were listened to with attention. His eloquence
and earnestness, his self-negation and poverty, be-
^oke favor for his cause. The title of protector was
confirmed to him, and he was empowered to examine
the sytem of tributes, with the object of their reduc-
tion, and the audiencia received instructions to assist
him and conform to his views as far as possible.*
On the 27th of April 1533 he was solemnly conse-
crated as bishop at VaJladolid in the Franciscan church
by the bishop of Segovia, in the presence of a large
assembly. After the ceremony he journeyed through
different parts of Spain for several months, and in-
duced many members of his own order to return with
him to Mexico and aid in the labor of conversion.
In 1534 he again arrived in Mexico, having at
some time during the same year issued a letter from
Toledo erecting his cathedral, establishing the digni-
taries of his chapter, and defining the rules by which
his diocese would be governed.'
It has been a matter of much discussion as to the
' ' Con harta pobre^ de dineros.' Torquemaday iii. 449.
> QijmaUz DdvUa, Teatro EcUa., i. 21 ; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles,, 631 ; Sosa^
Wpi9C, Mex., 9 and app. 236.
' The chapter conBiflted of a dean, archdeacon, precentor, chancellor, treaa-
vrer, ten canons, and six prehendaries. The salaries of these ecclesiastics varied
from 150 to 35 pesos per month. Nueva Effpaita, Breve Res., MS., i. 120-40,
contains a copy of the bishop's letter. One fourth of the tithes he reserved
for himself and snccessors; one fourth was appropriated for the payment of
the salaries of the cathedral dignitaries and others; the remaindei was
apportioned for the payment of rectors, the king's tithes, the building of
cnnrehea, and the support of the hospital. The parishes of Mexico City aro
1 in MaUnU. de Indioa, MS., Na 18, fob. 6-11.
388 A DECADE OF CHUBCH KATTEBS.
first church erected in the city of Mexico. During
the next three years after the capture of the city no
edifice was built for church service, but a hall in the
Iiou;ie of Cortes was set apart for the purpose of
divine worship. This place was soon required as a
store-room for arms, and a chapel was established in a
narrow corridor, inappropriate both to religious solem-
nity and the requirements of the worshippers, many
of whom had frequently to stand outside unprotected
from the sun or rain.*
The Franciscan order claim to have founded the
first church, but some doubt exists as to their priority
from the fact that in the books of the cabildo it is
recorded that on May 30, 1525, a piece of land for an
orchard was granted to Fray Pedro de Villagran,
who is styled the parish priest "of the church of this
<;ity."* It is not unreasonable to conclude that Cor-
tes, previous to his departure, marked out the site
and took measures for the erection of a church, which
was begun during' his absence, and completed at a
later date.
^Corte$f Beaideneta, i. pamim; Motolinia, Hist, Ind,^ 101.
^The same book proves that, in August 1624, the hospital of JesoB wm
founded and a church attached to it. Alaman maintains that the parish
church and this one were the first established. DiaerL , ii. 133. Orozco j ^ena,
quoting the same authority, draws the conclusion that in iJie last months of
1524, fSter Cortes had left for Honduras, the first church was built. Mex.
Not, Ciud. , 69. Icazbalceta considers that hardly any doubt exists that tiie
first church was not built until after the arrival of the Franciscans. Salazar,
Mex, en 1554, 184-202; Torquemaday iii. 35-6, According to Vetancurt, the
name of St Joseph was given to the parochial church. Trot. Mex,, 6. The
assertions of Meudieta and Torquemada, who advance the claim of the Fran-
ciscans, are disputed by Sigiidnza v G6n^ora and Alaman. They are, more-
over, at variance with Herrera, who pl^ly attributes to Cort^ the estab-
lishment of the principal church. Herrera's statement— dec. iii. lib. iv. cap.
viiL— may, however, be reconciled with that of Mendieta, by interpreting it
to mean that only tiie initiatory steps were taken by the conqueror. Men-
dieta asserts that the church was built in 1525, *con muchabrevedad; porqud
«1 eobernador D. Fernando Cortds puso en la edificacion mucha calor. Hitt.
Edes.j 222. Cort^, however, was in Honduras at that time. According to
evidence given by witnesses in his residencia it would apnear that it was
built during his absence in Honduras; though IxtUlxochitl claims that his
ancestor of the same name, after the return of the expedition, rendered great
aid in its construction by supplying both labor ana materials. The house
for the FranciacanB had been already begnn, and after the completion of the
church IxtUlxochitl assisted the friius in the erection of their boildingB. Hct»
Crueldadea, 114-16.
THE FIRST CHURCH. 889
An equally difficult question to decide is the site
of the first church,* but there is good reason to sup-
pose that the parochial church stood on ground previ-
ously occupied by the great Aztec temple, and where
the old cathedral was afterward erected/ By a bull
of Pope Clement VII. this church was elevated in
1530 to the rank of cathedral,® so that the first cathe-
dral and the parochial church were identical. But
this edifice was only regarded as a provisional one,
and during the presidency of Fuenleal the construc-
tion of a more appropriate building was begun and
completed by the viceroy Mendoza.* As time advanced
this structure also was too humble in which to cele-
brate the worship of God with becoming grandeur.
A few decades later was laid the first stone of the
magnificent edifice which exists to-day. ^^
* Icazbalceta, after carefully woighing the arguments adduced by Alanum
and 7foa6 F. Ramirez in analyzing the Btatements of Torquemada, although
recognizing the difficulty of proof, comes to the conclusion that the conjecture
that the FranciBcan church was the first one built in the city of Mexico is
probably right and that its site was that occupied by the atrium of the
present cathedral. Salazar, Mex. en 1554, 184-202, 213-29.
"* Herrera states that the foundation-stones of the parochial church were
idols. *y comen^b la mayor* — i. e. iglesia — *8obre ciertos idolos de piedra q
simen por vasas de las colunas.* dec. iii lib. iy. cap. viii. If this vexed
question as to priority and site should ever be solved it will probably be
found that the first parochial church and the first Franciscan church were built
almost contemporaneously, the former occupying the site of the Aztec temple,
and ground which had, according to Vetancurt, been assigned to the Fran-
ciscans for a convent, but of which they relinquished their rights as owners,
Trai, J/iftE., 17; and that the latter named church stood near by on the east,
in Santa Teresa street. There is evidence which indicates the site of the first
cathedral, for Fuenleal, writing to the empress on the 30th of April 1532,
suggests the appropriation of 12 out of 25 lots, *sefialados para hacer iglesia,
claostra y casa episcopal,' for the purpose of erecting on them buildings for
the aadiencia. These lots of ground were situated in the plaza between the
two houses of Cortes, and the position of those proposed to be appropriated was
mdi, 'questa casa de Audiencia y las dos casas del Marquds tengan la iglesia
y plaza en medio.' Carta, in Pacheco and Cdrdenaa, Col. Doc, xiii. 214-15.
This subject is discussed at great length and ably by Icazbalceta in Salazar,
Mex. en 1564, <uid by Alaman, Disert,
^Nueva Espana, Breve Bes., MS., i. 124. From the same bull we learn
that the church was dedicated to the Virgin Mary. Speaking of the cathe-
dral Beaumont says: *cuya titular es la Asuncion de Nuestra Sefiora.' Crdn,
iltrA. ni. 251.
•By a c^ula, dated August 28, 1532, it was ordered by Prince Felipe
that * ^ cost of construction should be divided into three portions, and
defrayed respectively by the royal treasury, the encomenderos, and the
natives in the diocese. Ansecaj Hist, Hacienda, i. 519-20.
'^Its ffrowth was slow, however; slower than that of the temple at Jeru-
salem. Forty-two years were occupied in building the outer walls, and it
300 A DECADE OF CHURCH MATTERS.
The careful attention with which the second audi-
encia examined into the ecclesiastical system, and the
suggestions made by them showed the necessity of
reorganization. In August 1531 they represented to
the king that the districts comprised m the diocese of
Tlascala were unwisely selected, inasmuch as they
were 'listributed at distances from the episcopal town
varying from fifty to one hundred and sixty leagues,
and they urged the necessity of establishing more
bishoprics of limited extent,^^ and consisting of con-
tiguous districts. Such a system, they argued, would
compel the prelates, whose means and power would be
curtailed, to jonfine themselves to the conversion of
the natives, and attention to church matters only."
The metropolitan see of Mexico ought, they considered,
to be of limited extent, but it was advisable that the
bishop should be invested with extraordinary power to
decide doubtful questions.** These representations had
their effect, and by cddula of March 20, 1532, the
bishopric of Tlascala was limited to the districts of the
town of that name, and of Huexotzinco, Cholula, Te-
peaca, and the newly founded city of Puebla de los
Angeles."
Further, in accordance with Fuenleal's recommenda-
tion,** the India Council expressed their opinion to the
king that not only ought there to be four bishoprics
in New Spain, the number to be increased as circum-
stances might require, but that an archbishopric, or
was not until 1626 that the interior was so far completed that the old cathe-
dral, beside which the new one was reared, could be pnlled down. Oroteo f
Berra, in Mex, Not. Ciud., 71; Not. Mex, in Monumentos Domin. Egp., MS.,
320. Vetancnrt gives 1655 as the date. Trot. Mex., 18.
^^ They advised that the diocese of Tlascala be limited to a radios of 10
leaffnes. Cartas in Temaux-Compans, Fo^., s^rieii. torn. v. 166--8.
^* Friars Domingo de Betanzos, Francisco de Soto, and Martin de Valend»
are mentioned as being willing to accept so poor bishoprics. Id.
*' Especially regarUinff native marriages, as the Indians concealed their
degrees of relationship when it was their mterest to do so.
^* The audiencia was also instructed to give its views after due oonsalta-
tion recarding the establishment of other sees. Puga, CedtdariOf 76-7, 90-2.
'^ lie remarks, *y an de ser personas que anden d pi^ d6 no pudieren andar
cavalgando, y que se contenten con el mantenimicnto de los indios y con toda
pobreza.' Carta, in Facheco and Cdrdetuis, xiii. 22o.
PROVINCES AND BISHOPRICS. 391
metropolitan bishopric with superior powers, should
be established.**
By a royal c^dula issued in Febrcary 1534, New
Spain proper was divided into four provinces, desig-
nated as Mexico, Michoacan, Goazacoalco, and Miz-
tecapan;" but the bishoprics, which it was intended
to some extent should follow these political divisions,
were known by the names of Mexico, Michoacan, Tlas-
cala, and Oajaca. The boundaries of all new dioceses
were to be limited to a radius of fifteen leagues, having
the cathedral town as the centre. Intervening space
between two sees was to be equally divided, but
should any principal town be situated near a boundary
line the district belonging to it was to be under the
jurisdiction of the bishopric in which the town lay,
even though it extended into the neighboring dio-
<;ese.^
But these regulations were attended with incon-
veniences. The diflferent bishoprics still included
^eater territorial extents than were consistent with
thorough work, and in later times the want of definite-
ness respecting boundaries led to frequent disputes.
In addition to the two bishoprics now existing, namely,
those of Mexico and Tlascala, two others were to be
•established, those of Oajaca and Michoacan. The see
of Oajaca was first offered to Padre Francisco Jime-
nez,^ one of the first twelve Franciscans, but he did
not accept the appointment, and it was conferred
upon Juan Lopez de Z^rate, a hcentiate in canonical
law, doctor of theology, and a devoted member of the
Dominican order.**
^^Parecer del Cona^o, in Pacheco and Cdrdenaa, xii 133-4.
'^The limitB of each were properly defined. Puga^ Cedulario, 90-1.
^^Zamara, Bib, Leg. UlL, iv. 484.
" He had been called to several different sees. Torquemada states that he
refused that of Gnatemala. Gonzaga calls him the bisliop of Tabasco, and
Medina considers him to have been the first bishop of Oajaca. This latter
author considers that the vagneness of diocesan boundaries at this period
cave rise to this diversity of opinion. Chron, de San Diego de Mex.^ 246,
Florenda^ Hist, Prov, Comp. de Jesus, 231-2. According to the first-quoted
Authority and Gonzalez Ddvtla, Teatro Ecles,, 222, he was appointed by Ctiarles
V. on the 14th of January, 1534.
^He gave permission to this order to establish in his diocese all the con-
892 A DECADE OF CHURCH MATTERS.
On the 20th of May 1535 the pope established the
bishopric, designating Antequera as the cathedral
town, and on the 21st of June of the same year con-
firmed thj bishop elect in his appointment. Bishop
Zirato on the 28th of September following issued hia
letter of instructions for the organization oi his diocese
and its government.^
The bishopric of Michoacan was estabUshed the
year after by bull dated the 8th of August, Tzintzun-
tzan being selected as the cathedral town. The estab-
lishment of this see had been meditated since 1533,
after the visit of the oidor Quiroga, and the Francis-
can, Luis de Fuensalida, had been nominated bishop
in 15 j4, but he declined the honor." Some delay was
caused by the death of Pope Clement VII., and the
appointment of a bishop was not effected before 1537.^
The oidor Vasco de Quiroga had displayed so much
wisdom and disinterestedness in the affairs of Michoa-
can, that although not a churchman, the bishopric was
offered to him as being the person most suitable for
the position. He accepted, and having received all
Tents they might choose, and left one third of his library to the Doniinicaa
convent in Mexico, and another third to that in Oajaca; the remaining third
was willed to his own church. He attended the first ecclesiastical ooimcil in
1554 and died the same year. On his death-bed he requested the Domini-
cans to bury him in the same grave with Padre Pedro Dielgado, * para que el
valor de sus huessos fauorecicsse los pobres suyos/ and accordingly he was
interred in the Dominican convent of Mexico. Oo7Vzalez DdvUot TecUro Ecles,,
i. 222-3.
^^ The dignitaries, members of the chapter and vestry, and all appoint-
ments were the same as those of the bishopric of Mexico. For want of funds,
however, to pay the salaries, only the four dignitaries and five canons were
appointed, the other positions being left vacant. A copy of the bull and the-
bishop's letter is contained in Nueva EspaHa^ Breve Kes,^ MS., ii. 278-97.
Bishop Zdrate one time appears to have been dissatisfied with his diocese. In
a letter, dated May 30, 1544, addressed to Philip II., he complains of not being
permitted to go to Spain, and reiterates his previous request for permission to
appear at court. He moreover remarks upon the extent of his diocese, which
he says was too large for three bishops, and yet only contained within it two-
con, en ts occupied by eight friars. ZaraUj Carta^m Ternaux-Compans, Voy.,
B(^ric i. torn. x. 287-306. Consult also Calle, Mem. y Not,, 79; MendUta, Hist.
JCcles., 547.
" Vct-tncvTf Menolog.f 84; Moreno, Frag. Quiroga, 37. Beaumont, in
Cr6n. Mich., iv. ^12-18, considers that Moreno is in error in stating thatBNien-
salida waa proposed as bishop in 1533, and approves Calle's date 1534. See
Mem. y Not., 72.
*^ The establishment of this bishopric was recommended by Viceroy Mea*
do£a. Herrera, dec. vi. lib. ix. cap. vii.
CONVENTS ESTABLISHED. 385
the priestly orders at the hands of Zumdrraga was
consecrated by him in 1538;" but owing to a variety
of circumstances he did not issue his letter organizing*
his diocese till 1554.^ Both these sees were subject
to the jurisdiction of the archbishopric of Seville.
While the church was thus extending her jurisdic-
tion over the country, and gradually unfolding an
organized system of conversion and mstruction, the
several orders were making similar progress by estab-
lishing convents in various parts of the country. The
rivalry existing between the Franciscans- and Domin-
icans acted upon each order as an incentive, and the
competition for power produced rapid results. As
early as 1535 the convents of the Franciscans in
Michoacan were of suflScient number and importance
to cause the founding of a custodia,^ and in 1536, at
the general chapter held in Nice by the Franciscan
order, the custodia of Santo Evangelio in Mexico
was raised to the dignity of a provincia,^ Fray Garcia
de Cisneros being appointed first provincial. On the
'* Gonzalez DdTila, TecUro Ecles,, L 112, says in 1537| which is some-
what supported by a letter of the queen to Mendoza, dated September 20,
1537j representing that Qairoga haa written to her expressing his desire to^
proceed to his diocese and unoertake his spiritual duties; but Beaumout, on
the authority of an old manuscript of the Jesuit Father Francisco liamirez,
states that Quiroga took possession of his bishopric on the 22d of August,
1538; and was consecrated at the end of the same year. Crdn. Mich., iv.
162-3.
*^Nueva Espafia, Breve JRes., MS., ii. 250-70. In Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich.,
MS., 731-2, may be found a list of the border towns of the diocese proper.
^Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 376; Torquemada, iii. 333; Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich.,
iv. 52-6, write 1536. It became subject te the provincia del Sauto Evangelio,
and when founded was promised one third of the members of the order that
should arrive from Si>ain. Padre Testera, in 1542, during the few months of
his administration as commissary-general, provided the custodies of Yucatan,
Michoacan, and Jalisco with a competent number of religiosos, out of the 150
brought out by him. Figueroa, in Pap. Francis, y MS., series i. No. 1. Antonio
de Beteta was probably the fint custodian. Beaumont, Crdn. Mich. , iv. 52.
^ The first comisario general was Alonzo do Rozas who was afterward
custodian in Michoacan and Jalisco. Mendieta, 543, Torqwmada, lii. 374.
The custodia had existed nearly 11 years. Fijueroa, in Pap. Francis., MS., i.
series i. No. 1. During that time there were four custodians who held ofhco
in the following order: Fray Martin de Valencia, Luis de Fuensalida, Fray
Martin, a second time appointed, and Jacobo de Testera. Torquenuida, iii.
303, 305. This provincia del Santo Evangelio, when Torquemada wrote, con-
tainer! within its limits 70 convents and included the archoishopric of Mexico
and the bishopric of Tlascala. Id,
394 A DECADE OF CHURCH MATTERS.
following year Cisneros died,*^ and was succeeded by
Antonio de Ciudad Rodrigo, who occupied the position
for the full term of three years, and was followed by
Marcos de Niza, as third provincial in 1540.
Thus the Franciscan order established in New
Spain a regular government at an early date, and
under its direction systematic measures for the con-
version of the natives gradually supplanted the doubt-
fully productive efforte of erratic missionaries. The
instruction of children in Christian doctrines through-
out the subjugated provinces was carried on with un-
relaxed zeal, while the adults listened to the words of
salvation in their own language.^ Missionary enthu-
siasm increased. Fearless friars pushed forward into
remoter regions, and dauntlessly entered the haunts
of tribes untamed as yet by sword and arquebuse.
Whether it was Guzman's explorations into unknown
lands, or a voyage of discovery undertaken by Cort^
into unknown seas,*^ that oftered an opportunity of
carrying the tidings of joy, there were ever at hand
priests ready to risk their lives to extend the spiritual
conquest. We cannot but admire the courage with
^ Garcia Cisneros, a Castillian, received the appointment because of hia
many virtues and literary attainments. He mastered the native language,
and is said to have baptized 100,000 persons. He founded the important
college of Santa Cruz de Tlatelulco as a seminary for native nobles, and placed
there such learned professors as Bassacio, Olmos, Sahagun, and others. He
contributed largely to the foundation of Puebla de los Angeles. MendUeta^
€21-2.
^ The proficiency acquired by the friars in the native languages was in
many cases remarkable. Among great numbers may be mentioned Pedro de
Castillo, who acquired the Mexican and Otoml dialects to perfection. Tliis
friar's religious enthusiasm was unyielding. Crippled and olind, he caused
himself to be borne from town to town in a chair, preaching and teaching on
every occasion possible. Mendietay Hist. Ecles.^ 686-8. Equally famous for his
aptitude to acquire the native tongues was Fray Alonso de Escalona, who in
three years acquired the Mexican so thoroughly that his written sermons in
that language were extensively used by other preachers. /(/., 667-74. See
aUo Torqueinada, iii. 490-9.
*• Friars Juan Padilla, Antonio de Segovia, and Martin de Jesus accompanied
Guzman's expedition into Nueva Oalicia, and baptized multitudes at the
founding of San Miguel. They afterward traversed a great extent of country
represented by the present states of Michoacan, Jalisco, and Zacatecas. Beau-
mont, Cr6iu Mich., lii. 423-6. Franciscans accompanied Cort^ on his expedi-
tion on the Pacific, and while at Tehuantepec waitmg for the completion of the
fleet, they preached through the country by the aid of interpreters of the
2apotec language spoken there. Id., ii. 48G-7.
THE DOMINICANS. 395
which they penetrated alone into thp country of the
barbarous Chichimecs. In 1539 two friars went from
Michoacan into that region and baptized many,*^
while in 1540 Fray Francisco de las Navas was the
■first to administer baptism to the Popolucas who in-
habited the valley of Tecamachalco.**
The Dominicans were not less zealous and active.
Down to the year 1532 the monastic establishments
of this order were subject to the jurisdiction of the
provincia of Santa Cruz, in Espanola, which had been
made independent of Andalusia. But Padre Betan-
zos had been sent as a delegate to the general chapter
lield at Rome in that year, to represent the interests
of his convent, and procure, if possible, the creation
of a Dominican provincia in New Spain. His efforts
were successful, and the provincia of Santiago of
Mexico, independent of that of Santa Cruz, was
tistablished at the convocation, and approved by Pope
Clement VII. on the 2d of July, 1532, Fray Tomds
de Berlanga being appointed acting provincial.**
Unfortunately for the harmonious working of this
decree, the first provincial chapter of Santa Cruz, held
in the city of Santo Domingo in August 1531, had in-
cluded the convent of Santo Domingo in Mexico as a
part of its organization, and elected for its prior Fray
Francisco de San Miguel, who had recently arrived from
Spain with a small party of friars.^ These appoint-
ments gave rise to strife scarcely less unseemly than
*^ Friars had previously entered this region. The two mentioned in the
text visited about 30 small towns, the population of the largest of which did
not amount to 600 inhabitants. MotoUma^ in Icazfxilcetay Col. Doc., i. 173.
^According to Torquemada Navas baptized 12,000 natives in two months,
and told the date of his own death long before the event. He waa twice
l^oardian of the convent in Mexico, and at times definidor of the province, iii.
523-6.
"Chiefly through the instrumentality of Betanzos. Prov. Santiaf/o, MS., 3.
The term of the provincial's ofBce at first was throe years, but in 15o8 it was
increased to four years. DdvUa^ Continua^Mm, MS., 284.
** Padre San Miguel was the first prior proper, the government hitherto
having been in the hands of vicars. Having served only one year, he was
succeeded by Bernardo de Minoya. Remesal, I/inl. Chf/apii, 50; Ddvild, Can-
Unuacion, MS., 284.
396 A DECADE OF CHURCH MATTERS.
that which disgraced secular rule. Berlanga arrived
in New Spain with ten friars at the beginning of
1532, but when he entered the monastery and pre-
sented his appointment as provincial, the prior caused
him and his companions to be put in irona*^ The
proceeding reached the ears of the audiencia, and
President Fuenleal ordered the immediate release
of the friars, who thereupon assumed control of the
convent.
In July 1534, copies of the official documents rela-
tive to the creation of the provincia were received,
and in 1535 Betanzos returned from Spain, invested
with the authority of vicar-general. On the 24th of
August of the same year he convoked a provincial
chapter, by which he was himself elected provincial
and Fray Pedro Delgado prior, who succeeded him as
provincial in 1538. The organization of the provincia
was thus at last effected; but though its creation had
given rise to temporary dissension in the ranks of the
order, it did not retard their advance or interrupt
their labors.
About this time the fierce and man-eating Chon-
tales,*' who had liitherto scorned to accept civilization
at the point of the sword, yielded .to the preaching
of the devoted Diego Carranza and other Dominican
friars. Under the spiritual guidance of these mis-
sionaries they cast aside their baser habits, clothed
themselves, and changed their contumacious hate to
active obedience alike to spiritual and civil superi-
ors.^^ The labors of the friars in Tehuantepec were
of a different kind. Aided by King Cociyopa, they
erected a magnificent monastery and church, besides
making other material progress. In puebla, also,
"^ President Fuenleal in letter of April 30, 1532, to the king, speakinff of tiiis
arrest says: * Un fray Vicente que se decia prior, le prendid. . .y le hechd unos.
grillos, y le quito los poderes que traia.* Carta, in Pacheco and Cdrdataa^
Col. Doc., xiii. 210-11.
^ They occupied a considerable portion of the wilder districts of Tabasco.
Native Races, i. 645, this series.
^ Biirgoa, Otog. Descrip. Oajaca, ii. 335-6, in which is a description of the
condition and mode of life of these people.
THE AUGUSTINIANS. 807
And Oajaca the Dominicans were quite successful in
their efforts."
The Augustinians were first represented in New
Spain in 1533, when seven of the order arrived under
the leadership of their prior, Francisco de la Cruz."
Their names were, Agustin de Corufia, afterward
bishop of Popavan, Ger6nimo Jimenez, Juan de San
Ramon, Juan de Oseguera, Alonso de Borja, Jorge
•de Avila, and La Cruz.*^
On their arrival in June they were hospitably lodged
in the convent of Santo Domingo, while their applica-
tion for a grant of land was being considered by the
eabildo to whom it had been referred by the audi-
^ncia.*^
They at once began their labors, and the wild dis-
tricts of Tlapan and Chilapan having been assigned
to them, two of their company, Fray Jimenez and
Padre Avila were selected to enter upon the work of
conversion. The town of Ocuituco in Mexico was,
however, at that time without spiritual instructors,
» Fray GouzrIo, specially competent for the position on account of his
knowledge of the native l^goages, was placed in charge of the mlBslon
of Chila; and Oajaca, the district of Villa Alta, and the peaceful valley of
Yan^tlan, were occupied by friars in 1538. By the exertions of Fray
Domingo Santa Maria, 12,000 families in the latter district accepted the
Christian religion and received instruction. Santa Maria acquired the lan-
guage in one year, and wrote a work on Christian doctrine for the use of tho
natives. Bdrgoa, Geog. Descrip, Oajaca, i. 14-18, 131-3, it 262-4.
"* As early as 1527 they had requested permission of the emperor to pro-
ceed to Kow Spain, and made preparations accordingly. GrijaltLa, Cron. S.
Augtut., 2-9. before departing they met at Toledo in 1532, elected La Cruz
prelate, and resolved to make the loumey on foot in hempen sandxds to the
place of embarcation. Fernandez^ Hist, Eclea., 123. Hazart states that they
entered New Spain in 1532. Kirchen OeachichUt ii. 532 Medina and Vetan-
curt follow Grijalva.
^ The above list is from Fernandez. Grijalva mentions Fray Ger6nimo de
43an Est^van, who doubtless is to be identified with Jimenez.
^ Torquemada states that they bousht the site for their monastery in the
-city of Mexico with the alms they received, iii. 70. Icazbalceta, in Salazar,
Jlex, en 1654% concludes that the eabildo assigned the piece of around to
them, though there is no record of such a grant. The Indians callea it Zo^ui-
pan, 'in the mire,' besause it was always muddy, owing to a nei^hbormg
spring. Grijalva says 'Al fin resoluio la Audiecia de sefialarles sitio dondo
fnndaaen.' Oron. 8, Augwt,, 11. Fernandez remarks: 'Al principio era mny
corta la caaa de Mexico^ y aau viuian lot Beligiosos de doe en dos en vna celda. '
JliM, EcU*., 124.
398 A DECADE OF CHURCH MAITERS.
and the audiencia granted the Augustinians permissiou
to found a convent there. These two friars, therefore^
directed their steps thither, and were joined shortly
afterward by Padre Corufla and Padre Ramon.*^
In October the friars Corona** and Jimenez pro-
ceeded onward to tj^e Chilapan district, where for
several months their efforts to convert the natives
were unavailing, and the sufferings they endured were
extreme. Influenced by their priests the natives
refused to supply them food or render any assistance,
but held aloof and left them to starve. For three
months these enduring men sustained themselves on
ears of corn which they gathered from the patches of
the natives at the risk of their lives. Yet return was
never thought of They could die, but not abandon
their trust. At last curiosity prompted the natives
to come forward; and soon they would learn some-
thing from these holy men. Gradually their dislike
yielded before the kindness and winning example of
the friars, who before long founded a convent at Chi-
lapan.**
While Coruna and Jimenez were thus establishing
*^ Juan de San BAznon was one of the most prominent of the first Aagustin-
ian friars in Mexico. His parentage and birthplace are not recorded, out at
an early age he was made superior of the convent at Valladolid. His fame in
Michoacan as prior of the convent of Tiripitio cansed his election at a later
date as provincial of that provincia. In 1544 he returned to Spain to plead
in behalf of the encomenderos, and, with Jorge de Avila as his companion, in
order to have an interview with the emperor, who was then in Gennany, he
travelled through the Lutheran countries disguised as a soldier. His mis-
sion was suco»;38ful. He returned to Mexico after an absence of nine years.
Again, in 1565, he visited Spain in behalf of his order, which was engaged in
certain disputes with the bishops. His efforts obtained from the king a
c^dula ordering the bishops to make no innovations. Having returned in
1564, he was appointed provincial in 1566, but needing rest, he declined the
honor. In 1569, however, he felt compelled to accept that offipe, a second
time offered to him; but on the conclusion of his term, retired to the convent
of Puebla, where he died and was buried in 1581, being the last survivor of
the seven first Augustinians who came to Mexico. He was about 80 yean of
age. Mich,, Cr&n, San Nicolas, 26-32.
^ Fray Austin de Comfia was bom in the city of that name in Spain,
and took the habit of the order in Salamanca. He labored for '70 years in the
diataicts of Chilapan and Tlapa, and then returned to the capital He was
afterward appointed bishop of Popayan, and consecrated in Madrid in 1562.
He died in 1590 at the age of 80 years, at the town of Tamana.
** The church and convent of Chilapan were destroyed by an earthquake
in 1537. All their convents had hospitals connected with them.
AUaUSTINIAN ORGANIZATIOK. 39»
themselves in Chilapan, Father Borja** had been sent
to Santa F^, a town founded by Quiroga, two leagues
from the city of Mexico.** Thus five of the seven
Augustinians were placed in different parts of the
country, while in Mexico the prior and Padre Oseguera
labored to support their brethren by the collection of
alms/^ and by forming a system of government for
their prospective province.
In June 1534 La Cruz convoked a meeting of his
brethren at the central convent of Ocuituco, to con-
sider the prospects of the order and consult upon
future measures.*^ Some months later La Cruz re-
turned to Spain and obtained further assistance from
his order, which had previous to his arrival appointed
him provincial vicar in New Spain. But the prior
did not live to fulfil the duties of this higher position.
Assiduous labor, rigorous fasts, and exhausting jour-
neys on foot broke his health, and shortly after his
return to Mexico he died, on the 12th of July, 1536.*^
During the absence of La Cruz in Spain, Father
Agreda had arrived in Mexico bearing letters addressed
^ Alonso de Borja, bom at Aranda, of noble parentage, was uncompromis-
ingly austere in his habits, fasting thrice a week and sleeping on bare boards.
Feeling his end approaching, he set out on foot for Mexico city, 19 leagues
distant. Having received the last sacraments he died shortly afterward iri
1542, and was buried in the convent of his order. Grijaiua, Crtm, S. Awfust.,
62-4.
^In the district under his charge there were 12,000 families, the members
of which observed great regularity in their devotions. At Santa Fe a con-
vent was founded by Father Borja. /rf., 15-17.
*^ From the Lady Isabel de Montezuma, daughter of the great emperor,
and married to Pedro Cano, they obtained great favors; she assumed the
entire maintenance of their house, and contributed so lavishly that the priests
remonstrated until told to give the surplus to the poor. /</., 17.
*^ At this convocation regulations for their future flruidance was drawn up;
and it was a^^-eed that La Cruz and Oseguera should occupy the convent of
Ocuituco, inasmuch as they had not yet been engaged in the work of con-
version.
^Fernandez gives June 11, 1535, as the date of his death. H'ud. Ecles.,
124-5. Fray Francisco de la Cruz was bom in Ciudad Rodriso, in Elstrema-
dnra, and took the habit of the order in Salamanca. Though not a learned
man he possessed the gift of preaching to an excellent degree. Miracles are
attributed to him after death. On one occasion he even rose from his grave
in the convent of San Agustin in Mexico to save a novitiate from the
dutches of the devil, who had already dragged him through a narrow grating
and was carrying him off. Passing by La Cruz's tomb, however, the friar
arose, and having put the evil one to mght, took back tiie novitiate to the
eon vent through the same grating. Id,
400 A DECADE OF CHUBCH MATTERS.
to him from his order. These were now opened and
found to contain the appointment of La Cruz as
provincial vicar, and nammg Father Jimenez as his
acting vicar or successor in case of his absence or
death. Jimenez was at once recognized as provincial
vicar, and he convoked a general meeting,*^ at which,
among other matters, was discussed the important
one of establishing an independent provincia in Mex-
ico. It was, however, decided to remain an adjunct
of the province of Castile." Moreover, they resolved
to abandon the convent of Santa F^ and devote their
energies to the conversion of the natives of the moun-
tainous regions, to whom the gospel had not yet been
carried.
From this time the Austin friars patiently and de-
votedly pursued their missionary course with marked
success. Father Borja, with several fellow-brothers,
went to Atotonilco, and pushing northward labored
among the Otomls. The wild fastnesses of the Sierra
Alta were invaded by Sevilla and Roa, and the scat-
tered inhabitants after long and arduous exertions
were brought into submission.®"
At Tacdmbaro and Tiripitio convents were estab-
lished, and at the latter place a school which in time
developed into a university.** Nor did the dangers
*° The friaTB were now 23 in number. In 1535 five more had arrived. Fray
KicoUa de Agreda being their snperior, and La Cruz brought with him from
Spain 1 1 other members especially chosen for the work. A fourth company
of Augastinians was brought oat by Prior Juan Eustacio in 1539.
^^The provincial of Castile had authorized them to elect irom their own
number four definidores, who with their provincial vicar formod their chap-
ter. These were empowered to regulate local matters without reference to
Spain, and elect their own priors. fVay Juan de Sevilla was on this occasuA
elected prior.
^' After a year's unremitted efforts and hardships Roa in despair left his
companion with the intention of returning to Spain. Having observed, how-
ever, the success of brother friars under similar difficulties, he returned to the
Sierra and practised such patience and perseverance that the two friars event-
ually succeeded in converting the inhabitants of that region and oollectiiig
them into towns. They even advanced into mountain ranges occupied by the
Chichimecs.
" The convent at Tiripitio, Michoacan, founded in 1537 by Blego de Al-
varado, a nephew of Pe<m> de Alvarado, and afterward bishop elect of th«
province, soon became celebrated as an educational centre, and won the title
of the Athens of New Spain. In 1540 this eonve&ti which was two and a hall
LABORS OF THE AUSTIN FRIABS. 401
of the low-lying coast lands, reeking with pestiferous
^y deter the Augustinians. From Tiripitio they de-
scended into the tierra caliente of the southern sea-
board, and labored there as elsewhere, regardless of
their comfort or their lives.
They went also to Ocuila, twelve leagues south-
west of the city of Mexico, and having acquired that
most diflScult language by the aid of the converts, they
finally succeeded in erecting a convent and a church.
Miraculous assistance was vouchsafed to the Austin
friars as to others. Situated in a beautiful ravine
between the towns of Ocuila and Malinalco, and about
'eighteen leagues south-west of the capital, the myste-
rious cave of Chalma had, from time immemorial, been
<;elebrated as a place of heathen worship. Here re-
posed the idol of the awful Ostotoctheotl, and here his
rites were solemnized and his anger appeased by the
blood of men and beasts. This stronghold of Satan
the friars Sebastian de Tolentino and NicoUs de Perea
determined to assail, and in 1537, accompanied with
an army of Ocuiltec converts, went in solemn proces-
sion to Chalma, Fray NicoUs bearing a cross upon his
shoulder. But on arriving at the gloomy cavern they
beheld a wondrous sight. The dark cave was illumi-
nated by a heavenly light, the hideous Dagon lay
prostrate and broken on the ground; and a beautiful
crucifix occupied the now purified place of Ostotoc-
theotl, and thereupon Chalma became a hermitage
and shrine visited from afar.*^
In 1537 the term of the provincial of Castile, under
whose license they were acting, expired, and the Austin
y^ara in bnildmg, was made a college for the higher branches of learning. A
son of the king of Michoacan was one of the first pupils. Under the provin-
cial Avila it was one of the great centres of the faith. Mich., Cron. St Nico-
loB, 4, 6-12, 22, 145.
^*The first hermit who occupied the sanctuary was Bartolomd de Jesus
Maria. In time a house, with ceUs for a few friars, and a chapel were built,
and finally an Augustinian content. On March 5, 1683, the church of Chalma
was dedicated. There is also a hospederia for the accommodation of pilgrims
who Yiflit the place twice a year, at the beginning of Lent and on St Michaers
^y in May. Many miracles and wonderful cures are credited to this shrine.
Mom&ro EUas, 8alv. 6 CaridM, No. ii. 106-44; Sardo Joaquin^ Chalma^ 1 et seq.
H»r. Ksz., YOL. n. 20
402 A DBCADE OF CHURCH MATTEfiS.
friars in New Spain appointed Father Nicolis de
Agreda as provincial vicar pending further action in
Spain." At a chapter of the order held in 1540,
Father Jorge de Avila, one of the first seven, was
chosen provincial vicar. A season of increased activ-
ity followed, as is evidenced by the numerous convents
founded at the time. It was not until 1541 that the
Augustinians began to build their convent in the city
of Mexico. A royal grant had enriched the order
with the revenue of an Indian town, and that of
Tezcuco had been assigned to them by the viceroy
Mendoza. The building was not completed before
1587, and cost one hundred and sixty-two thousand
pesos, the whole of which sum was provided by the
king.**
The establishment of bishoprics, the organization
of provincias of the regular orders, the encourage-
ment held out to them to found convents, and the
gradual but continued erection of churches^ were far
more effective in the suppression of idolatry than had
been all the labors of itinerant friars, who, howsoever
many converts they baptized, left impressions of no
very durable character. The encomendero and the
exacting tribute-collector followed in the footsteps of
the missionaries, which tended to render the teachings
of the latter distasteful. Thus it was that during the
decade from 1530 to 1540 more lasting conversion was
"This friar afterward returned to Spain, attended the chapter held at
Daefias in 1543, and was elected prior of Pamplona, where he died. Orijalua,
Cron, S. August,, 36.
^ There being already two convents in the capital, it was at first considered
by the king inexpedient to found a third, which was the cause of the delay.
The first stone was laid by the viceroy, the second by Bishop ZumiLrraga, the
third by the prior of Santo Domingo, the fourth by the guardian of San Fran-
cisco, and the fifth by the vicar of San Agustin. Id., II, 60. Consult also
Salazar, Mex. en 1564, 248-9; Medina, Chron, San Diego deMex., 10; Momt-
mentoa Domin. Esp., MS., No. vi. 328.
^^ A royal c^ula, dated August 2, 1533, ordered that places of worshipy
where Indians might be instructed, were to be erected in all principal towns,
whether pertaining to the crown, the marqute del Valle, or encomenderoSp
the expense of construction to be defrayed by the tributes paid by thft
natives. Mex., Col. Leyes, i. zlv.-vi.
VISION OF JUAN DIEGO. 40B
accomplished, and perhaps a greater number baptized,
than during any other period of equal length.
In 1531 an event occurred which greatly contrib-
uted to the suppression of idolatry, which was the
miraculous appearance of the virgin of Guadalupe,
the history of which apparition is as follows:
An Indian of low birth who had received baptism
a few years before, and had been christened Juan
Diego,*® was proceeding, on Saturday, the 9th of De-
cember, to Tlatelulco*' to hear mass and receive
instruction. On his way thither he was obliged to
pass an eminence about a league frotn the city.*^ It
was a rugged, sterile hill, seamed with fissures and
pierced with cavities, and on it grew no vegetation
except the cactus and stunted shrubs.
While crossing the slope of this barren mount, har-
monious strains of sweetest music enrapt his atten-
tion, and turning his eyes upward in the direction
whence the melody came, with increased wonder he
beheld an arc of glorious coloring. In its centre shone
a brilliant light, such as that shed from a heavenly
throne. The rocks around were resplendent with
prismatic hues and seemed to him masses of opal,
sapphire, and burnished gold. Gradually he drew
nearer, and in the radiance beheld a lady of beautiful
countenance and form, who in a gentle and assuring
voice bade him ascend to where she stood. When he
reached the spot the lady told him that she was the
virgin Mary, and it was her wish that, on the place
where she was standing, a church should be built.
" His native name was Qnanhtlatohaa. He was bom at Qnauhtitlan, a
poeblo about five leagues to the north of Mexico city, and at the time of the ap-
parition was living at Tolpetlac, two leagues distant from the same. Beau*
moHt, Crdn, Mich., iii. 435.
^ There was a college at Tlatelulco where the Spanish language and the
arte and sciences were taught. Becerra TancOy Felic.f 47.
** ' Fn^ llamadft de los mdios Tepeyaeac que quiere decir extremo 6 purita
de los <XTro9* or more literally *nariz de los cerros.* Bustamante, Aparic.
Ouad., 9. It was also called Quautlalapan, corrupted into Guadalupe, sa^s
Beaxunont. The historian Siglienza derives the latter word from the Arabic
gmofloy river, ss in Guadalquivir, Guadiana, and lub, or luben, fountain.
Others consider the word composed of the Arabic guada and the Latin lupus^
it» signification then being wolf river. Cabrera, Eaaido Armas, 279.
404 A DECADE OF CHUBCH MATTERS.
She then charged him to hasten to the bishop and
inform him of her commands. Juan Diego at once
proceeded on his mission, and told his story to Zumdr-
raga. The bishop, however, gave no credence to the
tale, and Juan returned to the spot where he had
seen the vision. Again the virgin appeared and bade
him on the morrow repeat to the bishop her message.
More attention was paid to him on this occasion. The
prelate questioned him closely, but telling him that
his statements were insufficient, bade him bring some
sign from the lady by which he might recognize her
divine command. Under the impression that the
Indian was laboring under an illusion, the bishop
directed two persons to follow him unobserved and
watch his proceedings. This was done. And when
Juan Diego approached the bridge spanning a small
stream which crossed the way, he disappeared from
their sight, nor did the closest search discover him.
Returning to the bishop they made their report and
expressed the belief that the Indian was guilty of
witchcraft.
Meanwhile Juan pursued his course, unconscious of
the miracle performed in his behalf, and reported to
the virgin the result of his mission. She bade him
come to her on the morrow, when a sure and certain
sign would be given him. He did not, however, carry
out the virgin's injunctions, owing to the condition of
his uncle, Juan Bernardino, who had fallen ill. But on
the second day, which was the 12th of December,
while on his way to Tlatelulco to obtain the services
of a priest for the dying relative, he remembered his
neglect, and in his simplicity hoped to avoid meeting
the apparition by taking another path. On arriving
at a small fountain,*^ however, he perceived the viwin
descending the slope, surrounded by the same emil-
gence as on the first occasion. The vision dazzled
him. Conscience-stricken, yet contrite, he fell on his
^ Galled the Pozito de Nuestm Sefiom de Gvadalupe.
OUR LADY OF GUADALUPE. 405
Inees trembling. But the virgin consoled him, and
bade him be in no anxiety for his uncle, who was well
already. She then bade him ascend the hill, cull the
roses he would there find, and bring them to her in
the folds of his mantle.*^ The man obeyed, finding
on the barren summit a miraculous garden of roses
which shed a delicious perfume. Gathering as he had
been bidden he carried the roses to the holy one,**
who having taken them in her hands, gave them back
to the Indian and bade him carry them unseen by any
one to the bishop.
On arriving at the bishop's Juan Diego unfolded
his mantle and displayed the roses as the required
sign, and behold, a figure of the virgin was found
painted upon the mantle. Then all acknowledged the
holy nature of the apparition and bent their knees in
worship. Zumdrraga, with priestly hand, took from
the shoulders of the native the sacred cloth, and rev-
erently placed it in his oratory.
On the following day the prelate, accompanied by
his household, and guided by Juan Diego, visited the
spot designated by the virgin. His mission ended,
Juan Diego returned, accompanied by several of the
bishop's followers. On their arrival at Tolpetlac,
Juan Bernardino was found to be in perfect health,
and it was discovered that at the same hour in which
the virgin had told Juan Diego of his recovery she
had appeared to Bernardino, restored him to health,
and expressed her wishes with regard to the erection
of a church.
Far and wide spread the tidings of the miracle, and
the crowds which flocked to the bishop's palace to see
the divinely painted figure became so great that he
placed it on the altar of the cathedral, that all in turn
might venerate it. There it remained till a shrine was
''The Mexican tilma was nothing more than a sooare piece of cloth.
With regard to the modes of wearing it consult NcUive liaces, ii. 366, 727.
*^ The virgin was waiting for him at the foot of the tree called by the
Tniiians Qoau^ahnalt, and bv the Spaniards arbol de telas de arafla, or cob-
-web-tree. Becerra Tanco, luie,, 27.
406 A DECADE OF CHURCH MATTERS.
erected on the site indicated by Mary, whither it wa«
transferred in a solemn procession in 1532.
No more propitious event could have occurred.
Divine interposition quickly accomplished that for
which the servants of Christ had been so long striv-
ing. From that time idolatry rapidly decUned in Mex-
ico. Thousands annually visited the sanctuary and
in bent adoration deposited their gifts." In time
a more appropriate repository for the sacred robe was
wanted, and a chapel was built around the hallowed
spring at which the virgin's form had waited.*^ And
later still an imposing edifice, with lofty dome and
columns supporting graceful arches, beneath which
glittered silver altar-rails and ornaments of gold,
received and held safe the venerated painting.^
In regard to the painting itself, we find the virgin
represented as standmg with the right foot on a cres-
cent moon, supported by a cherub with wings out-
spread, and hands clasped upon her breast. A rose-
colored tunic richly embroidered with gold covers her
form, and a girdle of velvet clasps her waist. The
mantle, decorated with stars, partially covers the
head, on which rests a crown with ten points, or rays.
^ Bustamante avers that the SpaniardB woald not hare allowed so maiij
thousands to con^gate at the shnno, had they not been aware of the peaoe-
fal pnrport of their assembling. Aparic, Ouad., 51.
^ Tne paintinff was removed there in 1662, according to Beaumont, Or&m,
Mich, , iiL 440, and Villa Scfior, ThecU. Amer. , i. 16. But this date is obviously
incorrect, as the removal took place in the time of Archbishop Sema who died
in 1631. Consult 8oc, Mex. Qeog., Boletin, viii. 167-8.
^ The cost of this magnificent church, probably the richest in Mexico, la
estimated at from half a million to eight hundred thousand pesos. It was
beffun in 1695 and not fully completed till 1709. The high altar, according
to Beaumont, cost 98,000 pesos, and the throne, or tabeniacle in which the
picture is enshrined, 52,119 pesos. Cron, Mich. iii. 441. Later authorities
give a still higher estimate of this latter work of art. The painting was
placed in the church on the 1st of May 1703, where it remained till 1896,
when it was temporarily transferred to the convent of the Capuchins during
the internal renovation of the edifice, being restored to its place in Decemb^
of the same year. Magnificent donations have been made to this church.
In 1707 Andr^ Palencia left 100,000 pesos, and in 1747 the accumulated
capital amounted to 627,832 pesos, yieldmg an income of 30,000 pesos. With
this sum endowments were made for the support of an abbot, 10 canons, and
other church officers. Villa Seflor, Theat. Amer., i, 16; Soc, Mex. Oeog.,
Boletin, viii. 168-74; Fhrencia, Eatrella del NorU, 26-9; BeUnumi^ Mex.^ ii.
226-7.
THE SACRED PAIKTIXG. 407
The artist Cabrera*' describes the countenance as
exquisitely beautiful in every feature, and maintains
that even if a person were ignorant of the origin of
the painting, he could not deny, on seeing it, that it
is supernatural work.^ The figure is surrounded by
.an aureola encompassed by a luminous-edged cloud •
In 1835 a formal investigation was made with regard
to the genuineness of the existing painting/^ from
which it was discovered that its identity with the one
miraculously depicted on the mantle of Juan Diego,'^
was not proven until its removal from its place on the
''Migael Cabrera, at a meeting of the artiBts of Mexico in 1751, was
•elected to make a copy of the painting for presentation to Benedict XIV.
This copy was the most celebrated ever taken. Cabrera in 1750 wrote a
lengthy critiqae on the original. Aparic. Quad,, 43r-l.
"^ Grave authorities have agreed that no human hand oould have painted
such a picture. Becerra TancOy Fdic,, 55.
* The length of the picture is, according to Cabrera, two and one twelfth
varsMi, and its width a little over one and a quarter varas. The length of the
virgin's figure is about one vara. It is painted on ayate, a coarse native cloth
manufactured out of the fibre of the agave plant, and has been extensively
'<x>pied. The miraculous origin of this painting has given rise to much contro-
versy as to its authenticity. The arguments advanced in contra consist of
five principal ones: 1. The miracle was never affirmed by any auto; 2.
Bishop Zuxnirraga left no writinff on the subject; 3. Tonjuemada leaves the
reader to infer that it was the work of man; 4. The ayate, said to have belonged
to Juan Diego, was longer and narrower than the mantles usually worn; 5. The
painting itself shoWs artistic faults. Bartolache makes an elaborate attempt
•to refute these arguments. Manijiesl. Opusc. Quad., 70-105. The defenders
of the miracle, the warmest of whom is Bustamante, base its authenticity on
native manuscripts giving an account of it; on extant narratives of ancient
writers mentioned by Veytia and others; on the testimony of aged persons;
on ancient native canticles; and on the miracles performed at the sanctuary,
mentioned by many writers, among whom was Bemal Diaz, Hist, Verdad.,
250. Those who desire further information can consult, besides the authorities
.abready quoted, the following: Lasso de la Vega, Buei TlamahuicoUica, pub-
lished in Mexico, 1649, a work supposed to be modelled from Sauchez; Botu-
rini. Idea, HisU Gen, Amer,, Madrid, 1746. This author collected a great
number of Indian manuscripts: Veiancvrt, Tealro Mex,, Mexico, 1698; San-
chez, Imogen Quad,, Mexico, 1648; Cabrera, Maravilla Amer., Mexico, 1756,
a work treating exclusively of the painting; Florencia, Zodiaco Mariano,
Mexico, 1755; Id,, EUreUa de el Norte, Mexico, 1741, a discussion on the
painting and Indian antiquities. Antonio and Tuiion, Col Ob, y Opusc., an
excellent ooUection of passages from the best writers on the Guadalupe
mystery; and Castro, Octava Maravilla Mex., Mexico, 1729, a poem in five
cantos. Tlie material on which the picture was painted is discussed in this
work.
'<* The committee, besides Bustamante, was composed of the bishop of
Monterey, Fray Ortigosa, two prebends, Movellan, secretary of congress, a
notarypublic, and the artists Aulon and Villanueva.
Ti This personace, after the apparition of the virgin, withdrew from busi-
ness, lived a life of celibacy, ana devoted himself to her service. He died in
1548, aged 74, warned, according to Vetancurt, Chron., 128, of his approach-
ing end.
40fi A DECADE OF CHURCH MATTERS.
old altar on account of repairs, when attention wb»
attracted to its extraordinary weight. Examination
revealed the fact that it was attached to the top of
Zumdrraga's table, on which was an inscription by
the bishop, certifying this to be the true and original
picture.^*
Among the most assiduous propagators of the faith
was the Franciscan friar, Toribio MotoUnia, who kept
a record of baptisms from 1524 to 1539. In the city
of Mexico and the surrounding villages more than a
million children and adults were baptized, an equal
number in the district of Tezcuco, and in Michoacan
and other provinces over three millions more. In the
single year of 1537 above five hundred thousand
received the faith. These conversions were the result
of the labors of the Franciscans alone, several mem-
bers of which order, it is claimed, baptized individually
numbers varying from one hundred thousand to three
hundred thousand. ^^ The number of friars employed
in this work did not exceed sixty, for though in 1539
the members of the order present amounted to about
eighty, not all of them were occupied in baptizing,
owing to a want of experience and a knowledge of
the language. In spreading the gospel these evangel-
izers received much aid from native converts,^* who,
as well as the native traders, carried tidings of the
^' The painting had been stretched upon five boards, solidly joined together
by treenails, and at the back was the inscription: ' Tabla de la mesa del Illmo.
Sr. Zum^Lrraga, y en la que el dichoso neofito puso la tilma en que eataba
estampada esta maravillosa im£gen. ' The carx>enter, who accompanied the
committee, testified to the anti(]^nity of the boards, while the wooden nails.
were like those used by the Indian carpenters in the bishop's time. Aparic
Quad., 27-9.
''^MotoUnia, Hist. Ind,, 108-9; Mendieta, Hist. Eclea., 275. Gonmlez D£-
villa, TecUro Edes., i. 25, states that by the Dominican and Franciscan friars
10,500,000 natives were baptized, not including those converted by other
orders. According to Fernandez, Hist, Eeles., 47, the Franciscans baptized
1,000,000 during the first eiffht years. Tmyuemada, iii 156.
^^ In the year 1530 a school for the religious instruction of Indian girls
was established with a similar good result, the young women assisting in the
work of conversion as soon as sufficiently taught. This seminary was under
the management of six pious sisters sent out by the queen of Spain. It
existed for about ten years. Id,, 48. Also Motolitda^ 224-6, and Medieta^
482-3.
SPREAD OF THE GOSPEL. 40»
cross into remote districts not yet penetrated by the
friars.
It was a grand and happy consummation, alike for
church and state; so at least it was regarded until
the state became jealous of the wealth and power of
the church. At this time the church rejoiced for the
millions thus brought into the fold, and the crown
rejoiced for subjects thus reclaimed from savagism
who were henceforth to add to its revenues. Thus
we find the queen writing in 1532 to the archbishop
of Toledo, of the great work already accomplished in
New Spain, and the wide field for new conversions.
The prelate is then asked for virtuous and exemplary
laborers willing to go thither.^* And again in 1536
the king enjoins the viceroy and audiencia to promote
to the utmost the spread of the faith. By this and
other means the number of religious teachers waa
greatly increased.'*
But not all of the baptized aboriginals were happy
in their new relations. There were some from whose
hearts the eradication of idolatry was not so complete
as appeared on the surface. Many clung tenaciously
to the creed of their ancestors, and when open pro-
fession was no longer possible they had recourse to
stratagem. While outwardly observing the Catholic
form, they practised in secret their ancient rites, and
while they knelt before the image of the virgin offered
adoration to hidden idols of their own.''
^C^duJa, in Col Doc. Inid., ii. 379-«0.
" 'Annqne IO0 obreroe eran mtiy buenos (mediante la diligencia del Visor*
ny) desde este panto comefaron a ser maa en nomero, y mejores.* Iltrrera^
dec. vi. lib. i. cap. z.
n por an account of secret ceremonies see Sahagun, Hut, Otn,, iiL 321*
CHAPTER XX.
FUTILE ATTEMPTS TOWARD DISCOVERY.
1530-1540.
AUTHORITT OF CoBT^ CUBTAILBD— InDIAK Ck>NSFI&ACT SUFFBESSKD — ^DlB-
TUBBANCEd IN OaJAGA— AK EmFTT TiTLE— CoBT^S AND THB GOLONISIS
OF AnTEQUEBA — ^FUBTHEB DISPUTES WITH THB AUDIENCIA — CoBTiS
Pebsistent— Baffled Eftobts at Disoovebt-— High Hopes and a
Lowly Dwelling — ^Misfobtune Follows Misfobtune — Guzbcan's
ANIMOSITT — CoBTiS DEFIANT— He SaIL9 NoBTHWABD — ^FaILUBE OF THE
EnTEBPBISE— RiVALBT OF MeNDOZA— GOBTJ&S DlSOUSTXD — Re RETtTBlIB
TO Spain.
Upon the arrival of the second audiencia Cortds
hastened to lay before that body his commission as
captain general. Though it was duly recognized by
them, the powers it conferred were greatly controlled
by a royal order produced by the audiencia, requiring
that Cortes, in all his operations, should consult the
president and oidores and act only on their approval.
This we may well imagine was not pleasing to the
marquis,* and soon he and the audiencia were engaged
in hot disputes. Jealous of their position, and proud
of the king's confidence,^ the oidores were uncompro-
mising in the exhibition of their authority, and car-
ried out their instructions to the letter; while Cortes,
^ Cortes professes to have been at first satisfied with this order: <y fa6
para ml muy gran meroed, porque siempre querria tales testigos de mis
«ervicios.* CorUs, Escritos Sueltos, 191.
' When the audiencia attended mass on the arrival at the capital the
bishop of Tlascala in the prayer for the royal family, after the words, 'regem
nostrum cum prole regia/ added, 'et ducem exercitos nostri,' whereupon
Oidor Salmeron admonished him to observe the king's preeminence: '6 yo La
amonest^ que guardase al Rey su preeminencia Real en aquello.' Salmaranf xu
P<tcheco and Cdrdenoa^ Col. Doc,, xiii. 192
(4101
ENMITY OF THE AUDIENCIA. 411
accustomed to domineer, ill brooked opposition to his
views or interests, and pressed matters with a haughti-
ness that offended the king's judges.
Thus it was that almost immediately an antagonism
appeared, regarding questions of minor importance at
^rst, as those of etiquette and precedence,' but later
affecting weightier matters both public and private.
Unfriendly relations being thus established, the
breach grew wider day by day, and their letters were
full of bitterness, marked by complaints of griev-
ances on the one side and of obnoxious interference
on the other. Such being their respective attitudes,
it w^as with diflSculty and delay that even the royal
orders were carried out in matters concerning Cortes.
Whether the question at issue related to the count-
ing of his vassals, the assignment of towns and lands
granted him, or expeditions of discovery, it was in
'Cvery case attended by many loud and angry words.
The first business m connection with the marquis
to which it was necessary the audiencia should give
attention was the counting of the twenty-three thou-
sand vassals assigned him by royal grant. Difficulties
at once arose which rendered the counting slow,* and
there were also disagreements between the oidores and
Cortds with respect to the method. Moreover as
public interests were involved by the establishment
of a remarkable precedent, the action of the oidores
was closely watched and criticised.* The discharge
*Salmeron complaminffly reports to the king the prominent position in
vhich Cort^ cauBed his chair to be placed in the churcn, and the fact that he
took precedence in church ceremonies: 'y al ofrecer, nos porfiamos todos, y
^1 ofrece el primero; y la paz saca on sacristan, y vd primero 4 nosotros, y
t6mala el primero.' Id.
* The oidores reported to hia Majesty that the Indians, at the instigation
of their chiefs, evaded the count. This they could readily do owing to the
facility with which they removed from place to place. The duties of the com-
mission appointed to take the count were thus made irksome in the extreme,
and the result inaccurate. They were employed during the whole of leut in
determining the population of a single town in the district of Cuemavaca
without satisfactory result, and there were not less than 20 others in that
district. Helacicn^ in PocAeco and Cdrdeiuu, Col, Doc.^ xiv. 330; Audience,
I/eUre, in Tcmaux-Compans, Voy,, s6rie ii. tom. v. 151, 197-8.
^ Cortiis maintained that the heads of families only should be counted,
while the oidores claimed that the individual members ought to be included.
412 FUTILE ATTKMFTS TOWARD DISCOVERY.
of this unenviable duty was intrusted to six commis-
sioners, three of whom were appointed by Cortes and
three by the audiencia/
The commission, however, after having labored for
many weeks in vain efforts to arrive at even an ap-
proximate count, reported to the audiencia that the
difficulties were insurmountable and a correct numer-
ation impossible, since not one fifth of the estimated
population presented itself. The attempt was conse-
quently abandoned, and a compromise entered into
by which Cortes, pending instructions from the king,
was left in possession of Cuemavaca with its depend-
dent townships and the districts of Tehuantepec and
Cuetlachtlan. The valleys of Oajaca and Quilapan,
and various towns in the province of Mexico, were
also assigned him under the encomienda system, no
judicial authority being therewith conferred/
Yet the audiencia considered that the principle on
which the king's grants had been made was danger-
ous, from the fact that the scattered positions of the
^different districts would give Cortes too wide an influ-
Again, several families occupied the same dwelling, separated from each other
by partitions of bamboo. The oidores complain to the king that many of
these houses were found empty, although they were convinced that the inhab-
itants had only temporarily removed. In other instances the partitions had
been taken down so that several families might appear to belong to one and
thr. Kaine head; and the audiencia considered that all houses ought to be
co^irated whether occupied or not. Id. Moreover strictness in count wa»
warmly discussed by the encomenderos who recognized that the decision on
this point materially affected themselves. Several witnesses testified that
the contador, Rodrigo de Albomoz, had asserted that the count ought not to
bo taken too strictly as the difference of 50 macehuales morQ or less was a
matter of slight importance. Pacheco and CdnlencUf Col, Doe., xvi. 548-^.
*The audiencia appointed Cristobal de Barrios, Ger^nimo Rule de Uk
Mota, and Ruiz Gonzalez; the representatives of Cortes were, Andrte de
Tapia, Juan de Salcedo, and Francisco de Terrazas. Temaux-Comptms, Foy.,
B^ne ii. tom. v. 197. Cort^ complains that two of his greatest enemies were
chosen by the audiencia. Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 22-3.
^ The marquis complained of this limitation of his jurisdiction, and alao^
protested agamst the appointment of corregidores of certain towns claimed
by him as pertaining to his grant. Id., 155, and Pacheco and CdrdenctB, Co/.
Doc, xiv., 331-2. A description of the different districts and townshipa
included in the aasicnments will be found in Id., 333-7, and Tema/ux-
Company. Voy., s^rie ii. tom. v. 153-5. A copy also of the agreement between
the audiencia and Cort4s is contained in Padieco and Cdrdeiias, CoL Doc,, xii.
514-20. Gort^ engaged to surrender all claim to any districts which ndght
afterward be found outside of his grant.
EFFORTS OF CORTfiS RESTRICTED. 413
ence, and the oidor Salmeron had already counselled
the king to centralize the authority of the marquis by
confining his possessions to one portion of the coun-
try.® The fact is his power over the natives was such
as to cause the oidores heartily to wish him back in
Spain.^
Nor was the assignment of these grants the only
cause of dispute. The erection of his palace, the sale
of his houses in the city of Mexico to the audiencia,
and his claims to lands within the limits of the city
were alike productive of grievances and annoyance. ^^
But the treatment of Cortes by the audiencia in
his public capacity as captain general engendered yet
stronger feelings of indignation and wounded pride.
He could not shut his eyes to the fact that his high
oflSce was one more in name than in reality, and his
quick perception soon revealed to him that although
the crown had recognized his services it did not intend
to allow him much control in the guidance of affairs.
'In March 1531, Pacheeo and Cdrdenas, Col Doc,, xiii. 203-4.
*In August of the same year Salmeron remarks, 'il a un tel pouToir sur
lea indigtoes, que d'un seul mot il pourrait tons lea faire r^volter,' and later
adds: 'Il dit. . .qu'il retoumera en Espagne. Pldt au ciel qu'il le fit; cela
aerait heureux pour la Kouvelle-Espagne/ Temaux-Compans, Voy., a6rie ii.
tom. V. 196. In the same letter he expresses the conviction that it would be
well not to include the township of Antequera Oajaca in the grant, while
Oidor Quiroga apprisea the king that the assignment to Cort<^s of the town of
Tacubaya, so near the capital, w6uld be greatly prejudicial to the city. Pacheeo
and CdrdenaSf Col, Doc., xiii. 427-8.
^<> By a letter of the oidores, dated 14th of Auffust 1531, already frequently
quoted, the king was informed that Cortes was building in the city a palace
more pretentious than any to be seen in Spain, and that the work had been
interrupted by the audiencia placing the towns from which the marquis drew
his laborers under the corregimiento system. He had, however, been allowed
to employ the Indians of Chales, on the condition that he paid them wages.
This he had failed to do, and the oidores had stopped the work. With regard
to his houses in the city Cort^ comptlains, in 1533, that the audiencia had
neither paid him for them, nor were willing to give up the property, not even
the traders* buildings which, according to agreement, he was to retain; and
he requests the council to interfere in his bel:^. Cartct, in Pacheeo and Cdr-
denas, CoL Doc. xii. 550-1. Certain lands lyhig within the city commons,
were cranted to Cort^ by royal order of July 27, 15?4, but he was dispos-
sessed of them by the oidores of the first audiencia. In 1531 he claimed
restitution, which was resisted, and the audiencia decided to submit the
matter to the India Council. Id., xxix., passim. The queen, in April 1533,
<empower8 the audiencia to investigate the matter and decide according to
justice. Pttffo, Cedttlario, 86.
414 FUTILE ATTEMPTS TOWARD DISCOVERY.
From the first the new administration avoided con-
sultation with him/^ and when in military matters ha
offered suggestions, his views were not accepted, and
even his actions were interfered with, while at the
same time no means was omitted of impressing upon
the natives the fact that the great conqueror was sub-
servient to the higher authority of the audiencia.
The very first attempt made by Cortes to exercise
his functions as captain general caused a rupture
between him and the audiencia. The ineflScient con-
dition of the available forces in New Spain was such
as to excite a fear of an uprising of the natives.
With the approval of the audiencia, Cortds therefore
proclaimed a general muster in all Spanish towns,
attaching certain penalties to those who failed to ap-
pear with their arms and horses. The muster in the
capital was a failure, and when Cortes sought to en-
force the fines upon the deUnquents the oidores took
umbrage, considering that his action was an encroach-
ment upon their authority."
The weakness displayed by this failure to muster
in force and the well known dissension that prevailed
among the Spaniards offered a strong temptation to the
Indians. They bel ie ved that an opportunity for throw-
ing off the Spanish yoke had at last arrived, and they
entered into a conspiracy to destroy their oppressors.
Straggling Spaniards in the country were murdered,
" The audiencia informed the king that their policy was to avoid seeking;
the advice of Cortes in matters affecting the ffoyemment. Salmeron, Carta, in
Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, , Yiii. 191. Cortds also complained to the kinsp
that he was not allowed to consult with the audiencia, but was simply required
to obey orders. /(2. , 12. In his Hdadon de Servicios he states that the audienciik
construed the king^s instructions relative to himself to suit themselves, and
that without voice or vote in their councils he was compelled simply to execute
their orders. Failures could thus be charged to his account, while the credit
of his successes could be appropriated by the president and oidores. EktUo^
8uelto8, 217-18.
^^ This question of prerogative was still unsettled in April 1532. Cortte
writing to the king on the 20th remarks: 'y asl se ha quedado hasta hoy
que ninguna 6rden ni concierto hay.' /(/., 191. A similar failure occurred at
Vera Cruz. Id,, 220. The audiencia attributed this failure to the action of
the enemies of Cort^ who *aimeraient mieuz perdre tout ce qu'ils poss^ent
que le reconnal^v pour leur sup^rieur.' TemoMX'Ccmpa'Mt Voy,, aAne ii. torn.
V. 155-6.
BEVOLT OP THB NATIVES. 415
and preparations made for a sudden rising in the city.
According to O viedo more than tjvo hundred Spaniards
were soon found to be missing, and the alarm became
general. The oidores in the emergency recognized
that the only man capable of dealing with the excited
Indians was the captain general, and him they now
called upon to come to their assistance. With a large
force he marched into the capital, and by his decisive
measures quiet was restored. Great numbers were
made prisoners and the horrors of fire and blood-
hounds implanted a wholesome fear upon the natives,
who were once more taught that their patriotic strug-
gles only tightened the conqueror's grasp."
The revolt seems to have extended far southward,
for during the early part of 1 5 3 1 the Zapotecs in Oajaca
and Impilcingo were in rebellion, and a number of
Spaniards who had entered the district in search of gold
had been slaughtered."
The ayuntamiento of Antequera despatched all avail-
able force against the insurgents, but as this left the
town without defenders it was necessary to send as-
sistance from Mexico. But even under these circum-
stances, in which the experience and military ability
of Cortes ought to have been respected, his views met
with opposition, and the conqueror of New Spain
deemed it prudent to yield in all points to the opinions
of the oidores on the ground that his would be the
blame in case of mishap. The revolt was suppressed,
but the expeditions sent out by the captain general
encountered unnecessary diflficulties, owing to the in-
terference of the audiencia.^*
^ Oviedo, iii. 521. A false alarm was raised one night in the capital which
caused g;eneral consternation. The originator of it was not discovered, but it
afforded an additional motive for suppressing the conspiracy. Torqiienuidaf
i. 605; Cavo, Trea Sighs, L 99-100. O^nsult also Herrera, dec. iv. Ub. ix.
cap. iv.
^* One Alonso Tabera and several companions were killed, and shortly after-
ward six other Spaniards with a large number of slaves were put to death.
Carta del Ayunt,^ in Pacheeo and Cardenas^ Col. Doc,, xiii. 182-3.
^ Cortis, Escriios Suellos, 191-3, 218-19. Even the punishment of insubor-
dination in his ranks was not allowed him by the audiencia. Temaux-Com-
fOM, Voy., s^e ii. torn. v. 156; and when on one occasion an officer exceeded
416 FUTILE ATTEMPTS TOWARD DISCOVERY.
Thus thwarted in every public and private measure,
Cortes felt bitterly the humiliations to which he was
subjected. Accustomed to command so long without
restriction, his position became distasteful. His great
achievements merited, he thought, a higher appreci-
ation than that which made of him but a mere figure-
head of power; and with wounded heart, and in dis-
gust at his empty title of captain general, he begged
the king, since his ability was held in so poor esteem,
to appoint a more competent person to take his
place.^*
But after all the misery was not wholly on one side.
Cortds was to the audiencia as a thorn in the flesh.
His friends were numerous, and their ranks were re-
enforced by discontented encomenderos who saw their
interests attacked by the audiencia, which endeavored
to suppress repartimientos. In July 1532 President
Fuenleal suggested the recall of Cortes to Spain, with
four or five others who were causing trouble."
Meantime Cortds had left the city and retired in
disgust to Cuemavaca, where he had caused a palace
to be built on the outskirts of the town. Here he
his instractions and reduced to slavery some prisoners captured in the Impil-
cingo campaign, the nuurquis was reprimanded for not liaving given sufficiently
definite orders to his lieutenant, and the officer was arrested. Quiroga, in
Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., ziii 424-6. The king in March 1532
instructs the audiencia not to proceed against either the captain, Vasco Por-
callo, or the marquis in this matter. Puga, Cedulario, 79. Nor could Ck>rt^
obtain any redress from the audiencia when Captain Luis de Castilla, whom
he had sent with an expedition to colonize part of the country previously
pacified, was seized by Guzman and kept prisoner till his followers cbsbanded.
Escritos, SucUoH, 192-3.
^^ His letter is dated April 20, 1532, and he remarks: * Porqne pues hasta
aqui no he crrado, no querria errar de aqui adelante: yo, como un vecino,
seguir^ lo que me mandaren.' Escritoa Suellos, 193. On the 20th of March
preceding, the queen issued the following somewhat indefinite instructions to
the audiencia regarding the duties of the captain general: ' £1 Marques ha de
vsar el oficio de capitan general en la nueva Espafia en las cosas, q per nos
•especialmete le f ueren mandadas, o alia por vosotros en nuestro nombre se
le nuuidaren, y no en otra cosa, mirareys bien sieropre lo que les encomendays
y mandays, porque se escusen dif erencias, teniendo siempre respecto a la per-
sona del marques.* Puga, Cedulario, 79.
^^ Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc. , xiiL 226. This advice was again given
by the audiencia in November following. Temaux-Compins, Voy., sdne iL
tom. V. 208-9. Herrera is alone with respect to the relations between Cort^
and Fuenleal. He describes them as amicable, and asserts that the president
continually consulted Cort^. dec. iv. Ub. iz. cap. xiv.
FEUDS IN OAJACA.; 417
occupied himself with agriculture and stock-raising,
entertaining meanwhile various projects of discovery.
On taking possession of the domains of his mar-
tjuisate, in the valley of Oajaca, the inhabitants of the
town refused to accept him as their feudal lord.^® This
action of the Indians was doubtless owing to the town
having been included in the limits of the Spanish set-
tlement of Antequera which adjoined it;*® and from
this time forward the people of Antequera and Cortds
were involved in frequent and violent disputes. The
marquis justly regarded the founding of the city as an
encroachment upon his domain, a hostile intrusion.
His people were always in trouble with the Spanish
residents, who in their turn appropriated portions of
the best ground, seized upon his water privileges, and
treated his agents with indignity.*^
The central and advantageous position of the town
liad induced Corti5s to begin building a palace in
Oajaca, but he now discontinued the work, and erected
a house a quarter of a league distant. This removal
of his seat and the narrow confines to which Ante-
quera was limited effectually checked the prosperity
of the city,^* and instead of a flourishing settlement,
'* The towns of Oajaca and Antequera may be considered as one. The
iirst audiencia foonded the Spanish town of Antequera close to the Indian
village of Oajaca on land belonging to the marquis. Cortes maintained that
this was done to injure him, and presented a petition to the second aadiencia
regarding the matter. Ternaux-Campawtf Vay., serie ii. torn. v. 14G-7. Flo-
rencia states that the king granted Uortes four villas in exchange for the city,
Comv. de Jemt, 231.
"In March 1531 the oider Salmeron informs the India Council that the
settlers in Antequera wished to have the villa removed elsewhere, before they
had erected many buildings; or have the town of Oajaca given to them.
Salmeron advises that the latter proposition be adopted. Pacheco and Car-
denas, CoL Doc., xiii. 203.
* On one occasion the alcaldes imprisoned his agent, Diego del Castillo,
and submitted him to outrageous treatment. M, xii. 551-4.
'^Charles gave it the name and privileges of a citv April 25, 1532. Medi-
ttci, Chron, San Diego, 246. Villa Sefior names April 25, 1531, as the date,
Theatro, ii. 112, wmdi is probably incorrect, as Cortez, writing on the 25th
of January, 1533, to the Council of the Indies, represents that a proctor had
been despatched to Spain by the Spaniards of Anteauera lor the purpose of
petitioning that their villa lie elevated to the rank of a city, and opposes the
request hy bringing forward his own claims. Pacheco and Cdrdetuu, Vol. Doc.^
xii. 545-4. According to Herrera, exemption was panted the city for 30
J^ears, ' del semicio ordinario.' dec. v. lib. ii. cap. viii«
HiCT. Hbz., Vol. II. 27
418 FUTILE ATTfiMPTS TOWAED DISCOVERT.
in a few years its residents were reduced to actual
distress.*^
Other matters during this period became grounds
of contention between him and the ruling powers^
such as the payment of tithes,^ forest, pasture, and
water rights, to which he laid exclusive claim in the
district of Cuemavaca,^ and complaints made by his
vassals of the excessive tribute imposed upon them.*
Moreover, the much vexed question of the number of
his vassals was again brought forward, the proceed-
ings in the matter being marked by want of liberality
in the actions of the audiencia, and by petulant com-
plaints on the part of Cortds.* Yet no adjustment
could be arrived at. The marquis, though deprived of
** Antequera was raised to the rank of a cathedral town in 1534, bat the-
description of it given by Bishop Ztoite in 1544 indicates the victory of Gor-
t^ The city, he writes, was in such a condition that its abandonment woold
be no loss. The distress of the inhabitants was owinff to the city poaaeasing
no lands, all the surrounding country being owned oy Gortte. Provisions
consequently commanded exorbitant prices. The town had been founded out
of mauce to the marquis, but the scheme only worked to the injury of the
settlers, who had not even commons for pasturage. A change, however^
might be effected by a proper arrangement with Ck>rtte, which would maka-
Antequera one of the most important places in the country. TVmoaix-Coiii*
fans, Voy., s^e i. tom. z. 295-8.
** GorUs had obtained from the pope a buU pranttne to him immunity from
tithes on the domains granted to him by the kmg. *&e audiencia report hia
consequent refusal to nay them. In 1533 royal orders were issued to the
effect that he was notto oe exempt from the payment, since such exemption
would be prejudicial to the royal patronato, which it was not the pope'a
intention to injure. Montemayor, SvmarioB, 49; Pnga, CedutariOf 84.
** The queen by c4dula of April 20, 1533, ordered that these forests, wateta»
and pastures be common property of the Spuiiards. Id., 85.
*^The natives of the Ouemavaca district presented to Pedro Garda,
the interpreter of the audiencia, eight paintings descriptive of the tribntea
thev had paid to the marquis, and stated that they were treated by his un-
derlings more like slaves than vassals. Oarda, ixxPacheco and CdrdinM, Col,
Doc,, xiv. 142-7. The king in September 1533, directed the audiencia to
determine the tribute to be paid by the vassals not only of Guemavaca but ot
all his domains. Puga, Cedulario, 87.
**In April 1532 the audiencia informs the crown that in order to arrive
at some knowledge of the number, Indians in the guise of traders had been
secretly sent into the district of Guemavaca. These had made drawinga of
the towns and villages in the valley, from which it appeared that in that dis-
trict only there were more than 20,000 houses each containing several fsmiliea.
The audiencia believed that Gort<^ had received more than lus righc Ter-
nauX'Ccmpans, Voy., s^rie ii. tom. v. 204-^. The queen in April 1533
approved the suggestion made by the audiencia that President Fuenleal and
two oidores should proceed to Guemavaca and verify the paintinga, tak-
tittg with them the natives that had drawn them. PugtL, Cedvlario, 83^-4.
L
SHIPS FOR THE MOLUCCAS. 4l»
some portion of his grant, adhered to his claims and
defended his rights as tenaciously as the audiencia
assailed them, filing protests and making appeals to
the crown whenever loss was threatened.^
Again, in 1587 and 1538, under the administration
of Viceroy Mendoza, an attempt was made to bring
affairs to a satisfactory adjustment.^ Again the mar-
nuis in a letter to the India Council, dated 20th of
September 1538, enters at length into the troubles
and expenses attending the count, and having been
deprived of many townships,impoveri8hed by the heavy
expenses of unremunerative expeditions, m reduced
circumstances, and oppressed with debt, he asks relief
in order that he may live. Poor conqueror 1 *•
But it is time to consider the efforts made by Cortes
to extend discoveries in the South Sea, and mark how
his exertions were cramped and his prospects of sue*
cess marred by the same watchful opponents.
The reader is already aware that previous to his
departure to Spain, Cortes had despatched a fleet to
the Moluccas, and that the commerce he wished to
establish there might be permanent, he began the
construction of other vessels at Tehuantepec with the
intention of sending them to support the first expe-
dition. Four vessels were already built when he left
" CorUs, in Paekeco and CdrdenoB, Col Doc., zii. 541-9, 554-63. On
aecoont of the enmity displayed by the andienda he petitioned the king to
acnd a special commissioner to make the count and deliTer him his vassals, or
to empower a commission of prelates and friars in New Spain to do so, other-
ee a settlement wonld never be accomplished. Id., xiii. 24-5.
** Viceroy Mendoza and Vasco de Quiroga, bishop elect of Michoacan,
ire empowered, Noyember 90, 1537, to coont the vassals. Id., xii. 314-18.
**CorUs, Carta, Col. Doc, IrUd., iv. 194-201. His expenses in fitting out
armaments had been enormous, besides other calls upon his purse, which was
ever an open one. He thus describes his straitened circumstances : * Con
Lm ayudas de oosta que dese Real Consejo se me ban hecho. . .yo tengo harto
que haoer in mantenerme en un aldea, donde tengo mi muger, sin osar residir
en esta cibdad ni Tenir A ella, por no tener que comer en ella.' And he
entreats the council, ' dar . . .6rden como en mis dias tenga de comer y despues
dellos se conozca en mis hijos que su padre meresci6 algo.' Pa^heco and Cdr-
denas. Col. Doc., iii 5^. But no final settlement of his claims was made in
hia lifetime, and it was only after his death that the latter wish obtained
x«oognition, when the original grant was confirmed to his son, with a slight
reservation and without ImiitatioB as to the number of vassals, by Philip XL
420 FUTILE ATTEMPTS TOWARD DISCOVERT.
New Spain, aad a fifth was completed later. The fleet
was almost ready to sail, when the oidores of the first
audiencia interfered. They seized and sent prisoner
to Mexico the officer in charge, dismissed the Indians
employed, and suspended work. The ship tackle and
stores were stolen, and the vessels were left to rot
On the return of Cortes they were almost ruined, and
the loss which he sustained amounted to more than
twenty thousand castellanos.**
Nor did Cortes meet with that cooperation from
the second audiencia which he had expected. Not
disheartened by the discouraging result of his former
attempt, shortly after his return to New Spain he
hastened to carry out his contracts with the king. He
began the construction of four new vessels, two at
Tehuantepec and two at Acapulco, and succeeded in
etting them launched about the beginning of 1532.
ut the audiencia, which at first had encouraged him
to proceed with the execution of his schemes,'^ now,
to the marquis' cost, and notwithstanding a decree
forbidding its interference,^ caused him much trouble.
Acapulco^ was inaccessible to carts and pack animals,
and Cortes found it necessary to employ native car-
riers to transport tackle and stores for his ships. The
opening policy of the new audiencia with respect to
the treatment of the natives was that of strictly
'^ As a farther injostice the oidores, according to the repreaentatioii of
Cort^ to the king, condemned the officer in charge to pay 3,000 casteUaaos,
claimed by the carpenters as compensation for the loss of work for nearly a
year. Property belonging to Cort6s was sold to meet this demand. Carta, in
Col Doc. In^d.f i. 39-40. The amount of loss is stated by the attorney of
Oort^ at a later date to have exceeded 90,000 castellanos. CorUs, Escriim
SueUos, 217.
^^Oomara, Hist, if ea:., 287-8.
** * Aimque yo he visto una provision, en one se manda al preeidente y
oidores que no se entremetan en oosa deste descubrimiento, sino que librementa
me dejen hacer. * CorUa^ Escritos SuelloH, 194.
^ Acapulco was the capital town of the Cohuixcas under the Aeteo empire.
It had been visited at an early date by explorers of the south coast sent hy
Cortes. The port was recognized by Cortes as affording facilities for ship-
building, and vessels were constructed and despatched here at an early date.
It is mentioned by the audiencia in 1532, TemauX'Comp€MSf Voy,, adrie iL
tom. v., but can hardly be considered as a recognized Spanish setUement tiU
1650. Philip XL elevated it to the rank of a ci^.
MOBE VESSELS DESPATCHED. 421
enforcing the laws of protection. Accordingly, his
Indians were taken away, his operations ordered dis-
continued, and a fine of forty thousand pesos im-
posed.**
Thwarted at every turn, Cortes gave way to de-
spair. "I obeyed their order," he writes, "and ceased
my preparations, so that neither by sea nor land can
I do your Majesty any service," and in his heart
doubted whether the exploration of the South Sea
was a matter of any interest to the crown. Such is the
version given by the marquis, but the audiencia tell a
somewhat different tale, and inform the queen that
Cortes paid no heed to the alguaciles whom they had
sent to release the natives from their servitude, but
defiantly ordered the carriers to continue their labors.
Whereupon the audiencia instituted proceedings
against him.** There was undoubtedly truth in what
the oidores said.
Notwithstanding all the machinations of the evil
ones, Cortds despatched from Acapulco in May 1532
two ships, the San Marcos and the San Miguel,^
under Hurtado de Mendoza, the details of which ex-
pedition, as well as those of the subsequent maritime
efforts of the marquis, may be found in my History
of the North Mexican States.
With this beginning Cortds next determined to
superintend in person the completion of his ships at
Tehuantepec, and repairing thither hastened his prep-
^ Cortte in his account to the king of this interraption explains that the
natives employed were those of his own encomienda; that he paid them for
their labor, and that the ordinance prohibiting the employment of Indian car-
riers had been violated with impunity by others. Carta, in Pacheco and Cdr-
denaa, CoL Doc.^ xiL 648; Cot. Doc. In4d., iv. 175-7. Alonso de Zurita,
writing in the last half of the 16th century, * oydor que fue de la real audien-
cia,' represents that the construction of fleets by Cort^ cost the lives of thou-
sands of Indians. Paeheco and Cdrdenaa, Col. Voc, iL 113-14.
"* Temaux-Compan9, Voy., s6rie ii.'tom. v. 203-4.
^ Paeheco and Cdrdenas, zii. 541. These vessels were built under contract
by Juan Rodriguez de Villafuerte, for 1,500 castellanos, to be delivered before
Christmas, 1531. Cort^, in Col Doc. InM., ii. 416-19. The ill-fated vessels
ypet^ both lost, and nearly every one of the crews, weakened by sickness and
famine, massacred by the natives. Cortes attributed the failure of this ex-
pedition to the enmily of Guzman, who prevented his captains landing for sup-
pUes and repairs. Real Provision, in Icazbalcetc^ Col. Doc., ii. 35.
422 FXrnLB ATTEMPTS TOWARD DISCOVERY.
arations as rapidl)' as possible, living in a hut on the
beach, and even laboring with his own hands.*'
Yet with all his eagerness the work went slowly on.
For a year and a half he lived in his cabin on the sand,
and though in January 1533 he reported to the king
his expectation to be ready in March, it was not till
the 29th of October following that his vessels, the
San Ldzaro and the Concepcion, lefk port.^
The enterprise, which led to the discovery of lower
California, was attended with disaster. About the
middle of 1534 the CoTvcepcwn was brought into the
port of Chiametla by six or seven sailors,* the sole
survivors of her crew, who had much to tell of mutiny
and murder.*® She had become separated from the
San LdzarOy which afterward found her way to Te-
huantepec. The reports of lands discovered brought
by these men excited in Nuiio de Guzman a desire to
continue the adventure on his own account So he
seized the vessel and held the sailors, that the news
might not reach Cortes. But the marquis heard of
it," and appealed to the audiencia, only to enter upon
fresh complications. That body, though it issued an
order in the king's name commanding Guzman to
surrender the ship, and prohibiting him from pros-
ecuting the discovery, ordered Cortes also to desist
from further exploration in that direction.** The
marquis appealed to the crown, maintaining that Guz-
'^/(2.»35-^. The port of Tehuantepec was called Port of Santiago. Roma^,
CfuerUa, in Pcicheeo and Cdrderuu, CoL Doe., xii. 298.
** Cort4Sy EcrUos Suelioa, 250. The ooat of the two veesela amoonted to 9,000
pesos de oro de minas. Romay, Cuenia, in Paeheco and Cdrdenaa, CoL Doc,
ziL 208-313. Zamaoois, HisL MSJ., iv. 564, 574, erroneously resards the two
ezpeditioDs as one, and has confused the events of the latter with thope of the
former.
** < Con hasta siete hombres.' CorUs, EaerUo$ Sueltos, 203.
**See HisL North Jfex. StaUs, i, this series.
*^ Writing on this matter Cortes says: 'Supe casi por milagro, s^gnad la
diliffencia que Nufio de Quzman puso en guardar el secreto,' etc. EtcrUot
SuOtoa, 263.
^Tlie reason given by the oidores was that they had heard that Oojmian
had already despatched an expedition to the discovered land, and that * escin-
dalos, muertes de hombres 6 otros incovenientes ' would be the consequence
if the two should meet. The order sent to Guzman is dated August 19th«
that to Cort^ the 2d of September, 1534. Real Provision, in Tcaebdketa^ OoL
Doc, ii 31-40, and in Pacheoo and Cdrdenaa, CoL Doc,., xii. 418-29.
ON THE PENINSULA. 4S9
man had neither sent nor could send an expedition,
since he had no vessel of his own, and the Concepcian
was stranded. At the opening of his protest he sig-
nificantly calls attention to the fact that he was acting
in conformity with his Majesty's commands and with
the contract which he held.
The action taken by the audiencia after this pro-
test was no more favorable to the efforts of the mar-
•quis than had been its previous course. The truth
is that the oidores were secretly supported by the
throne, a course at once cowardly and base on the
part of Charles, who through very shame could not
•cast off one to whom he owed so much, and yet he
feared to permit him to prosper. Gonzalo Ruiz was
•commissioned on the 22d of August to proceed to
Nueva Galicia and investigate the matter; but noth-
ing was done in favor of Cortes, whose repeated
appeals to the audiencia were responded to with
such lukewarmness that he rightly concluded that
their neglect was intentional.*" He therefore deter-
mined to take matters into his own hands*, despatch a
third expedition, and command it in person. At the
same time he would call to account his adversary
of New Gralicia. About midwinter 1534-5 he de-
spatched from Tehuantepec for Chiametla three ves-
sels, the San LdzarOj the Santa Aaueda, and the Santo
Tamds, thoroughly equipped and well supplied with
stores. About the same time he started oy land for
Chiametla at the head of a considerable force.^ But
Oozman, too weak to contend with him, avoided hos-
tilities, and, during the time Cortes was in Jalisco,
preferred to be absent, occupying himself with the
suppression of an Indian outbreak in the valley of
Banderas.^ The land and sea expeditions were thus
* Ommon, in Paeheeo and Cdrdenas, Col. Doe., xii., 429-^.
^ A witaen in » tabflequent lawBait testified that there were 400 Spaniards
joid 300 negroes. Bemal Diaz, HitL Verdad., 233-4, says the expedition
consisted of 320 persons, indadine 34 married couples.
«B Guzman, writing in June 1535, claims that the bad policy of Cort^
while passing throng Jalisco was the canse of these Indian troubles. Paxhuo
and CdrdenM, Col. Doc., ziii. 414-17.
424 FUTILE ATTEMPTS TOWABD DISCOVERT.
reunited at Chiametla without molestation^ and Cor*
t^s, after inspecting the Concepcion which he found ia
an unserviceable condition, proceeded to make an
attempt to found a colony on the eastern shore of the^
CaUfornian peninsula.
The failure of the scheme, unless additional vessels
and supplies were provided for the colony, soon be-
came apparent to Cortds, and he returned with the^
Santa Agueda and Santo Tomds to Acapulco with the
intention of fitting out a new fleet for that purpose.
Moreover news of the arrival of Mendoza as viceroy
had been brought to him by a vessel under the com-
mand of Francisco de Ulloa, and this, together with
an earnest request from his wife, was an additional
motive for his return.** Though little is known of his.
operations during the following two or three years he
did not give up the hope of attaining some brilliant
success, and with his customary activity made prepa-
rations for another expedition. In September 1538
he informed the India Council that he had nine good
ships already built, but not yet launched, owing to the
want of navigators,*^ and in 1539 his enthusiasm was^
raised by the marvellous reports brought by Marcos
de Niza of the cities of Cibola.
Whatever had been the captain general's hopes of
assistance on the arrival of a viceroy in New Spain^
the change in the form of government only brought
into the field a new and powerful competitor. Men-
doza himself would like to be a great explorer, and in
1537 he asked of the king permission to participate
in enterprises of discovery.*^
^Eespectinff the returning fleet and all other particalarB, see HitL IJ^n^Ji
Mtx. States, vol. L this series.
*^ He had sent to Panamd and Nicaragua for sailors, but without sacoess.
He therefore despatched at this time Juan Galvano to Spain in order to
procure them. CorUs, Carta, in Col. Doc. In^d,, iv. 193-4. See also Pache:4>
and Cardenas, Col Doc,, iii. 535-43, and HJscritoe SueUos, 281. Motolinia,
Hist. Ind,, 171, followed byMendieta, Hist. Eclea., 398, makes mention of an
expedition sent out bv Cort^ some time durinff this year, and accompanied
by three Franciscan friars; but I do not find the assertion of these anthoi*
supported by any other authority.
^ And for the same favors granted to others in like cases. Padneeo and
CdrdenaSf Col. Doc., ii. 211.
ATTITUDE OF THB VICEROY. 4aS
At first the relations between Mendoza and Cortes
were not of an unfriendly nature, but the extreme
punctiliousness which presently arose indicated &
growing jealousy,^ and the regulations defining cer-
tain formalities which for the sake of harmony they
agreed to observe, were ineffective to prevent a rupture;
and now when men became wild over the rich realms
to be found in the north, each wished the other in the
foul pit Cortes, determined that the exclusive right
of northern exploration to which he laid claim should
uot be wrested from him, hastened his preparations,
and in spite of the viceroy's attempts to prevent him,
succeeded in despatching a portion of his fleet from
Acapulco, under the command of Francisco de UUoa.**
But Mendoza threw every possible obstacle in the
way, seizing upon the captain-general's remaining
vessels at Tehuantepec, forbidding any one to leave
New Spain without his permission, and sending a
strong force up the coast to prevent the entrance of
UUoa's ships into any of the ports. A messenger
despatched to Cortes from Santiago in Colima was
seized and tortured, that information might be ob-
tained from him; and shortly afterward, one of the
vessels putting into Guatulco^^ imder stress of weather,
the pilot and sailors were made prisoners/^
All future efforts of the marquis to Drosecute dis-
^They agreed to address each other by the title of 'seflorfa;' that the
Ticeroy when entertained at the house of the marquis should take the head
of the table, 'y & ambos se sirviese con salva v maestresalas/ that at the
viceroy's table no chair was to be placed at the nead when Cortes was being
entertained, but that they should occupy the respective sides, the viceroy
being seated on the right. When together the viceroy was also to occupy the
right position. The arrangement of their seats in the church was, moreover,
decided upon, and the first rupture between them arose from an attempt of
the servant of Cortes to advance his master's chair to the line of the viceroy's.
PeraUa, NoL BisL, 141-2.
^ Mendoza, however, though too late to prevent the departure of Ulloa,
detained six or seven vessels of the marquis, and ordered them not to go on
the expedition. Cortis^ De^cub., in Col. Doc. Indd., iv. 218.
^^Cruatnlco, a port on the western shore of the ^If of Tehuantepec.
Ogilby, 1671, writes Arfualulco^ the next name west bemg Marila, AtjwUtdco
CjvpcUUa; Dampier, i699. Port Ouatulco; Laet, 1633, Aguatulco; WeM-Ind.
gheif 1624, Ottatulco; Colom, 1663, AgwUvlco; Jefferys, Ouatulco; Kiepert^
Sj^hel, 1624, Ouatulco; Colom, 1663, Aguatulco; J
Buatuloo. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 348.
^ ' Y se perdid el navlo/ Cortia, Escritoa Sueltos,
303^.
426 FUTILE ATTEMPT TOWARDS DISCOVERY.
coveries or obtain redress for his grievances were
futile. His prestige was lost, his power in the coun-
try gone, and his petitions to the king unnoticed."
Thus harassed by his enemies and neglected by his
sovereign, the great conqueror thought once more to
plead his cause in person before the throne, and early
in 1 540 he left forever the shores of New Spain, which,
after having been the scene of his grand achievements,
had now become the witness of his failures and deep
humiliation."
*'Ab early as Febmanr 1535 he oomplained that he did not reoeiTo
replies to letters addressed by him to the India Council. EserUoe SueUtm,
260-1.
^ The exact date of his departure to Spain is not known, bat he addressed
a letter from Habana to Oriedo, dated Febniaxy 5, 1540. Oviedo, iv. 19.
I may mention as additional authorities on thepreoeding chapters the fol-
lowing: Biirgoa^ Cftog, Deacrip. Oc^aea, i. 5, 13-180; u. 199-361; Calle^ Mem,
y Not., 71-6; DdvUa Padilla, HisL Fond, ifex., 105-^83, passim; DMla,
Continuaeian, MS., 185-98, 284; Diamoa de Indicu, iv. 1-3; Fernandez^ HieL
Fcles., 58-60; Florendei, HisL Comp, deJuvs, 231-2; CorUs, Correflp., 305-72;
Oomara, HUt. Mex., 292; Oonxalez DdvOa, Teatro FeU$,, I 19-28, 107-13,
222-3; OHjalva, Cron, 8. August,, 34; Mendieta, Hist. Fclea., 222-736,
passim; Oviedo, iiL 521, 544; Ordenee de la Corona, MS., i. 10-11; Fvga, Ctdr
vlario, 21-118, passim, 167; Becop. de Ind., i 543; ii. 25; Beaks Cedidas,
MS., i. 105; Torquemada, i. 605-13; iii. 35-9, 302-580, passim; Vetanevri^
Menolog., 61-259, passim, 425-35; Id., Trot. Mex.^ 6-9, 17-18; Id., Cknm.,
127-^; Pacheeo and Cdrdenaa, Col. Doe., iL 179-362; iii. 83-4; xii 133-^362,
passim; xiii. 25-6, 213-50, 427-50; xiv. 142-7, 329-47; xxiii. 42^-67; xxix.
326-577; AUman, Disert., i. 208, 261, 267^, 270, ajpp. i 28; u. 33-6, 127-78^
passim; 206-318, passim; iii. 94-100, app. 9-11; Beaumont, Crdn, Mich., iL
479-80; iiL 138-553, passim; ir. 1-602, naasim; v. 238^1; Id., MS., 12S2,
925; Alatnan, in Prescott's Mex., i. 60; Bercerra Tanco, Felic. Mex., 1-lOQ;
ConetUos Prov., 1555-65, 213-335; Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 71-151; Cabrem,
Escudo de Armas, 6-475, passim; Fimieroa, Vindidas, MS., 106-9, 112;
Figueroa, Beeerro, MS., 35, 41; Pap. Frands., MS., i. ser. i Ko. 1; IknuL
Prov. SamUago, MS., 2-6; Icastbaketa, CoL Doc., L 147, 173-4; ii. 41-61,
190-7, 552; Monumen. Dom. Esp., MS., 61, 69» 76-9, No. ii. 240-1; No. ▼.
7-8; No. yi 320-1, 352-4; Moreno, Fragment, de QiUroga, 1-202; Medtma^
Chron, S. Diego Mex., 122-^, 236-46; Pwarro, Varones Iluslres, 120-1;
Bamirez, Doc, MS., 5-6, 216-63; Bomero, Not. Mich., 9-25; Bemesal^ Bist.
Chyapa, 56-8, 106-52, 458, 465, 525-^; Bivera, Hist. JaL, i. 53-9; Ceniro
America, Extraetos Sueltos, MS., 22; Salazar, Mex. in 1564, 53-4» 164-4^;
Siguensa y Q&ngora, Anot. Crii., MS., 2-6, 28-35; Temaux-Compans, Voy.^
s^rie i. tom. x. 287-^; s^rie ii. tom. v. 155-278, passim ; Salasar, Conq. Mex.,
441-57; Florida, Col. Doc., 119-39; VeUia, Linage, MS., 3-26; Doc Eeles.
de Mex., MS., L No. v.; Ar^valo, Compend., 98-100, 251; Arroniz, HitL y
Cron., 57-62; Antina, Mem. Hist. 132-4; Bartolache, Manif. Quad., 3-10^
fcod app.; Bustamante, Aparic. Quad., 5-75; Id., AfanjfesL, 16, S^; Id.,
Ir^orm., 1-26; Ouadalupe, Col. Ob. y Opusc.^ 1-815, passim; Heredia,8erm.
y Desert., Quad., iiL 1-29; iv. 1-55; v. 1-201; Hernandez, Comp. Oeog.
Mich., 8; IgUsias y Conventos, 230-3, 268-73; Lorenxana, Hist. N. Esp.,
13-14, 35-6; Laatnza, Discurs. Hist., 458, 460-2; Lebron, Apdog. Jurid.,
1-124; Papeles en Derecho, pt. iv.; Montemayor, Stfmarios, &, 150-2;
MoreUi, Fasti Novi Orbis, 103-14; NouveUes An. des Voy., xdx. 192; cxxxL
AUXHORmES. 427
245; Mareou, Notes, 6; Mich. JPrw, 8, Hie., 32-5, 101-2; S, Miguel, Mex,,
ii 3-4, 13, 68-81; Mex. Not Ciud. Mex., 400-5; PeraUa, Not, Hist., 140-3,
162-3, 279-80; Con^ares, MaraviL Aparic., 1-214; CucUro Irndgenee, Milag ,
MS., 1-43; Doc. Eelee. Mex., MS., i No. v.; Conde y Oquendo, Dieert. Ap.
<hiad.^ L-iL; Quridi, Aparie, Quad., 1-210; Oomam, Hist. Mex., ii. 87,
160-75; Beltrami, Mex., ii. 210-29; Orepo, Mem. AjtuL, 6-6; Carriedo,
Eetud. Hist., i. 104-5, 112-13; Episeopado Mex., 7; Fr^es, Hist. Breve, 203;
Ouadalupe, Inform., 1-26; Miehwxcan, Anal. Estad., 5; N. Esp. Brev. Res.^
1 120-39; Mayer's Mex. Aziee., I 139-42; JUbera, CM), de Mex., I 23, 67-60;
Repertorio Oen., 35-7; Id., LUerat., i. 241-3; Proo. de Santo Evangelio, No.
iiL; Silieio, Foment. Col. Ind., ix. 32-47; Sardo, Belae. de Chalma, 1-142;
Parras, Conq. JaL, MS., 84-6, 222-66; Jalisco, Mem. Hist., 175-6; Vioffero,
Univ., zxviL 87; Touron, Hist. Oen. Am., yi. 34-6; Zamacois, Hist. M€j.,
iv. 470-716; t. 19-20, 105-26; Rtbadeneyra, Man. Patronalo, 400-8; IHcius,
Indianischer Relig., 22-44; Corral, Serm. HisL,yp. vii. 24; Cartas *ie Indias^
66-61, 684-870, passim; Aim. CaJLend., 1866, No. vi. 66; Brasseur de Boar-
lomy. Hist. NaL Civ., iy. 732-3, 762-87; Bussiere, VEmpire Mex., 355-^;
Barros, Serm., 14-19; Cort^, Diario, 18S0, iii. 155; Die. Univ.. jwssim;
El Lieeo Mex., i. 163-73; Oranados, Tardes Am., 332-9; Oordon*s Hist. Qeog.
Mem., 29; La Crm, L 201-8; La Estrella de d Norte, 3-29; Museo Mex., i.
166-197, puum, 447-^1; Mosaieo Mex., u. 342, 461; Robertson's Hist. Am.,
h. 141-6; VUla SeOar, Teatro Am., i 14-16, 28; Soc. Mex. Qeog., Boktin, L
163-230; yu. 102-237; yiii. 167-610; ix. 1-62, 2ft «p. iy. 639-42; Pap. Var,,
▼. No. iL 68-6; cxliii. Ka zi
CHAPTEK XXI.
CONQUEST OP YUCATAN.
1527-1649.
Aboeiginal Yucatan— Francisoo de Mozttbjo Appointed Goyzbnob —
Battle of AKib—THS Spaniasds Mabch on Chichen Itza — ^Alonso dk
AviLA and his Band in Quest of Gold — His Message to the Lord of
Chetumal— The Chievtain's Replt — Atila's Command Besieged—
Theib Escape Ain> Depabtube fob Hondubas — ^Montejo Defeated--
The Canine Bell-bingeb— Flight of the Spaniards— The Adelan-
tado*s NabbowEsgape— Oallantbt of Blas €k)NZALEz— The Govebnob
Depabts fob Tabasco — ^The Spaniabds Dbiven into the Sea— Montejo
Tbansfebs his Bights to his Son— The Spaniabds Again Besieoed—
ToBTUBE OF Diego and Juan Cansino — Santillan Takes Montejo's
Residencia—Missionaby Labobs.
Nowhere on the continent of North America are
the traces of a by-gone civilization more distinctly
marked than in the peninsula of Yucatan. Here are
found pyramids resembling in mathematical outline the
. vast structures in which the Pharaohs lie entombed.
Here also the traditions of the early inhabitants carry
the mind back to the days when the Israelites fled
from their pursuers through the sundered waters of
the Red Sea,^ and when the great law-giver lifted up
the brazen serpent in the wilderness.*
Into the Antillean sea the peninsula juts out a vast
and arid promontory, risen from the ocean perhapa
when Atlantis sank. Broken by undulating hills and
low ranges, it extends in a series of irregular plains,
^ As related in their traditions, a path throngh the sea was opened for the
first inhabitants of Yucatan, as Uiey fled from their enemies, tierrera, dec.
iv. lib. X. cap. ii.; Landa, BelacUm, 28.
' The worship of the god Cukulcan, seemingly identical with Qnetzalooatl^
a name signifying feathered serpent, was common among the Itzas Cocomes.
(438)
ABORIGINAL HISTORT. 421
from which comes a heated, perfumed air, springing
from the borders of rivers which lightly water a nar-
row fringe of coast, now of treeless lands and languid
vegetation clustering in oases round the senate reser-
voirs formed at intervals by commiserating nature.
Clinging to half-forgotten names that were once
applied to the peninsula,* tradition itself seems to
st^unp it as risen from the sea, with an influx of set-
tlers from the orient, and a reflux from the Occident,
consequent upon the overthrow of some pre-Toltec •
invasion. With the first inwanderers is associated
Zamnd, the culture-hero and earliest ruler of the
country, the founder of its provinces, its institutions,
its hieroglyphics, and the builder of Mayapan. After
his time Chichen Itza rises into notice, as the seat of
a triumvirate, with which is connected Cukulcan, who
is identified with the mysterious Quetzalcoatl, and
who leads the western immigration of dispersing
Nahuas. His followers, the Cocomes, rule supreme
at Mayapan, and under their wing the Tutul Xius
enter from the south to found a third state, with capi-
tal at Uxmal. During the civil Wars which ensue,
the latter rise to the first rank, and inaugurate the
most glorious period of Maya history. The last
century of aboriginal rule presents a confused record
of strife, pestilence, and disasters, which leave the
countrv at the arrival of the Spaniards divided into
enfeebled and hostile factions, to offer an easier prey
to invaders. 'Yet they are still strong enough in
number and spirit to repel both C6rdoba and Grijalva,
while reports of their meagre possessions serve to
speed Cortes onward to the richer Tenochtitlan. And
so Yucatan lies neglected, while the ocean paths on
either side teem with eager fortune-seekers,*
The remnant of a shipwrecked crew are the pio-
neers of Yucatan. It has already been related that
' For which lee Native Raeeif ▼. 614-15, thi> series.
* For a foil aoooimt of th^ir history aod institations see Id,, IL iiL ▼•
430 CX)NQnEST OF YUCATAK.
in 1512 Valdivia and twenty of his men were thrown
upon the Maya shore, where, being seized by the
natives, several of them were offered in sacrifice, and
their roasted limbs devoured by the natives,* Men*
tion has also been made of C6rdoba's disastrous ex-
pedition in 1517, when, landing at Catoche, and after*
ward near the mouth of the river Champoton, he was
defeated with heavy loss and glad to escape to Cuba,
where a few days after his arrival he died of his
wounds.* More fortunate was Grijalva, who, disem-
barking in the following year on the island of Cozu-
mel, was astonished to find there a town with paved
streets and structures of stone, but passing thence to
the mainland, failed to establish any permanent set*
tlement.
It will be remembered that on his way to Mexico
Cortes also touched at Cozumel, and skirting the coast
of the peninsula, landed at the Rio de Tabasco, where
he gave battle to the assembled warriors.^
Among those who accompanied the expeditions of
Grijalva and Cort^ was Francisco de Montejo whom
Bemal Diaz describes' as of medium stature and
pleasing aspect, lavish of expense, fond of pleasure,
and fitted rather for a business life than for that of a
soldier. Soon after the conquest Montejo set out for
Spain as the envoy of Cortes, and under a capitula*
cion with the emperor, dated November 17, 1526, was
appointed governor and captain general of Yucatan
and Cozumel, with a salary of two hundred and fifty
thousand maravedis a year.
By the terms of this agreement he was required to
^Hiti. CenL Am,, I 350, this series.
*Hiai, Mex., L ft-ll, this series. For the origin of the name YucatMi
wee Id.
"^ Id,, i. 78 et seq. During his expedition to Hondnrss in 1525, Gort^
while at Truiillo, despatched a vessel to Mexico, with instructions to call at
Cozumel and take on board a party of Spaniards left there by Valenzn^la.
Hist. Cent. Am., i. 671-2, this series. It was the intention of the Spaniu>d*
to establish at this island a calling-place for vessels en route between Mexico
and Honduras.
*Hi9t. Verdai., 245.
FRANCISCO D£ MONTEJO. 4SI
build two forts at his own expense, wherever in the
territory he might deem best He was allowed to
select as his own property ten square leagues of land.
He was to be entitled to four per cent of any royal
income that might be derived from his discoveries
and conquests, the amount to be payable to himself
and heirs after deducting the expenses of administra-
tion. Lands allotted to settlers were to be deeded to
them after they had been occupied and improved for
four years. One half of the royal fines was to be
devoted, during the first five years, to public works
and to the building of hospitals. The enslavement of
Indian rebels and their purchase and sale were to be
permitted only where peaceful measures had proved
ineffectual. Montejo was specially enjoined to prohibit
the excesses which had attended previous discoveries
and conquests, and especially to forbid cruelty toward
the natives, all cases regarding their treatment to be
referred to the ecclesiastics, a number of whom were
to accompany the expedition; but this latter clause of
his contiuct the adelantado failed to observe.^
A sufficient force was levied, and early in 1527
Montejo's armament left the shores of Spain, the
contador Alonso de Avila being second in command.
Touching at Espaiiola for supplies, the expedition was
reenforced by many recruits, and a number of horses
were taken on board the vessels. On reaching Cozu-
mel, the Spaniards whose forces mustered about four
hundred, apart from the sailors, who manned their
flotilla of four ships, ^® were received with all outward
show of friendship. Arriving at the mainland they
*The full text of Montejo'a capitalacion with the crown ia given in C(h
€oOvdo, HuL TwxUhan, 62-73, and includes a cedula, dated November 17,
1526, bearing upon the general organization of expeditions of diacovery and
and conquest.
^^0)aoUvdo^ Hist. Tucaihan, 74. Thia author states that only the sailors
received pay. Notwithstanding the terms of the capitulation no friars ac-
companied tiie expedition, nor could OogoUudo discover the name of any
eoclesiastic connected with it, except that of Francisco Hernandez. Herrera
asaerta that Montejo equipped three veaaela in which over 500 men embarked,
dec iv. lib. ii cap. iii. in CartOB de Indias, 806, the same statement ia
made. Oviedo, iii. 226, affirms that he had two large vessels and 380 men.
432
CONQUEST OF YUCATAN.
Yucatan.
INVASIOK OF THE PENINSULA, 433
yireTe allowed to disembark witliout opposition, and
unAirling the royal banner of Spain, cried Espana!
Espana! Viva Espana! while the natives looked on
with seeming indifference, but indifference feigned for
the purpose of luring them inland, where thev might
be cut off from all hope of retreat to their ships.
The country seemed thickly peopled as the Span-
iards passed from village to village, and everywhere
quiet prevailed." Before they had penetrated far an
incident occurred which betrayed the real temper of
the inhabitants. Thrown off their guard by the ap-
parent friendliness of the people, the invaders held
free intercourse with them, and this heedlessness well-
nigh cost their commander his life. Snatching a
hanger from an attendant slave, one of the natives
aimed at him a sudden blow, which, but for a deft
motion on the part of the adelantado, had been fatal.
As it was, the savage paid for his temerity with his
life.
Continuing their march across the peninsula, Mon-
tejo and his command encountered many hardships.
The country was rugged, difficult, and all but unknown
to the Spaniards; water was scarce; of rivers there
were none ; and provisions began to fall short. On
reaching the village of Choaco, where it was expected
supplies would be obtained, the place was found to be
deserted, and no morsel of food had been left behind.
Here the men rested for a time, and then worn and
spiritless resumed their journey, now advancing with-
out fear of opposition on the town of Ak6 in the
northern part of the peninsula.
11 Oviedo'a account, iiL 225 et seq., differs materially from that of Cogo-
Undo and other authorities. He states that Monte jo, after remaining throe
days at Cosamel, crossed to Yucatan, where he landed half a league from the
village of Xala, and there encamping, built a town which he named Sala-
manca. Want of provisions, says the chronicler, bad water, and an unwhole-
some climate rapidly thinned the ranks, and caused desertion; to prevent
which he stranded his vessels and landed the cargoes. The discrepancies
between Oviedo's versiqn and that of other historians are elsewhere so essen-
tial that he appears to be describing entirely different expeditions. Several
nfttive villages which, according to the former, the adelontedo visited, are
not even mentioned in CogoUudo.
Hist. liBx., Vol. U. 28
434 (X)NQUEST OF YUCATAN.
But as yet they knew little of the character of their
foe. There were among Montejo's command veterans
who had borne the brunt of the fight during the
darkest hours of the Noche Triste, but even they
had not seen a more appalling sight than that which
greeted them, when, on the early dawn of a winter
day, toward the close of 1527,^^ they approached this
town. "Hordes of Indians, hideous in their war-
paint, came forth," says Oviedo, ''like fiercest devils
from their lurking place;" and so vast was their num-
ber that it seemed as if all the rulers of Yucatan had
massed their forces for the coming struggle. Nor
could they have selected a spot more favorable for a
battle-field. The ground was narrow, unfavorable for
the action of cavalry, and such that the Spaniards
being unable to deplore their ranks could make but
little use of their fire-arms, and were in danger of being
crushed by the mere weight of the enemy's columns.
While Montejo was speaking words of cheer to his
men and bidding them stand firm before the shock,
his voice was drowned by the uproar of the oncom-
ing masses, as they mingled with their war-cries the
shrill blasts of their conch-shell trumpets. Flights of
arrows were aimed at the Spaniards at short range, and
the next moment their lances pointed with sharpened
flint, and wielding double-handed swords of hardest
wood, the Indians grappled with their foe. Never-
theless the adelantado held his ground, and beating
back the assailants a short distance let loose at them
his cavalry and blood-hounds. The horsemen were
in turn pushed back by sheer weight of numbers, and
again the natives advanced to the attack.
Thus till dark the combat lasted, neither side gain-
ing decisive advantage. The night was spent by the
Spaniards in dressing their wounds and obtaining what
little rest they could, the natives meanwhile bringing
up fresh reenforcements. With the morning the
^' The exact date of this battle cannot be ascertained, but it was certainly
near the close of this year. CogoUvdo, Hist. Yucatium^ llS.
SEVERE FIGHTING. 435
conflict was renewed, and until mid-day the scale of
victory hung in the balance, when the natives falling
back in some disorder, Montejo ordered a final charge
on their wavering ranks. This put them to flight,
and the Spaniards, too exhausted for pursuit, flung
themselves on the groimd amid the corpses of twelve
hundred of the foe, having lost one third of their own
number during the battle.
No further resistance was made, and the adelantado
taking possession of the town of Akd remained there
during the winter. Breaking camp early in 1528, he
put his troops in motion toward Chichen Itza.^^ Here
he impressed into his service a number of natives,
and erecting a fort and dwellings of timber gave to
the settlement the name of Salamanca. No outward
signs of dissatisfaction were shown, and after this
battle the inhabitants submitted patiently to the yoke,
which for the time they felt themselves unable to
shake off. Montejo then distributed the surrounding
territory and its inhabitants among his followers, the
natives apparently accepting their lot without a mur-
mur.
Had this expedition been in charge of an able
leader it would probably have been successful; but
Montejo was unfitted for command. Already he had
allowed himself to be surprised, and now, surrounded
as he was by bands of Indians whom he imagined to
be subdued, he committed the fatal blunder of dividing
his forces. A rumor was current throughout his
camp — one raised doubtless by the natives for the
purpose of hastening the overthrow of the invaders —
that in the district of Bacalar^* rich gold mines were
to be found. Yielding to the clamor of his men, he
despatched in that direction Alonso de Avila with a
''An Indian phrase meaning months of the wells (bocas de pozos), the
irords referring to two large water-tanks built there. CasUllo, Dtc. Hist. Yuc,
i 247.
'^ Called Bakhahal by some old chroniclers. At the mouth of the Bacalar
Hirer. On the east coast is a town called by Jefferys, 1776, and Kiepert^
1858, Baoz/ar. Ogilby, 1671, Dampier, 1679, Laet, 1633, Salamanca, Cartog,
J'ac Coast, MS., L 332.
436 CONQUEST OF YUCATAN.
band of fifty foot and seventeen horse, the choicest
troops of his command. Arriving at the tdwn of
Chabl6, a place distant more than forty leagues from
Montejo's headquarters, and one where gold was sup-
posed to exist, the Spaniards commenced their search,
but found no trace of the precious metal Meeting
here with an outward show of friendship and even
with friendly services, the contador sent to the lord
of ChetumaV^ a neighboring region and one also sup-
posed to be auriferous, asking for information as to the
mines and for a supply of provisions. The reply was
stern and severely laconic. **0f gold," said he of
Chetumal, "I scorn to speak; of fowls you shall have
all that you can take from the points of our lances, and
we will send you maize in the shape of flights of arrows."
Avila was an oflScer whose courage none disputed,
but one sorely lacking in the quality which is deemed
valor's counterpart. Although under strict injunc-
tions from Mpntejo to use only peaceful measures, he
set forth at once with half his force to punish the in-
solence of this Indian noble, takhig with him some of
the friendly caciques^® to assist in the discovery of
the mines. But again the Spaniards were disap-
pointed, and after a long and useless search they
marched against the proud chieftain of Chetumal,^^
who dared thus to hurl scorn on Christian soldiers.
Approaching his town^^ they found their path stopped
by far-spreading swamps and lagoons, across which,
with much difficulty, they made their way in canoes.
Soon they came in sight of ripening fields of maize
and fruit and cacao,^^ and halting here for a brief
*^ Situated a little to the east of Amatique Bay, on a large river which
rifles in a lake in Guatemala, or perhaps in Lake Nicaragua, and ilowa into
the Golfo Dulce. Mercator, 1569, Chetemal; West-Itid. Spieghel, 1624, Chete^
mod. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., L 266.
" CogoHvdo, Hist. YucatJuin, 80.
^^ Among others the chiefs of the province of Ouamil. Pucheoo and
Cdrdenas, Vol. Doc, xiv. 100.
*^ Their line of march is described in Oviedo, iiu 245, but as already stated,
Oviedo di£fers from other chroniclers in his narrative of the conquest of Yu*
catan.
^' Here was also abundance of honey as good as any found in Spain; 1>at
the wax was as black as jet. Oviedo, iiL 245^
TACTICS OF CHETUMAL. 437
space to refresh themselves, advanced to give battle.
But in their revenge, as in their lust for gold, the ^
Spaniards were doomed once more to disappointment.
Chetumal had fled.*'
Avila took up his quarters in the chieftain's town.
"A place then containing two thousand houses," says
Oviedo, "and distant but two leagues from the sea/*
Sending to Chabl^ for the remainder of his force he
determined to establish here a Spanish settlement, and
give to it the name of Villa Real.'^ What fairer or
safer spot could be found for the site of a new colony?
The lord of Chetumal had every chance of making
good his boast, when the Spaniards, crossing the
lagoons in their frail canoes, could make little use of
their weapons, and up to this time he had been skulk-
ing a fugitive from his capital without striking a blow
for its defence.
But the contador was now to learn that Chetumal
was no mere braggart. From certain natives cap-
tured during a scouting expedition, he ascertained
that the chieftain occupied an intrenched camp a few
leagues from the town, and was about to join his men
with those of the neighboring caciques. Avila at once
marched against him, and taking him by surprise de-
feated his forces. Nevertheless he felt somewhat ill at
ease, and resolving to open communications with the
adelantado, despatched six messengers to his camp,
telling them that their return would be expected within
sixty days. Meanwhile Chetumal was not idle. Ally-
ing himself with the caciques of the surrounding dis-
trict, he assembled his forces for a purpose which the
Spaniards could not fathom, for he ventured on no
attack.
Many months elapsed, weary months of waiting,
* Gold was secured to the value of 600 pesos, according to Pacheco and
Cdrdenas, CoL Doc., xiv. 101-2; 1,000, according to Oviedo.
'^The place was 40 leases distant from Salamanca. Cerezeda, Carta, in
JSf/uiers MSS., xx. 60, and was named after Xvila's birthplace. Oviedo, iii.
1^44-6. From Chable to Chetumal was a journey of seven leagues. £>dvila,
MtLf in PachiKO and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc,, xiv. 103.
438 CONQUEST OF YUCATAN.
and the contador beean to realize that the answer of
the lord of Chetumal was not an idle boast. His little
band was surrounded by countless hordes, who began,
to harass him in ceaseless petty encounter; but yet
for many weeks Avila remained in Villa Real,^ daily
looking for aid from the adelantado. None came;
nor any tidings**^ from Chichen Itza. Ammunition
was nearly exhausted, and the beleaguered Spaniards
began to look upon themselves as doomed, for the foe
attacked them almost daily, showing no sign of fear.
Their only hope was to cut their way out of the place
without further delay.
In sorry plight Avila's band set forth to traverse
the sixty leagues that separated them from their com-
rades. All along their route were evidences of a
wide-spread plan to exterminate them. Some towns
were abandoned ; others were secretly fortified to serve
as man-traps ; no provisions could be found ; and as
they advanced hostilities became more active, until
at length, being driven back on one of the deserted
towns and hemmed in on all sides, they sat down in
despair. An Indian whose life the contador had saved
attempted to lead them, in the silence of the night,
by an unfrequented path through the woods. Still
they were pursued and their progress disputed at
every step. All hope of escape by land being aban-
doned, they fought their way to the coast, all that
were left of them, where finding some canoes they
proceeded along the shore, living on berries and
shell-fish, until they came to Trujillo, in Hon-
duras.^
" Oviedo wiys that he occupied the place for more than a year. iii. 246.
^ CogoUuao says the meaaengers were killed 13 leagues trom Villa Real.
Hist. YitcatiiaHf 81. Oviedo affirms that they were massacred while at sup-
per in fancied security, iii. 246.
** According to a statement made by ^vila and his officers to Cerezeda, then
remor of Honduras, and narrated in Padieco and Cdrdetias, Col. Doc, xir.
113, the survivors were in Trujillo on the 18th of March, 1533. In Oipiedo,
iii. 264, it is stated that the journey from Villa Real to Trujillo occupied
seven months, and in Herrera, that they saved their horses by rafting
together their canoes. As the coast was low, and in parts overflowed, they
could not find a suitable spot for landing, dec. v. lib. i. cap. ix.
CRITICAL SITUATION. 489
Meanwhile nothing was known by Montejo of the
fate of Avila's commancL Surrounded by hostile
hordes he was cut oif from his base of supplies. His
foraging parties were captured or driven back, and the
natives became so fearless that his men were seldom
allowed to devour their meal of roots and horse-flesh
without having to exchange shots with the enemy.
No sleep could be had unless strong picket-guards
were posted. In this intermittent warfare occurred
many single acts of bravery and skill on both sides.
"One of the Spanish archers," says CogoUudo, "in-
flicted great injuries upon the natives, skilfully direct-
ing his aim at the leaders. An Indian equally dexterous
in the use of the bow resolved on his death. The
Indian simulated carelessness, and the archer shot a
dart from his cross-bow which apparently took effect ;
but as the Indian was prepared, the Spaniard received
almost simultaneously an arrow in the arm. The
Indian being indeed severely wounded in the breast,
rather than it should be said he had died at the hands
of the Spaniard, withdrew and hanged himself" Such
was the quahty of their patriotism; and yet CogoUudo
is at a loss to understand why the natives were so
relentless in tljeir war upon the Spaniards I
At length a desperate battle was fought, one of the
severest known in the annals of Indian warfare. The
Spaniards had no alternative but to meet the foe on
the open plain, for an immense multitude had assembled
to crush them. The battle was indecisive; but when
the Spaniards returned to camp one hundred and fifty
of their number lay dead upon the field, and few of
the survivors escaped unwounded.
After this engagement Montejo's only thought was
to save himself and the remnant of his force; but how,
when so beset, were his wounded men to escape across
the many leagues of rugged country that separated
them from their ships? Indeed, they had well-nigh
given themselves up for lost when a ruse was hit upon
which is commonly attributed to the adelantado, but
440 CONQUEST OF YUCATAN.
was probably the invention of some more ingenious
brain. Tying a hungry dog to the tongue of a large
bell suspended from the limb of a tree, they placed
food above the animal, but out of reach. Then they
made a sally, which was but a feint, in order to
reconnoitre the enemy's camp, and draw them ofl* fix)m
their pathway of escape. All being ready they crept
stealthily forth under cover of the night, leaving the
dog to ring deception regarding their watchful pres-
ence. Thus some hours were gained, and when the
enemy discovered the trick ana a number pursued,
they dared not openly atta^^k.
Reaching the town of Silan,^ in the territory of
the Cheles, a friendly people, they remained in that
neighborhood for several months, and thence made
their way to Salamanca,** where they arrived some
time in 1532, and were soon afterward rejoined by
Avila and all that was left of his command.^
Once more Montejo displays his unfitness for com-
^ A harbor and town on the nortn coast, some 21 leagues east by north
from Mcrida. In Ogilby, 1C71„ is given Morras de Silaa: Dampier, 1G99,
SSlam; Kiepert, Vijia de Silaii. Cartog. Pac Coast, MS., L 374.
^ In Herrera's narrative are nuuiv perplexities and contradictions as to
Montejo*s expedition. In dec. iv. lit), x. cap. L, he says: ' The adelantado
abandoned Chichen Itza in 1531, went to Campeohe for a few months, and
then proceeded with his men to New Spain, where he lived some years im-
portoning assistance to renew his attempt.' In dec v. lib. i. cap. ix., he
affirms ' that in 1532 Montejo was settled m Salamanca, where Avua on hi^
return from ViUa Real and Trujillo found him.' Again, in dec. v. lib. ix.
cap. viii., he states 'that in 1535 the adelantado, tlie contador, and their
men were at Salamanca, and that at this time Montejo left Yucatan and went
to Mexico to ask aid from the newly arrived vicerov.' Speaking of the
natives, he stismatizes them as 'mendacious and perhdious creatures, who-
never killed a Spaniard except by treachery; * utterly oblivious of the numer*
ous encounters m which, bv reason of native courage and endurance, it often
went hard with their hated destroyers. Uerrera may be used, but cannot b&
wholly trusted when writing on Yucatan.
" When AvJla, and his men arrived at Trujillo, he was supplied with anna.
and horses by the colonists, and with such articles of clothing as they could
spare, although, no vessel from Sp|ain having reached there for three years,
they were themselves in need of raiment. See Higt, Cent, ^m., iL, this series.
8oon afterward two ships arriving from Cuba, the contador put his men on
board, and thus rejoined Montejo. From Avila's own narrative to the
king, dated from Salamanca, June 23, 1533, we learn that he had been 25
days at Trujillo, and was forced to leave 16 of his men behind. He refers to
another report by Valencia, an officer of Montejo, also addressed to the king.
Ddvila, Helacum, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc., xiv. 97-128, 'Xyila,
after two years' absence, returned to Monte jo's camp, by way of Trujillo.*
Montejo, Carta, in Squier'a MSS., xxii. 129.
MONTEJOS INOOMPETia^CY. 441
mand. No sooner had this reenforcement arrived than
he despatches the contador with fifty men into the in-
terior, remaining himself in an intrenched camp with
the same number. And untaught by previous disas*
ters, no sooner does he thus again divide his forces
than hostile natives appear. " More than twenty thou-
sand of them were soon in the field," says CogoUudo.
While attempting to conciliate them the governor
narrowly escapes capture and sacrifice to their idols.
"On hearing a tumult outside his camp," the chronicler
writes, "the adelantado went out on horseback to see
if he could pacify the natives. They were divided
into several groups, and approaching one of them
which was posted on a small eminence, he asked them
whether they were angry, saying that as no harm had
been done to them there was no cause for the revolt.
The Indians, who had resolved to murder all the
Spaniards, approached him as soon as they heard his
voice, and having surrounded him, some of them
seized his lance, while others held his horse by the
reins. They were in the act of dragging him from his
saddle, when Bias Gonzalez, seeing his peril, charged
at the enemy, and fought with such desperate courage
that he prevented his commander from being cap-
tured, until others coming to their help they were res-
cued, though both were wounded, and the horse of
Gonzalez was fatally injured."
Warfare, hardship, and desertion^had now so greatly
thinned Montejo's ranks, that he resolved to proceed
to New Spain for recruits and supplies, for the em-
j:)eror had given orders^ that he should there receive
all needful assistance. He soon levied a sufficient force ;
but when on the point of departure he heard that the
'^In a letter to the king, dated Gracias 4 Dios, Dec. 26, 1545, Monte jo
says that his people deserted him in Yucatan because there was neither gold
nor silver there, and made for Peru, and that after occupying the territory for
nine yean he was compelled to abandon it. Carta, Squiera MSS., xxii. 128.
It is somewhat singular that in a letter to the king, mentioned in Pacheco and
Cdrdenas^ Col. Doc., i. 463, Guzman should have petitioned that the gold and
silver might be coined at Eapafiola, where they had silver from Yucatan.
^In a c^dula issued from Ocafla, April 4, 1531
442 CONQUEST OF YUCATAN.
inhabitants of Tabasco, a district that lay within liis
territory, had risen in revolt, and taking with him
sixty men he started thither, directing his son Fran-
cisco to proceed with the remainder to Salamanca-
Here again this effeminate commander makes a
mistake in applying to his purpose means just too
weak for its accomplishment. The Tabascans could
not be pacified by so slender a force; so he sent Gon-
zalez Nieto with two vessels to Salamanca, ordering
every Spaniard there to come to his aid. And well
was it for his people at Salamanca that their help was
needed, for they were besieged and in a pitiable con-
dition, hemmed in, as Cogolludo tells it, on the spot
where they had landed; they had been compelled to
make constant sorties for food, and obtained so little
that their conmiander himself and five others were
all who had strength left to watch over the living
skeletons of Francisoo's command.
Before the end of 1535 not a single Spaniard was
left in Yucatan. Nor was Montejo more successful
in Tabasco, until being joined by Diego de Contreras
with a small band of veterans, and receiving other
reenforcements, he succeeded in subjugating this por-
tion of his territory. He then resolved once more to
attempt the conquest of the peninsula. In 1537 men
and supplies were obtained in New Spain, whence
Montejo sailed for the Rio Champoton, whence he
proceeded at the head of one hundred men toward
Acalan, a town which Cortes had told him held com-
mercial intercourse with the farthest limits of Cen-
tral America. Falling sick by the way, he intrusted
the command to Avila, who on approaching the town
sent messages of peace by certain of his captives.
But the recollection of the visit of Cortes was yet
fresh in the minds of the natives,^ and on his arrival
the contador found the place deserted. The following
day many of the natives returned, whereupon their
caciques were placed in irons, in the hope of extorting
** See Hist. Cent. Am.fi. 5i6-7, this series.
THK ADBLASTABJ'S SON. 443
information of gold supposed to be thereabout Avila
purposed to establish a settlement there, giving to it
the former name of Salamanca; but after failure to
find gold they returned to Champoton, that is, those
of them remaining alive.
Meanwhile the adelantado, leaving his son Francisco
again in command, had returned to Tabasco, whence
he purposed to send recruits and supplies. The troops
had been allowed to disembark without opposition, and
for a time were not molested; but at midnight, a few
days after their landing, the approaches to their camp
were crowded with stealthily gliding figures; and the
Spaniards, roused from slumber by the cry of a senti-
nel as he fell pierced to the heart, had barely time to
grasp their weapons when the foe was upon them.
For hours the stillness of the night was broken by
the yells of the wounded and the groans of the dying,
as a desperate hand-to-hand struggle was maintained
in which the Indians would not yield and their ene-
mies had no alternative but to fight or die. At length
the assailants were repulsed; and for a brief space
hostilities were suspended, the natives taking advan-
tage of the opportunity to send fleet messengers over
the country summoning the caciques to arms. Soon
the Spaniards were i^ain in a state of siege. All
provisions being removed they were compelled to live
mainly on fish, and two of their number straying
from camp were captured by the Indians, who sacri-
ficed and ate thenu
The caciques were now ready to attack, and the
assault was made in such overwhelming force that
after a stubborn resistance the Spaniards were com-
pelled to retreat to their boats, whither the natives
pursued thenu Arraying themselves in the garments
the Spaniards had left, the natives pointed the finder
-at them with scorn and gibe as the invaders pulled
from shore. "Where now is the courage of you
Spaniards?" they cried. Maddened by these taunts,
Francisco and his men resolved to die rather than suf-
444 CONQUEST OF YUCATAN.
fer such disgrace. Putting back, they gave battle^
and after a desperate struggle won the day, forcing^
the natives back, step by step, till they regained pos-
session of their camp.
The result of it all was cessation from hostilities and
a truce ; but every effort to penetrate the interior ended
in failure, and the Spaniards were compelled to remain
in the neighborhood of their camp. Here disease and
famine rapidly thinned their ranks, and before long
nineteen gaunt and sickly figures were all that sur-
vived of Francisco's band.'* Still they remained at
their post, their wants being occasionally relieved by
passing vessels, but neither supplies nor reenforcemente
reached them from Tabasco, though a few men and a
small store of provisions had previously been sent, prob-
ably from Honduras, of which province, in answer ta
his own petition and that of the settlers at Trujillo,
Montejo had been appointed governor.** But this relief
was insufficient; nor was it an easy matter to enlist
recruits, for throughout the New World the fame of
Pizarro's conquest was on every tongue, while the
poverty of Yucatan was almost as widely known. At
length, being no longer able to endure their hardships,
the commander set forth to ask aid from the adelan-
tado, leaving his cousin and namesake in charge of
the camp.^
But help was long delayed, and matters in the
mean time became worse. Some of the Spaniards
threatened to desert, whereupon their captain, bring-
ing them in the presence of their comrades, bade
them depart at once. The men hung their heads
and begged leave to remain. Finally the question of
" The names of six of them are given in CogoUvdo, Hist, Tucathany 117.
*^ Montejo's appointment as governor of Honduras was dated 1535, but he
did not receive it till the following year. Otriedo, iii. 314.
^ Before his departure Francisco Gil, one of Pedro de Alvarado*s captains,
arrived at the mouth of a river then known as the Tanochil, or Tenozic, some
distance to the north of the Champoton. Here he founded a settlement which
he named San Pedro, but his men suffered ^reatl^ from privation. Bein^
visited by the adelantado's son he abandoned ma claim. Cogolhda, Hut, Fvca-
tftan, 117-18.
FOUNDINa OF CAMPECHK 44(>
abandoning the settlement was openly discussed, and
only through the persuasions of Francisco were they
induced to remain till relief might come from Tabasco.
But that relief was long delayed" During the
year 1539 vessels despatched by the adelantado ar-
rived at the settlement, with men bringing provisions,
arms, clothing, and a number of recruits, and shortly
afterward the adelantado's son returned by way of
New Spain in command of twenty horse. About
this time Montejo, having resigned in favor of Pedro
de Alvarado his claim to Honduras, and received in
exchange certain territory in Chiapas, set forth for
the latter province about the middle of December.
Thence he sent for his son and formaUy transferred to
him, with certain reservations,** his rights and powers
over Yucatan. A month later Francisco returned
with a good store of supplies, and in accordance with
his instructions, at once began the removal of his
headquarters at Campeche.
He had proceeded but a short distance when his
})arty was assailed by a large band of natives. The
atter were routed, but along the Spaniards' pathway
trenches had been dug and embankments thrown up
at each favorable point; and they were compelled to
fight at every step. So great was the slaughter of
the Indians that they often fought behmd a wall
of their own dead. At length the goal was reached ;
and in 1540 was founded there a settlement named
San Francisco de Campeche.
No sooner had this colony been organized than
Francisco despatched his cousin with a party of fifty-
seven men to the district of Quepech and the town
of Tihoo. During this expedition also great hard-
ships were encountered. Fortifications constantly
** So long that one of their party, Jaan da Gontreras, was sent to apprise
the adelantado of their desperate strait. Whether Montejo himself re-
turned to Yucatan at this time is donbtfuL Jd,^ 121-2.
*^In a document dated Ciudad Real, 1540, the adelantado reserves to
aimaelf the district of Tutul Xiu and tiie towns of Techaque, Campeche,
and Ciudad Re^ the Spaniards being ordered to remove to Campeche.
CogoUvdo, HisL Twsaihan, 123-5.
446 CONQUEST OF YUCATAN.
obstructed their progress; the country was cleared
of provisions; crops were destroyed; there were no
streams on their line of march, and the wells had
been filled with rocks. Their road, a narrow path
cut through the forest, was encumbered with putres-
cent carcasses. One night, while in camp, their tents
and baggage were set on fire, and thus they lost
nearly all their eflects. Nevertheless they continued
the march, sending word of their disaster to the
commander, and at length reached their destination.
Here they were joined by forty others bringing sup-
plies from Campeche. Taking up their quarters at
Tihoo, they were visited by a number of natives^
who asked, "What do ye hear, you Spaniards? Those
coming against you are more numerous than the hairs
on the deer." The reply was that the Spaniards would
go forth to meet them. True to their word they
went, and coming up with them a few leagues from
the town, put them to rout.
Francisco himself soon arrived at Tihoo with all
his force, and receiving the submission of several
caciques, resolved to found there a city, his command
being united and mustering about two hundred men.
But one more battle had yet to be fought. On a cer-
tain evening in June 1541, while celebrating the feast
of Saint Barnabas, the Spaniards beheld, from the
hillock on which their camp was pitched, a hostile
host swarming into the surrounding plam. At day-
break they found themselves surrounded, the number
of their foes being estimated at from forty to seventy
thousand. Without waiting to be attacked, the
Spaniards descended to the level ground, and deploy-
ing their forces gave battle. After fighting till nearly
sunset the natives were driven from the field, and so
great was the carnage that the Spaniards were often
compelled to climb over heaps of the dead in pursuit
of the living. This battle decided the fate of the
natives of Yucatan. Although they frequently rose
again in rebellion, and their final subjugation was not
ANOTHER SALAMANCA. 447
effected until several years later, they never united
their forces for a general engagement.
On January 6, 1542, the Spaniards founded on the
site of Tihoo a city to which they gave the name of
M^rida.* Thence young Montejo extended his con-
quest eastward to the districts of Conil and Choaca.
On the 28th of May, 1543, he founded, in the latter
territory, the city of Valladolid, but afterward changed
its site to a more favorable location.*'
Zatuta, a region occupied by the Cocomes, and
Bacalar were also brought under subjection, the latter
by Gaspar Pacheco, who with a sufficient force accom-
plished his task by inflicting on the hapless natives
such diabolic atrocities as can hardly be believed. He
used to amuse himself by clubbing men to death or
by chopping ofl* their hands, ears, and noses ; and cut-
ting off the more tender parts from the bodies of his
female captives, ordered them to be thrown into a lake,
with calabashes tied to their feet, and there left to
drown. In Bacalar was founded, during 1544, the
city of Salamanca,^ the second of that name in Yu-
catan.
Two years later the last organized revolt oc-
curred among the natives. Of all nations brought
under Spanish domination, the Ah Kupules in east-
ern Yucatan were the stubbomest. Leaguing with
the neighboring caciques, they rose in revolt, attack-
ing the settlement of Valladolid, after putting to
death all the colonists at their encomiendas through-
out the adjacent districts. It was on the 9th of
November, 1546, that the insurrection broke out.
I will cite a few incidents. The first victims were
^The names of the original vecinoe are given in CogoUvdo, If int. Yucathan^
137^, 165-7.
'^ To Zaqoi, a Bite tax leagues distant from the ocean, and one affording
eaay access to the port known by the Spaniards as ' El Cuyo.' It was again
chaoiged to a spot farther inland. Cogollvdo, Hist. Yucathan^ 159-63. See also
Nctas Voc. Otocpraf.y in CartM de Indias, 696.
" For an account of Pacheco's expedition and of the founding of Sala-
manca, see BienTenida's letter in Cartas de Indias, Tl-1\ Yucatan^ Simancas,
Squiers M8S,, xxii. 53-7; BtenveiUda, Lettre, in Ternaux-Compana, Voy.,
serie L torn. x. 307-43.
448 CONQUEST OF YUCATAN.
two brothers named Diego and Juan Cansino, the
sons of one of the conquerors of New Spain. Un-
conscious of their danger, they were living at the
Indian town of Chemax, granted to them in encomi-
enda, and being attacked, while unarmed, by a mul-
titude, were overpowered and captured. Fastening
them to crosses, and retiring to such a distance that
their weapons would not prove immediately fatal,
they fired arrows at them, uttering all the impreca-
tions contained in their verancular against the religion
of their victims. For many hours these young men
were forced to endure this torture. At sunset, their
bodies riddled with darts, they expired, chanting the.
salve regina with their dying breath. Their heads
were then chopped off and borne as trophies by the
leaders of the revolt, and their bodies cut into small
pieces and sent all over the districts in token of the
uprising.
Other encomiendas were attacked, and their owners
treated with similar atrocity, or offered in sacrifice.
Two only escaped. Diego Gonzalez de Ayala, with
the aid of a negro slave, forced his way through a
band of natives which had surrounded his dwelling,
and galloped off toward Valladolid, eight leagues dis-
tant, hotly pursued. Their horses were soon ex-
hausted, and they knew that on foot they would soon
be overtaken. Thereupon they turned and dismounted,
holding their pursuers at bay until their horses were
rested; and thus the two reached the settlement in
safety. " On the roadside," says Cogolludo, " is a fruit-
tree which is now called the tree of the hook, because
here Ayala, riding up sorely fatigued, and feeling
that his only refuge was in flight, unbuckled his shield
and hung it on one of the branches." .
After sixteen Spaniards had thus been slaughtered
at the encomiendas in the neighborhood of Valladolid,
the Indians united their forces to attack the town.
At this time its garrison mustered only twenty men;
but sending for assistance to M^rida. they sallied
D£ATU OF MONTEJD. 449
forth to meet the enemy, leavmg three or four of
their number in the fortifications, with orders to beat
drums and make all the uproar possible, and thus
impress the foe with the belief that a strong guard
was stationed there. Astonished at their boldness,
the natives forebore to advance, and bv making fre-
quent sorties the besieged held them m check until
young Montejo with a considerable force came to
their relief. Soon after his arrival the Spaniards
marched forth to give battle, and after a stubborn
fight put the enemy to rout, though with the loss of
twenty of their own number and five hundred of their
native allies.
By adopting peaceful measures after the victory,
the adelantado's son succeeded in pacifying the dis-
turbed districts, and though in 1547 the territory of
the Chetumals was the scene of a slight outbreak,
which was suppressed without bloodshed by the poUtic
measures of Juan de Aguilar, it may be said that all
concerted resistance was at an end. Thus at length
there was peace in Yucatan; but the conquest of this
sterile peninsula had cost the lives of more Spaniards
than had been expended in wresting from the Incas
and the Montezumas the wealthiest empires of the
western world."
Although Francisco de Montejo had been allowed
to remain nominally at the* head of aflfairs in Yucatan,
the circumstances under which its subjugation had
been efiected precluded him from anj'- real claim to
authority. One of the first measures of the audien-
cia de los confines had been an attempt to enforce a
royal decree, by which he was to be deprived of office.
In 1545 the oidor Rogel was ordered to take his resi-
dencia; but Montejo was son-in-law to the president,
and it was arranged that the investigation should be
held at Chiapas. Here none came to accuse him,
"Cogollndo estimates the loss of the Spaniuds in Yucatan up to 1547 at
Hist. IfiKz.. Vol. IL »
4Q0 CONQUEST OF YUCATAN.
and the proceedings amounted to nothing. Of course
the governor was allowed to retain his title. Again
in 1548, during which year the province was made
subject to the audiencia of Mexico,^ the licentiate
Diego de Herrera was ordered to proceed to Mdrida
and take the residencias of the adelantado, bis son
and nephew. The principal charges brought against
Montejo*^ are those of unlawfully abstracting funds
from the royal treasury, and of refusing to liberate
his slaves in the face of repeated orders from the
government.
In spite of all prohibitions, slave labor was com-
mon throughout the province, and in 1549 the India
Council, learning from the reports of missionaries
that no heed was given to their injunctions, caused
a real provision to be sent to the province, wherein
all the settlers were ordered at once to release their
bondsmen, and were promised in return a compensa-
tion for the loss of their servicea** During the year
the oidor Santillan arrived at M^rida with full power
to corrrct abuses; and once more the governor was
subjected to residencia.^ Before the investigation
was completed Francisco de Montejo bid farewell to
the scene of his many disasters and his bitter humili-
ations. Returning to his native land, advanced in
years, despoiled of office, and shattered in health and
fortune, .he sought redress at the court of Spain, but
^In 1547 the cabildo of M^rida petitioned for this change, because 6ra-
cias £ Dies, then the seat of the auoiencia de los coniines, was far distant
from Yucatan, and the journey was attended with great danger, whereas ono
could reach Vera Cruz by sea within eight days. Sqtder's MoS., rxii. 14^ 15,
103.
*^ They are given in full in BienoenidcL^ LeUre^ in Temattx-ComjxnM, Vojf,^
s^e i. torn. x. 320-33.
^'It does not appear that either Montejo or his heirs received any imme-
diate benefit from the promised compensation; for in CogoUvdo, UiaL Yuea-
than, 277-85, we learn that the matter was in litigation between 1561 and
1618. In the latter year a decision was rendered in favor of Dofia Catalina^
Montejo's daushter.
^ Santillan s instructions were not to investigate matters whioh had pre-
viously been sifted by Herrera. PuqOj Cedulario, 166. Cosolludo mentioiui
that Uiia third residencia was generally regretted by the setuers, and in Jfon-
tejo. Carta, Squkr'a MS8., xxii. 104-5, 127-30, is related the adelantado's plea
for quick justice.
MISSIONARIES ON THE PENINSULA. 451
while there pleading his cause was summoned to re-
ceive his sentence before the great tribunal where all
must one day render an account.**
In the agreement which Montejo made with the
crown before proceeding to Yucatan, it was expressly
stipulated that missionaries should accompany all his
expeditions, and to his failure to fulfil this part of
his agreement may be attributed many of his disasters.
In 1530 a c^dula was forwarded to the audiencia of
Mexico, ordering that special efforts be made to supply
this omission, and soon afterward Father Jacobo de
Testera, with four others, arrived at the Spanish en-
campment on the Champoton.*^ They met with a
friendly reception from the natives, says CogoUudo,
" who brought to them their idols to be cast to the
flames, and their children to be instructed in the
faith/' Many of the caciques tendered their alle-
giance ; and but for the misconduct of a band of fugi-
tive criminals, who, passing through the territory
laden with idolatrous spoils, attempted to barter them
for slaves, thus rousing the anger of the natives, the
conquest of Yucatan might have been peaceably ef-
fected. Seeing that their lives were in danger, the
friars made their escape by night, setting their faces
toward Mexico ; but after proceeding some fifty leagues
**'BemalDiR£, Iliai. Ferefac?., 245, affirms that Montejo died in Spain. The
author of Daios, Biog., in Cdrtas de Indiaa^ 807, alludes to a mistake made by
GU Gonzalez Divila, who states that his death occurred at Merida. The latter
sathority probably confuses the governor s decease with that of his son. In
Ancona, Hist. Yue., iL 59-60, a work showing great research, it is stated that
the former died in Spain. The adelantado married Dofla Beatriz de Herrera^
a lad^ of gentle birtn. Their daughter Boila Catalina, who was his heiress,
mamed the licentiate Alonso de Maldonado, the first president of the au-
diencia de los confines. His lieutenant Francisco was a natural son; but the
atain on his birth was removed by an imperial rescript, dated April 6, 1627.
By a royal order dated October 26, 1617, a yearly pension of 3,000 ducados,
Saal then to about $4,125, was granted to his heir Don Cnst<5bal Suarez
aJdooado y Montejo, payable from the royal treasury of Merida to himself
and to those to whom he might bequeath it in perpetuity. In 1758 the duke
of Montellano waa the successor and to him was paid the pension in Mexico.
Certi/icackm de laa Mercedes, MS., 179-80.
^ Fray Lorenzo de Bienvenida was one of the party. The names of the
oHierB are not known. The date of their arrival is uncertain. Cogolludo states
that they came in 1531, HUL Tucathan, 102-3; Torquemada in 1534, iii. 335.
452 CONQUEST OF YUCATAN.
they were overtaken by messengers, who prevailed on
them to return. The gang of miscreants refused, how-
ever, to leave the country ; and as thev did not cease
to oppress the natives and vex the souls of the eccle-
siastics, Testera^ and his colleagues were compelled,
after a few months, to abandon this field of labor.
In 1537 a second mission, consisting of five friars,
was despatched to Yucatan, and though they found
the natives tractable and willing to receive the faith,
they remained but two years. *^ Not until about 1545,
when an evangelical crusade was undertaken in the
New World by one hundred and fifty ecclesiastics
from Spain, was any permanent mission established on
the peninsula. Of this number several ^ of those sent
out to Guatemala were detailed for duty in Yucatan.
Arriving at San Francisco de Campeche in charge of
Father Luis de Villapando, they were warmly wel-
comed by the adelantado, who had now returned to
the province, and the principal caciques being sum-
moned into his presence, Montejo explained to them
the purpose for which they had come. A convent,
dedicated to Saint Francis, was founded at this settle-
ment on a site which it occupies at the present day,
and the doctrines of the faith were translated into
the native dialect. The first to be baptized was the
cacique of Campeche, to whom was given the name of
Diego Nd, with the title of Don. This convert soon
acquired the Spanish language, and henceforth acted
as the interpreter of the ecclesiastics.
^Testera, a native of Bayonne in France, was a man of princely fortnne,
and though advanced in years was yonnff in enthusiasm. He came to New
Spain in 1529 or 1530, and was appointed prelate of the province of the Santo
livangelio. This position he resigned in order to engage in missionary labors in
Yucatan. Betuming thence in 1533 he was appointed custodian by the
chapter general of Mantua held in 1541, and afterward comisario geneiral of
all the Indies. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 665-6.
*^ The little that is known about this mission is related in TorquenuxUL
iii.337-«.
^According to TorqueT/iada, iii. 337, where their names are given. In
an extract from a letter addressed by bishop Marroquin to the emperor from
Gracias & Dios, Dec. 1, 1545, mention is made of ' Fray Luis de Villapando and
•eight religious, who went from Quatemala and are now in Yucatan.' Samer^s
JfSS., jnai. 140.
THREATENED INSURRECTION. 453
During the year 1545, Bartolomd de las Casas
arrived at San Francisco de Campecho, and claiming
that Yucatan was included in his diocese, exhorted
the Spaniards to liberate their slaves. " Providence,'*
exclaimed the apostle of the Indies, " only desires to
work on misguided souls through the teachings of the
gospel; it has a horrdt of unjust wars undertaken in
its name; it wishes neither captives nor slaves to bow
before its altars. Persuasion and gentle treatment
are enough to win the hearts of the most obdurate
to the shrine of God." The colonists answered this
appeal with slights and threats. They subjected the
bishop to incessant annoyance^; they denied his claim
to the diocese; they refused him the means of sup-
port; and being loft to find his way back to Chiapas
as best he could, he was compelled to borrow one
hundred castellanos from one of the friars to defray
expenses. Before his departure, however, many of
the vecinos, ashamed of their conduct, besought his
forgiveness, and testified their sincerity by presents.
Soon after the pacification of Yucatan, Villapando
is invited by the adelantado to settle at Mdrida, then
the capital of the province. Here he founds a con-
vent, and so successful are his eflfbrts that his prose-
lytes soon number more than one thousand, among
them being many of the leading caciques. In com-
pany with Father Melchor de Benavente he then sets
out for the region south of M^rida, travelling bare-
footed and stafl* in hand toward Mani in the fastnesses
of the sierra. Here the missionaries meet with marked
success, and soon two thousand of their converts are
engaged in building for them a church and a dwelling.
For a time they are not molested in their labors ;
but when they endeavor to procure the release of the
natives from the bbndage in which they are held by
their caciques, the latter resolve to bum them alive,
while celebrating worship in the sanctuary. On the
28th of September, 1548, the eve of Saint MichaeFs
45i CONQUEST OF YUCATAN.
day, Villapando is visited by a boy who, as CogoUudo
relates, came to him to be catechised. "Father," said
the child, **may I ask you a question?" "Ask it, my
son," answered the padre. "Tell me, then, whether
it is better to live or to die?" "To live," responded
the priest; "for life is our natural state, while death is
inherited by sin." " Then, if y^u want to live, father,"
said the boy, "you had better go hence, for this very
night our caciques have determined to bum you in
the church if you remain there." " Our lives are in
God's hands," calmly rejoins the padre, and dismiss-
ing him with his blessing, bids him return the follow-
ing day. Villapando then informs his colleague of
the danger. There is no escape for them, and they
can only resolve to stand firm in the hour of trial.
In this mood they repair to the shrine, and there
spend the evening in prayer.
Toward midnight the distant roar of an approaching
multitude is heard. Looking from one of the windows
the padres see the Indians coming with lighted torches.
They cling to the foot of the cross and pray for strength.
Soon the church is surrounded, and yells and foul im-
precations are heard, with threats to bum the build-
ing. Their flaming brands light up the structure, and
they behold the two figures bowed before the cross
in supplication. An hour passes by; and as though
held back by some unseen influence, the natives
forbear to harm the missionaries. At length they
withdraw, purposing to return the following day and
fulfil their menace. The priests remain all night at
their devotions, and when at dawn a streak of pale
light glances athwart the sacred eflSgy on the cross,
they are still kneeling in prayer to Saint Michael.
But what noise is that which breaks on the still
morning air, as the two fathers are repeating their
matins, expecting every moment the call of mar-
tyrdom ? Now their time has come, and clinging yet
closer to the crucifix, they ofler up one last suppli-
cation to the virgin, and exhort each other to bear
ESCAPE FHOM DANGER. 466
the dread ordeal with Christian fortitude. The sound
grows clearer; but surely it is not like that of the
night before. Presently the trampling of hoofs is
heard, and now the clang of swords. The padres are
rescued I A band of their countrymen despatched
by the adelantado to a point some leagues distant,^
chanced to pass that way, and Villapando and his col-
league, inviting them into the sanctuary, chant a te
deum of praise and thankfulness for their deliverance.
The church-bell was rung at the usual hour, but there
were none to answer save the child who had given
the warning. The natives had fled to the mountains.
Twenty-seven of the leading conspirators were after-
ward captured and taken to Mdrida. After confess-
ing their intended crime they were condemned to be
burned ahve. Bound to the stake, the fire was
already kindled when Villapando threw himself on
his knees before the governor, and by his entreaties
persuaded him to spare their lives and allow them to
be committed to the care of the ecclesiastics.
During the years 1548-9 an additional band of
missionaries arrived from Spain and Mexico ;'^ and in
September 1549 the first custodial chapter was held
at M^rida, under charge of the comisario general of
Mexico, Father Juan de la Puerta. On Villapando
was bestowed the oflSce of custodian of the province,
and mainly through the efforts of this zealous evangel-
ist a convent was erected near the scene of his adven-
ture at Mani.^^
'* They were boand for a place called Petu and appear to have missed
their way, for they were now some 14 leag^ies to the westward of their goal.
^In August 1549 six came from Spain in charge of Fray Juan de Alxuate,
CogoUvdo, Nist. Yucathan, 267-8.
^^The principal authorities consulted on the conquest of Yucatan are
CogoUvdo, Hist, jucathan; Bemal Diazy Hist. Verdad.: Owedo; Herrera; and
Landa, Rel. Yuc CogoUudo takes the lead both as the special chronicler of
the peninsula and as one who has consulted most of the material extant iu
his time concerning it, both in print and manuscript; but he hardly exercises
sufficient judgment in siftinff and presenting his verbose narrations. The
account of Bemal Diaz is doubtless worthy of credit in manv matters of
detail, aa it is derived from eve-witnesses of the incidents which he describes.
Oviedo's version has already been mentioned, and on his authority alone rests
the story of the expedition to Acalan under command of ^vila, from whose
J
456 OONQUEOT OF YUCATAN.
■tatement this chronicler compiles his narrative. While less aatialactocy,
Laada presents several points of valne. Herrera*s chapters on Yucatan are
brief, and in relating uie usages and modes of life prevalent among the
Mayas during the period preceding the conquest, he furnishes some very
interesting material. The most complete of modern accounts is Ancona's,
HiaC, Tuc, i., but it lacks in critique. More interesting, if less exhaustive^ is
that of Fancourt, HigL Yuc, who accuses Stephens, TVaveU in Tuc, L, of
following too closely the text of CogoUudo^ while he himself revesls several
shortcomings. The additional authorities which have been consulted in this
chapter are the following: Calk, Mem. y Not,, 84, 88: Mendkta, ffisL Beta.,
379-82, 398, 665-6; Squier's USS., xx. 50-1, xxii., passim; MoioHnia, HisL Ind.,
171; Puga, Cedulario, 48-166; Figtteroa, Beeerro, 36, 37, 41, in Pap. Framdac.,
MS., L ser. L No. i.; Remeaal, HitA. Chyapa, 151, 206, '244-56; Oamara,
Hist. Ind., 62 et seq.; GhruxUez Ddmla, Teat. Eclea., L 206-7, 245; Benaoni,
Mondo Nuovo, 98-9; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 111-12; Pacheco and Cdr-
denas, CoL Doc, L 463; iL 195-6; xiii. 85; xiv. 97-128; xxii 201-23; Gamaru,
Hist. Mex., 269; Arckno, Mex. Doc, ii. 178-83; Cartas de Indias, 696,
806-7; Torquemada, iii. 335-6, 488-90; Temaux-Campans, Voy., s^rie L
tom. x. 306-18; s^rie ii. torn. v. 193-4, 202, 253-4; Beaumont, Cr6n, Mich.,
iiL 233-4; Id., MS., 118-19; Florida, CoL Doe., 129; CastiUa, Die HisL Yuc,
i 247; Conciiios, Prov., 1555-^, 235-6; Reqistro Yuc, ii. 34-9, 52-9; S. Migud,^
Mex., ii 16; Soc Mex. Oeog., Boletm, lii 347; Id., 2da ^p. iv. 145-50;
Robertson's Mex., i 144; Cordon's An. Mex., ii 250-1; March y Laborts,
fftsL Marina, JSsp., ii 169-74; MaUe-Brun, Yuc, 25-30; Mordet, Voy. Am,
Cent., i 183-9; Die. Univ , passim; Descrip. Am., 121; Blazmuz, Ccasador,
363; Baqueiro, Ensayo Yuc, ii. 438-43; Welina, Hist, de Yuc, passim;
Barbaehano, Meforas, i. 9-10, 37-40.
CHAPTER XXII.
NUEVA GALICXA. AND MICHOACAN.
1536-1542.
ToiuuB Afpointed Jubz PS RssiDSNaA— An Unplkasant MsEnNo — Thb
TuLTUBB Encaobd — Guzman's Rkleask and Depasture to Spain —
Clipped Wings — Guzman^s Death and Character— Torre*8 OrnciAL
iNVESTIOATIONa — HlS WiSS ADMINISTRATION — INDIAN REVOLT — A CA-
TASTROPHE— ^Torre's Last Hours — His Character — Coronado Suc-
ceeds him as Governor— His Incompetency— Delusive Hopes— A
Profitless Expedition— Niea Revives Enthusiasm— Visions op Con-
quest and wsalth — ^troubles foreshadowed— coronado's expedi-
TION Northward — His Disappointment and Return — Contemporary
Progress in Michoacan— A Usepul Visftador — Reforms and Pros-
perity—Quirooa Made Bishop of Michoacan-^His Beneficent
Rule.
Every one raised to high estate must fall, and little
pulling down was left for death to do while Charles
ruled the Indies. We have seen the fall of Heman
Cortes and deem it dastardly even though not unde-
served; we have seen the fall of Nuiio de Guzman,
and have shed no tears over it. There is yet even
deeper abasement in store for him.
Aroused by tales of Guzman's atrocities, the king,
by c^dula dated the 17th of March, 1536, appointed
the licentiate Diego Perez de la Torre his juez de
residencia and successor of Guzman as governor of
Nueva Galicia,^ with instructions that his examination
should be rigid.
Noi was Guzman the only one to be subjected to a
*■ Torre wu a native of Ahneadralejo in the province of Estrem<a(lnra, of
noble parents, learned, virtnons, and upright in the administration oi justice
He occupied the position of judge in his native province at the time of hia
appointment Mota PadUla, Conq. N. Oal, 104, 109.
(457)
458 NUEVA GAUCIA AND MICHOACAN.
residencia; all public officers in New Glalicia were to
be called to account; the management of the royal
revenues, public funds, and repartimientos was to be
closely investigated. The examinations were to be con-
ducted with brevity and nothing reduced to writing
except what was essential. The juez de residencia
was required in his reports of the proceedings to
give an account of the character of the witnesses
and the probable motives which might iitfluence their
testimony.* Explicit instructions were also given him
for his guidance in the treatment and government of
the natives.
Hastily arranging his affairs in Spain, Torre sailed
with his family, and arrived at Vera Cruz toward the
end of the year. Here he learned that Guzman —
who, as the reader is aware, had arrived at the capi-
tal— was making preparations to escape, having or-
dered a vessel for his departure. No time was to be
lost, and Torre, leaving his family in Vera Cruz, set
out secretly for the city with a single attendant.
There was a bond between Guzman and Mendoza,
dissimilar as they were in many respects; they both
hated Cortes, and there could be little rivalry between
them, for Mendoza stood high while Guzman had
fallen low. And so the viceroy received the New Grali-
cia governor kindly when he came to Mexico,^ confident
in the measures he had taken for escape both from the
country, and from the unpleasantness of a residencia.
But the inexorable judge was nigh. Entering the
viceroy's hall of reception one morning Guzman met
Torre coming from an audience with Mendoza. The
recognition was mutual, and the r^ew governor of
the north politely informed Guzman that he was his
prisoner. Resistance was useless; escape impossible.
The toils were around the wild beast that had so long
^Puga, Cedulario, 158.
' According to Bemal Dias, Mendoza, having heard of the king's iatentioii
to send out a jnez de residencia, wrote to (ruzman and induced him to ccmie
to Mexico — ' y le Befial6 por poeada sos Palacioe. . .y el Virrey le hasia mueha
honra, y le fauorecia, y comia con 61/ UitA, Verdad,, 231.
DIEGO PEREZ D£ LA TORRE. 4M
roamed defiantly. Under conduct of Mendoza's guard,
which had often witnessed his honorable entrance, he
was marched out of the viceregal palace and lodged
in the common prison.* Fortune had bestowed upon
him her last smile.
His appointed judge lost no time in beginning pro-
ceedings, and that there might be no unnecessary pro-
traction of the trial he listened only to the most
serious charges. The accusations were the gravest
that could be made. The murder of Caltzontzin, the
devastations of towns, and the enslavement of natives
alike in time of war and peace, were sufficient to con-
denm a far more popular man. The districts of Pd-
nuco and Nueva Galicia were visited by Torre, and
the testimony of witnesses taken relative to Guzman's
acts in these regions. Thus time passed by, making
the trial long, although it had been so promptly
begun.* Nor was his life in prison cheered by much
*Moia PadiUa, C<mq, N. Oal,, 104. Neither the date of Torre's arrival
at Vera Cmz nor that of G-uzznan's arrest caa be exactly decided. Herrera,
dec vi. lib. L cap. iz., states that Torre arrived at Nueva Galicia in 1537, bat
there is reason to conclude that he reached New Spain near the end of 1536.
Guzmaa while in prison addressed a letter to the India Council, dated Febru-
ary 13, 1537, in which he uses these words: ' Y averme tenido en esta droel
▼einte y dnoo dias . . .antes que comienoe la residencia. ' And further on: ' £n
lo de la residencia que aquf se me tom<$. ' Carta, in Padieco and Cdrdenas, Cai.
Doc, ziii. 452-3. As about a month was usually occupied in the preparation
«f the charae, and three more in conducting it, I am mclined to the opinion
that Torre unded at the beginning of November, and that Guzman was im>
prisoned a few days later. BemaTDiaz implies that Mendoza did not display
much inclination to assist Torre in the matter, ' y parece ser no hallo ' — l e.,
Torre — ' tanta voluntad para ello como quisiera. /Tut. Verdad., 231.
* Mota Padilla states tbat he was confined * en las atarazanas del rey . * Conq.
.y. Oal., 104. From Guzman's letter, however, already quoted, and from the
Auto de SoUura, in BanUres^ Proceso, 273, 275, it appears that it was the
' c^rcel ptiblioa ' in which he was imprisoned. Bemal Diaz says that Torre
' le lleu6 a la carcel publica de aquella Ciudad, y estuvo preso ciertos dias,
hasta que rogiS por M el Uirrey, que le sacaron de la carcel. ' Hist. Verdad., 231.
This same author teUs of a practical joke played on Torre. The new gov-
ernor was addicted to gambling, and in order to bring him into bad repute,
Cruzman's late supporters contrived to place a pack of cards in the long
sleeves of his tabaitL As the juez de residencia was crossing the plaza in
company with persons of high rank, the cards kept dropping out unperceived
by him until his attention was called to the contents of his edeeve. Torre was
auite an^pry and said: 'They do not wish me to do upright justice; but if I
oie not» it will be done in such a manner that his Majesty shall hear of this
oatnge.* The historian adds: ' Y dende a pocos diaa cayd malo, y de pen-
aamiento dello, 6 de otras cosas de calentnras que le. ocurrieron, murio. Id.
Torre was alive whem Guzman went to Spain in 1538. Ramirez, ProcesOf 275.
460 NUEVA GALICIA AND MICHOACAN.
sympathy; his enemies were many and his friends
few. According to Mota Padilla the latter took less
interest in him than the former, who did not leave
him in ignorance of the joy with which his imprison-
ment was generally regarded.
An appeal to the India Council* brought him a
temporary relief. On the 4th of October, 1537, a
royal c^dula was issued, ordering him to surrender
himself to the oflScers of the Casa de Contrataeion
at Seville,^ by which body he would be transferred to
the India Council. Hence, on the 30th of June,
1538, after an incarceration of nearly a year and
three quarters, Guzman walked out of his prison and
made preparations to return to Spain.
Neither the date of his departure nor that of his
arrival in the peninsula is known. Indeed, the last
years of his life were passed in obscurity and misery.
The king, whose indignation was roused by the report
from the audiencia,® would have inflicted extreme
punishment® but for the influence of powerful friends.**
But the monarch refused to see him, and assigned
Torrejon de Velasco as his future abiding-place, w^here,
"Gnzman, in this ap{>eal, attempts an explanation in brief of hia acts in
Pinnco and Nueva Galicia. He charges Cort^ with being the prompter of
accusations made against him, and complains of unfairness in the mannftr of
conducting the proceedings. Carta, in Pacheeo and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc, ziiL
460-5.
^ In this atUo de soUura instructions were also ^ven that he should be pro*
vided with 4,000 pesos out of his property which had been sequestrated.
Guzman, by this act, was released on his own recognisance. Bamirez, Pro-
eeao, 272-6.
* Guzman was himself the bearer of thia report. The instructiona to the
audiencia were: * £ vos proseguireys la dicha residencia. . .para que la pueda
traer consigo.' Id., 274.
* Zamacois assumes that the king had determined to have him executed
on his arrival. Hut. Mij., iv. 631-2. But I find no authority to warrant
such an assertion.
^* * Y como en la Corte no f altft poderoeas intercessiones, no pago bus culpas
como merecian.' Herrera, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. ix. This author, dec. vii. lib.
ii. cap. X., intimates that Cort^ interestea himself in bringing Guzman a
trial to a termination. But the expression used by Herrera is of doubtful
interpretation. Mota Padilla, however, accepts it as evidence of a noble
generosity extended^ by Cortes to his former foe, besides stating that he
riberaUv aided him in his poverty. Beaumont also takes this view. Cnhu
Mich., IV. 98-9. Ramirez reasonably oondudes that there is no ground for
belief in such a story. Proceao, 232-d.
DEATH OF GUZMAN. 461
neglected and despised, he passed the remaining six
years of his life."
The record of Nufio de Guzman is before the reader,
who will see in him an able, scheming, and unscrupu-
lous lawyer; a fearless soldier and a skilful though
unpopular leader; an unfeeling, tyrannical ruler; a
grasping miser; and a hypocritical adherent of royalty
and Christianity. True, as certain writers claim in
his behalf, his faults were those of his time; but in
his character these faults are shown by the chroniclers
at their worst, unrelieved by a single one of the gen-
erous impulses or noble traits which, notwithstanain
their deeds of blood, have given lasting fame an<
respect to the memoir of many of the conquerors.
Few of the old chroniclers have anything good to say
of him. He had great opportunities, and abused them
aU. Had he found a Mexico or a Peru in the north-
west, his name would not have been so utterly for-
gotten; his sovereign would not have so abhorred
him, and his historians might perhaps have found
some one redeeming quality in his character. But he
would have been remembered as a Pizarro, not as a
Cort^s.^2
As soon as Torre had concluded so much of the
residencia of Guzman as pertained to his administra-
tion in the capital, and provided for the safe custody
of his prisoner, he proceeded to Pdnuco, as before
mentioned, there to continue his investigations.^'
Having completed his labors in that province he
removed with his family in 1537 to Guadalajara."
"He died there in 1544, according to Moia PadUla, Conq, N, Oal., 105;
hat Alaman, DUert., i. app. 28, states that he died at hia native place,
Gnadalajua* in Spain, poor and abhorred by everybody.
IS Ramirez justly remarks : ' £1 poderoeo valimiento de bus enemigoa no nos
permite hoy fijarlee ' — ^that is to say, his actions — ' cuota ni medida, porque,
eomo ya dije, de 41 unicamente oonooemos todo el mal que hizo.' Proceso,
^33^58.
^ Beaumont erroneously says after he had sent Nufio de Guzman to Spain.
Crtta. mdu, iv. 111-12.
^* He was aooompanied by six Franciscan friars — one of whom was his own
MO, Fray Diego Perei — brought by him from Spain. Moia Padilla, Canq. N,
UhL^ 105.
402 NUEVA GAUCIA AND MICHOACAN.
At Tonold he was received by the provisional governor,
Crist6bal de Oiiate, who recognized his authority and
delivered the administration into his hands."
Torre proceeded at once to make his official in-
vestigationa A general residencia was proclaimed in
the towns of Guadalajara, Compostela, Uuliacan, and
Purificacion, and the proceedings conducted with
energy and prudence. Such cases as he was unable
to decide himself were remitted to the India Council.
By the close of the year the investigations were so
far concluded that the governor was permitted to tarn
his attention to affairs of state.
The condition in which Guzman had left Nueva
GaUcia was indeed a deplorable one. His system of
enslavement had driven most of the natives to the
mountains, thus bringing distress on all who remained,
whether Spaniards or Indiana Numbers of settlers
were preparing to go to Peru, while others made raids
upon the Indians and reduced all they could catch to
slavery."
The pruaent measures of Torre" restored confi-
dence. He was well supported by the vicerov, and
the colonists after their long and ineffectual com*
plaints ^^ settled down with some degree of content.
*^Ofiate'B brother, Juan, was one of the stanchest partiaans of Guzman.
When the news arrived in Nueva Galicia, where Juan de Ofiate had remained,
of Guzman's imprisonment, and that Torre was empowered to take tha
residencia of all subordinate officials, he was advised by Cristdbal to effect
his escape. He accordingly fled to Peru, where some assert that he died
poor ana blind. Id.
^^Mendoza, on the 10th of December, 1537, reported to the king that
although this province was rich in resources, it would be lost unless his
Majesty applied some remedy. The Spaniards maintained that without slaves
they coula not subsist, and the settlers in Culiacan had represented to the
viceroy that under the prohibition of slavery they would be compelled to
abandon the town. Mendoza temporarily assisted them by supplying iron*
ware and other necessaries to the ^ue of 1,090 pesos de tepuzque. Caria^ in
PacJieco and Cdrdenas, Col Doc, iL 196-7, 209-10.
^^ ' £1 licenciado de la Torre se entretiene bien harto mejor de lo que todos
pen8amos,'i9 the compliment which the viceroy pays the new governor of
Nueva Galicia. /i., 209.
^ The viceroy had proclaimed that no slaves should be made in Kneviik
Galicia except in accordance with the order issued by the king. He hmd^
moreover, forwarded to his Majesty a copy of the trials of those penrans -wlio
had committed excesses in branding slaves during Guzman's administration.
I<L^ 180, 196. By c^ula of February 3, 1537, the governor and all aathoritieft
WAB IN THE north-west. 468
Nor did the eflForts of Torre in his dealings with
the natives meet with less encouragement. He soon
saw that if treated well the natives would gladly
return to their homes,^ and with the aid of the friars
this was in a measure accomplished.^ But the bad
practices of encomenderos could not immediately be
stopped. Excesses in the outlying districts were still
committed, and in 1538 in the northern portion of
the province the people of Jocolotlan, Guajacatlan,
and Ostoticpaquillo, under the leadership of their
cacique Guajicar, rose in arms.*^
The suppression of this revolt was attended with a
catastrophe which closed the career of the unfortunate
Torre. As soon as news of the outbreak reached
Guadalajara, a council was held at which it was decided
to send a force under the command of captains Alonso
Alvarez, Diego Sigler, and Crist6bal Romero against
the disaffected district.** The governor, however, in
the hope, probably, of effecting a reconciliation with-
out the necessity of bloodshed, resolved to accompany
the expedition in person. When the Spaniards arrived
in the hostile territory they found the Indians strongly
intrenched on a rocky eminence, and though Torre
made every endeavor to induce them to submit on
general terms,*^ they refused. "Let death come to
you or us," they replied.
An appeal to arms was therefore unavoidable.
The heights were nvested and assailed at different
points* and the Indians so harassed that they de-
of New Galicia^ judicial, civil, or military, were placed under the juriadictioii
of the audiencia of New Spain. Puga, Cedulario, 112.
^ ' Escrfbeme ' — L e., Torre to Mendoza — ' que con no hacer guerra i lo0
natorales, se vienen muchos i sua caaas, aunque en dos 6 tres partes han salido
4 incitalle (para hacer) esclavoe.' Pacheco and Cdrdenaa^ CoL i)oc., ii. 209.
^MotaPadOla, Canq. N. Oal., 107.
^Beaumont, Cr6iu MkL, iv. 114. Mota Fadilla assigns the cause of tFiis
outbreak to the easy and indolent life which they were leading under the
amelioration of their condition! Conq. y, OaL^ 107.
"It occupied the borders of the present teiritoriea of Jalisco and Zacatecaa
in the neighborhood of Jocotlan. The captains named were regidores of the
esbildo. TeOo, ffUL y, Oal, 366.
''He summoned them to come to a peaceable arrangement, offering in that
e to grant them a free pardon for all past offences. 7d., 367.
464 NUEVA QAUCIA AND MICHOACAN.
scended to the plain, determined to try a pitched bat-
tle, in which of course they were overthrown. Great
numbers were slain, and the remainder, among whom
was the cacique Guajicar, fled into the neighboring
glens for refuge.
Torre, who during the engagement had displayed
the usual soldierly quaUties of a Spaniard, now rode
with his pursuing troops, encouraging them as they
toiled over the difficult ground. While so occupied
he was thrown from his horse, which falling upon him
inflicted a mortal injury.^* He was carried back to
Tonald,^ where were his family, and they laid him on
his death-bed.
After several days of sufiering, and conscious that
his end was near, Torre formally appointed Christ6-
bal de Onate his successor pending instructions from
the viceroy,^ and having given him advice regarding
the administration, and commended to his care his
bereaved family, he yielded up his spirit and was
buried in the convent of San Francisco at Tetlan.*^
Torre is described as possessing a robust frame, with
^ * Tenia lastimadaH las entrafiaa de la caida,' according to Telle, whodoes
not mention that the horse fell upon Torre. Id. Mota PadiUa sa js, ' Cay<$ del
caballo, el que se ech<5 encima y le lastimd.' Conq. H, OcU., 108. Paira states
that Torre, riding at random over the plain, plunged into a swamp, and in his
endeavors to get out of it his horse fell upon nim breaking a rib and injuring
his spine. Conq, XaL, 230-1.
^Mota PadiUa says to Tetlan, situated four leases from the site occapied
by Guadalajara in that author's time. Telle, writing in the middle of the
17th century, places this town one leaffue from the Guadalajara of his time.
Hist, 2i, GaL, 369. The site of Guadalajara was changed several times.
^ According to orders received from the king provi<£ng for such emergency
the cabildo was consulted with regard to the appointment of a sncoessor.
Torre, however, excepted his son, Melchor Perez de la Torre, on the ground
ef his youth and inex|>erience, from the number of those whom he considered
£t to occupy the position. Id., 368.
^ Torre was 56 years of age when he died. His remains were aftorwajrd
removed to Guadalajara when the convent was transferred thither. The date
of his death is not known; but it was probably during the latter part of 1538,
inferred from an expression of the escnbano of the audienda, that as laAe as
July doth of that year no news of his death had reached the capital; 'visto
que el lisenciado de la Torre juez de residencia de la Nueva Galida no estaba
en esta dicha cibdad.' Ramirez, Proceso, 275. Two marriageable da-nskters
were especially intrusted to the protection of Oftate, who did not fail in the
discharge of ms trust. One was married to Jacinto de Pineda y Ledemia^ a
person of good birth, and the other to the alf^rez mayor, Fernando Florei»
from whom Mota PadiUa claims to be descended. Conq* ^. Oal, 109.
DFATH OF TORRH 4S6
a dark sallow complexion. Brave and industriouSy
prompt and cautious, he was strict, perhaps stem, in
the administ^tion of justice. Possessed of a genial
and generous disposition, the absence of arrogance
won for him much good- will; and though the Kind-
ness of his heart ever prompted him to friendly acts,
he was guided by discrimination in his benevolence.
The satisfactory manner in which he performed his
duties in the matter of residencias in Nueva Galicia,
and the successful commencement which he made for
the establishment of a healthy government, speak
loudly in his praise.
When the news of Torre's death reached Mendoza
he appointed Luis Galindo chief justice of Nueva
Galicia,^ and shortly afterward Francisco Vazquez de
Coronado provisional governor, this latter appoint-
ment being confirmed by royal c^dula of Apnl 18,
1539.»
Vazquez de Coronada was a native of Salamanca,
and had married a daughter of Alonso de Estrada,
the royal treasurer of New Spain.** Mendoza held
him in high esteem, but his eyes were perhaps a little
blinded by friendship. The viceroy regarded him as a
prudent and able man, and gifted with talents above
** He also ordered Galindo to remove the Spanish settlers from TonalA to
•Guadalajara^ which was done and lots assigned to them. Tello, Il'mt. N. OcU,^
369-70. Mota Padilla savs the building of Guadalajara was arrested, and
Hendosa ordered the Spaniards at Teutlan (Tetlan ?) and Tonal4 to be removed
to that town. C&nq. N, OcU., 109.
^ The same c^dula ordered Coronado to take the residencia of the deceased
governor. Coronado's salary was fixed at 1,000 ducats, with an additional
sum of 500 ducats, to be paid him out of the government revenues of his
province. Id,, 110. Herrera, dec. vi. lib. v. cap. ix., has here confused
events. He leaves it to be inferred that the death of Torre was not known in
Mexico at the time of Coronado*s appointment by the king; 'y llegado a
Guadalajara, hallo que era muerto.'
**He bad received as his wife's dowry one half of Tlapan, which town had
been obtained from the orown by his mother-in-law in compensation for
Tepeaca of which the audiencia had deprived her. Mendoza, Lettre, in Temaua^
Oanypamt Voy,, serie iL torn. v. 252. Oortds states that Coronado received
Jalapa, tiie tribute from which was over 3,000 ducats, and accuses Mendoza of
taking that source of revenue from the crown and granting it to the wife of
Estrada with the understanding that it should be given to Coronado. CortU^
E$crUaa Sueltoe, 337.
Hut. Msx.. Vol. n. 80
406 NUEVA GALiaA AND MICHOACAN,
the ordinary. ^^ But Coronado's ability, either as
ruler or military commander, was not of an order that
made him fit for the position.*^ This i^ clearly shown
in his Cibola expedition, wherein he pushed north-
ward with great perseverance ; but his want of control
over his followers was lamentably evident; and the
dissension among them, and the disorderly manner of
his return, display weakness as a leader. Of his abil-
ity as a ruler, his administration and its results will
enable the reader to judge.^
At the time of his appointment Coronado held the
office of visitador in New Spain. The arrival of Cabeza
de Vaca, and his report of what the natives had told
him of wealthy cities toward the north, hastened his
departure to Nueva Galicia. The viceroy was infected
with the general excitement, as we have seen, and
ordered Coronado to proceed at once to his province.
It was arranged that Father Marcos de Niza should
accompany him and make a preliminary exploration
northward for the purpose of verifying Vaca's state-
ments. Should he be successful in discovering the
wonderful cities, it was determined that an expedition
on a large scale should be sent to take possession of
them.
Coronado departed from the capital during the
latter part of 1538, and on the 19th of November, his
commission having been recognized, he appointed the
alcaldes and regidores of Guadalajara for the ensuing
year.** He then proceeded to visit various districts
of his province, portions of which were in a disturbed
'^ Although nothing is known of Ooronado's previous services to the crown^
Mendoza, in December 1537, mentions having brought them to the notice <^
the king, as also ' las calidades que en ^1 hay para poder servirse tlel en tod»
lo demAs que en estas partes se ofreciere.' Pacheco and Cdrdenaa, CoL Doc,
U. 194-6.
'^ Caatafieda, speaking of Coronada, savs: 'Ce chef ne sut conserver ni
son commandement ni son gouvemement. Temaux-CompoM, Voy,, serie L
tom. ix. 18.
^ Says Oviedo: * £1 qual ni los dos enamorados qne se dixo de snsso no
hi^ieron daflo notable en los indios ni en la tierra, sino i, si mesmos.' iiL 16S.
^ On the following day he delivered to Niza at TonaK i.he vicerOT'a
instructions relative to his projected explorationa. Mendota, CarUiy in Par
€heco and Cdrdenaa, Col. Doc, iii 328.
FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ DE CORONADO. ifft
condition, and having arrived at his border town of
San Miguel de Cuhacan, he despatched Niza from that
place, careful provision having been made for his safe
return by procuring native guides and taking other
precautions.
On the 7th of March, 1539, Niza set out on his
search, accompanied by Father Honorato, a negro
named Estevanico, and a band of friendly Indians.
Coronado a month later invaded a northern territory
known by the name of Topiza,*^ of the wealth of
which he had received reports. But the expedition
met with little success. He failed to discover the
people who decked their persons, as he had been told,
with ornaments of gold and precious gems, and who
faced the walls of their houses with silver.^ After a
long and wearisome march over mountains he reached
a barren land in which he could obtain neither gold
nor food; hence he retraced his steps to San Miguel.
Not long afterward Niza returned and brought to
Coronado the welcome news of the existence and
grandeur of the reported cities, whereupon the gov-
ernor determined to go with him to Mexico, and with
the assistance of the viceroy prepare an expedition for
the anticipated conquest of Cibola. They arrived at
the capital at the end of August,*^ and so great was
the excitement over the glowing account of Niza that
in a few days he had raised a force of three hundred
Spaniards with eight hundred native auxiliaries, eager
to join in reaping the golden harvest. A reconnoitring
party of fifteen men was sent forward under Melchor
^ Probably identical with the latter Topia. In a letter addressed to Men-
ctoza after the departure of Niza, Coronado stated that he would be ready to
start on this expedition the 10th of April following. His force would consist
of 150 horsemen, with 12 spare aiiimaU, 200 foot-soldiers, cross-bowmen, and
arqueliusiers, and 1)e provided with hogs and sheep. The distance to Topiza,
or Topira as it is written in this letter, he considers to be 80 leagues from San
Iftigacl. Temaux-Compans, Voy.f s^rie i. torn. ix. 3o2-4.
* * liCS habitants portent des parures en or, des emeraudes et autres pierres
nr^cienscs; iU emploient Tor etVareent ^ des usages communs; ils couvrent
tenn maisons avec ce dernier metal. Id., 353.
^ He was in the city of Mexico on the 2d of September, since he was
present on the occasion of Niza presenting to the viceroy a written narrative
tff his exploration. NtzOf ReL, in /(/., 282-3.
m NUEVA GALICIA AND MICHOACAN.
Diaz and Juan de Saldivar,'* for the purpose of veri-
fying Niza's account This party left San Miguel ou
the 17th of November, and proceeded one hundred
leagues northward. The time of the year was, how-
ever, unfavorable, and the excessive cold prevented
further advance.'®
In the mean time preparations in the capital were
pushed forward as rapicUy as possible. Compostela
was named as the rendezvous, and so important was
the expedition deemed by the viceroy that he pro-
ceeded thither to give encouragement by his presence
and to superintend final preparationa But the enter-
prise was not without its opponents, whose principal
arguments were that it would deprive Spanish towns
of men needful for their protection; hearing which
Coronado took sworn depositions as to the actual
number of citizens enrolled. On the 22d of February
a review was held, and from the declarations made it
appeared that the ranks were mainly composed of
poor but well-born adventurers, who had not beeu
long in the country, and were regarded as dissolute
idlers and burdens upon the community.^
It was, perhaps, not without some ground that the
settlers of Nueva Galicia objected to the departure of
their governor with so fine a band of troops. Just
apprehensions of a general uprising of the natives
were entertained; indeed, in some portions of the
province the natives were in open revolt Indian
towns belonging to the Spaniards were attacked, cat-
tle driven off, and converts and negroes massacred.
Coronado had been so occupied with schemes of con-
quest and too frequently absent to attend properly to
" Done by the viceroy's special order.
" ' Quelqucs Indiens qu u emmenait avec lui furent gel^s, et deux £■-
pagnols soufinrent beaiicoup.' On the 20th of March, 1540, I>iaz wrote aa.
account of hia proceediuj^s to the viceroy.
** Only two citizens of the city of Mexico, and two of Guadalajara, were
found among the troops. From Compostela not one was goin^^. Among
those who examined the men and gave depositions may be mentioned Gon-
zalo de Salazar, the royal factor, and Pero Almidez Chirinoa, the veedor; also
Christdbal de Oflato. ft\form., in Pacheco and Cdrdenaa, Col Doc., xiv. 373-Si»
A certified copy of these depoeitiona was forwarded to the crown. ,
OORONADO'S EXPEDITION. 469
the affairs of his province, and this neglect sowed the
seeds of a revolt which was only suppressed after
three years of warfare. Before his departure, so
alarming had matters become, that on the 26th of
December preceding, the colonists of Guadalajara
addressed a petition expressing fear that unless he
extended aid the country would be lost.*^
But the governor was not to be turned from his
adventure by trifles. Here was a land where gold
was as common as was earthen-ware in Spain, and
precious gems could be collected in heaps ; time enough
to attend to his people after he had gathered wealth.
At the end of February,*^ Oiiate having been appointed
lieutenant-governor, the army marched out of Com-
postela with banners flying, every man of them having
taken an oath, required by the viceroy, to obey the
orders of their general and never abandon him.
Day after day and month after month they jour-
neyed northward, robbing and murdering as occasion
oflfered, their eyes like those of hawks ever eager
for prey. But gold and jewels were not plentiful
there. The seven cities of Cibola proved but so many
empty crocks, and the disappointed booty-hunters
cursed the reverend Niza. But there was gold enough
beyond, according to the statements of the natives,
over toward the north-east, and the Spaniards still
pursued. Across rapid rivers and over trackless des-
*^ The coloniste requested that the refractory natives should be reduced
to davery. The result of the appeal is not Imown. Telle, Hist, N. Oal.,
374-5. Mota Padilla states that Coronado sent the letter to the viceroy,
* para que providenciase, especialmente sobre los dos puntos de la esclavitud
de loB rebeidesy y del socorro que se pedia de gente.' On the 8th of January,
1540, Coronado set apart lands for the commons of the city of Guadalajara,
and on the following day proclaimed the royal c^dula of December 20, 1538,
commanding houses in the Indies to be constructed of stone, brick, or adobe,
to insure their permanency. Conq. N. Oal, 110.
** The date of departure must have been some day between the review held
en the 22d of Februa^ and the last day of that month, since Mendoza writing
to the king on the l7th of April following commences his letter thus: ' Le
dernier de fevrier pass^ j'ai ecrit de Campostelle k votre majesty, pour lui
rendre oompte de mon arriv^ dans cette ville et du depart de Francisco
Vaaquez, avec Tezp^tion,' etc. Ternattx-Compans, Voy., serie i. torn. ix.
290. There is an error in the account of Castafieda in Id.y 24, where it is
stated that the foroes arrived at Compoetela from Mexico on Shrove-Tuesday,
i541.
470 NUEVA GAUCIA AND MICHOACAN,
erts Coronado pushed westward to the later New
Mexico, and with a portion of his followers penetrated
perhaps to the territory of Kansas, while.detachments
of his forces prosecuted explorations in other direc-
tions. Still gloomy disappointment was ever at his
side, and at last he rode back to Tiguex in the Rio
Grande Valley. His soldiers were heart-sick and im-
pudent. Coronado's control over them was lost, and
in April 1542 ne commenced the homeward march.
On the way his authority was little heeded. Sick in
mind and body,*^ he proceeded to Mexico, where he
arrived with a remnant of his force, shortly after the
middle of the year, there to be greeted by the frigid
features of his friend the viceroy.
While the progress of aflFairs in New Gulicia was
thus retarded by the loss of the able Torre and the
weak administration of Coronado, the adjacent prov-
ince of Michoacan was gradually advancing under the
benignant rule of Quiroga. After the march of Guz-
man through the district, it seemed to have been
struck by the flail of the evil one. The treatment of
the natives by their oppressors became more brutal;
the outrages perpetrated by the encomenderos became
more violent, and the scourges in their hands fell
heavier, as more labor and still more tribute was ex-
acted from the hapless Tarascans. The missionaries
labored hard to mitigate their wrongs, and preached
to them the patience and suflFerings of the saviour;
but even their sympathy and kindly teachings had
lost half their power. Horrified at the cruel murder
of their much-loved king, the Tarascans regarded
Christianity as a mockery. Those who, with the un-
fortunate Caltzontzin, had embraced the religion, lost
their faith in it, and all who could betook themselves
to the mountains, or to the depths and twilight shelter
of the forests on the western lowlands.
^ He had received a severe injnrv on the head from the kick of a horse^
while engaged in equestrian games at Tiffuex. For a detailed aoconnt of his ex -
pedition, see Hist, N. Mex. SUUes, i., and Iligt, Ariz, and New Mex., this series.
CHANGE FOR THE BETTER. 471
In 1532 the audiencia, in accordance with general
instructions issued by the king, sent Juan de Villa-
senor to Michoacan** in the capacity of visitador.
Having made official visits to various districts he sent
his report of the condition in which he found it ; but
his presence there does not seem to have ameliorated
matters, since in October of the same year delegates
of the native lords went to Mexico and formally
complained of the intolerable proceedings of the en-
comenderos. To remedy the lamentable state of
affairs the audiencia in 1533** sent the oidor Quiroga
as visitador into that region, in the hope that a man
of his ability, high character, and well-known zeal for
the welfare of the Indians would be able to effect
some beneficial change.
Quiroga well responded to the expectations of the
audiencia. With untiring ardor, supported by pru-
<ience, good judgment, and kindness of temper, he
carried on the work of reformation. The Tarascans,
exasperated as they were, listened to his words and
recognized in him a friend, while he sternly imposed
restrictions upon the encomenderos by reorganizing
the repartimientos in a manner advantageous to the
natives. Thus both the ecclesiastical and secular
condition of affairs was improved. The natives were
gradually induced to abandon their idolatrous and
polygamous practices,** and the Spaniards made to
** Villaaefior was one of the conquerors and a citi2en of Mexico. He was
empowered to investigate matters connected with the inquisition and proceed
against guilty persons of whatever class or condition. A few years later, by
order of Mendoza, he established himself at Guango to oppose the inroads of
the Chichimecs, and had assigned to him and his family for four lives that
town and those of Numardn, Penjamillo, Conguripo, Puruindiro, and some
•others as encomiendas. His descendants figure among the most prominent
of the country. Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iii. 413-19.
**Both Herrera, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. x., and Gonzalez Divila, TecUro Ecles.,
i. 3, are in error as to the date of Quiro^a*s official visit to Michoacan, stating
it to have taken place in 1536. Depositions taken in Quiroga's residencia in
that year prove that he had visited Michoacan two and a half years before.
Beaunuml, OnftL Mich., iv. 11-12.
**The governor of Michoacan during this period was the native lord
Pedro Ganca, or Cuirananguari. Quiroga persuaded him to put Jiside polyg-
amy and be legally married to a concubme who had informed Quiroga of the
j;ovemor'a taste for a plurality of wives. Moreno, Frag. Quiroga, 35.
472 NUEVa GALICIA AND MICHOACAN.
recognize that there was a controlling power in the
land/^
Among other important results of his labors was.
the founding of the hospital of Santa Fd, two leagues,
from the capital town, Tzintzuntzan. From this in-
stitution, which was intended by the founder to be a
centre for the propagation of Christianity** as well
as an asylum for the sick, the natives derived great
benefit. When Quiroga's residencia as oidor was
taken in 1536 the erection of this establishment con-
stituted the ground of a charge of oppression against
him, but he was honorably acquitted.
After Quiroga's official visit the prospects of Micho-
acan were brighter. The establishment of a bishopric
in the province and the election of this worthy man
as prelate have already been mentioned. In 1537 or
1538 he returned to the scene of his previous labors
and applied himself with unflagging zeal to the good
government of his diocese. In order to inform him-
self of the condition and requirements of the different
districts in his extensive see, he visited every portion
of it in person, travelling on muleback for more than
six hundred and fifty leagues, with no other company
than his secretary and a page.
The success of his administration both as visitador
and prelate was signally marked. The influx of friars
was maintained with regularity, and convents and edu-
cational and charitable institutions were rapidly multi-
plied in Michoacan during this period. His powerful
influence in the political government of the province is
evidenced by the amelioration noticeable in the condi-
tion of the Tarascans. The wanderers in the mountains
were won from their wild retreats, and settled in
*'' An oppressive encomendero had imposed exorbitant tribute npon the
inhabitants of the town of Michoacan. Quiroga intervened and freed them
from the exaction.
^ ' Llamolos de Santa F^, porane en ellos se avia de propagar la Fe Ca-
tholica. ' This hospital was, like tne one in Mexico, placed under the charge
of a rector with a stipend of 150 pesos de oro de minas. Such superintendent
could only hold the mcumbency for a term of three years, not ' in vimbenefic^^
sino como en encomienda.' /d., 14, 15.
AUTHORITIES. 475
pleasant towns and villages, where they were taught
manufacturing and agriculture. Prosperity followed,
and the strong contrast presented between the happy
progression under Quiroga and the misery of the few
preceding years proclaims his rule a righteous one.*^
^ Among his historians there are not wanting those who call his adminis-
tration ' gooiemo de oro; porque no se yolvieron & oir los damores de los indioa
a^viados, ni el estmendo de las armas de los ciudadanos inquietos, ni la
Yiolencia de las virgenes, ni los robos, ni las mnertes lastimosas.' Soc. Mex.
Oeog., BdeUn, I 227.
The following additional authorities have been consulted for this chapter:
CorUs, EscrUos SueUoe, 305, 337; Calle, Menu y Not,, 71-6; lib. i. cap. ix.;
lib. V. cap. ix.; Puga, Cedulario, 78, 80-4, 112-13, 158-9; Cartas (le fndias,
254r-5, 859; Paeheco and Cardenas, Col, Doc,, ii. 210; vi. 498; xiii. 193; xir.
373-84; xvi. 5-39; xxiii. 410-14; Ramirez, Proceso, 231-76; Beaumonl, Crdn,
Mkh., iv. 27-472, passim; Id,, MS., 283-625, passim; Florida, CoL Doc,
119; Frejes, Hist, Breve, 203; Temaux-Comn'pans, Voy,, serie L tom, ix.»
passim; Id., tom. z. 259-68; s^rie ii. tom. v. 252; Alaman, Disert., i. app. i.
28; Jalisco, Mem, Hist,, 34-7, 96; Die. Univ., passim; Buelna, Compend.,
11; Soc, Mex, Oeog,, BoleUn, vii. 55-6; Parra, Cong, Xal, MS., 242; PeraltOy
Not, Hist., 380; Zamacois, Hist. M4j,, iv. 543-703, passim; v. 7; Comargo,
Hist, Tlax., 182-4; cxxxL 245; Bttssiert, L'Bmpirt Mex,, 355; Ooinairii, Hist,
Mex,, ii 166-8, 184-7.
CHAPTER XXIII.
DEATH OF CX)RT6S.
1640-1547.
Departure of Cortes for Spain— His Arrival and Reception — Hollow-
Show — Vain Hopes — He Joins the Expedition to ALOiERa — And
Suffers Shipwreck— Loss of the Fahous Emeralds— He is Slighted
AT A CJOUNCIL OF WaR — RETURN TO MaDRID — A FRUITLESS PXTITIOII —
More Indignities — Last Touching Appeal — ^Determination to Re-
turn TO Mexico — Last Illness and Death of the Conqueror —
Disposition of the Remains — His Last Will — ^The Estate — The
Descendants of Cort^— R^umA of his Character.
We have seen as the settled policy of Spain that
the greatest discoverers and conquerors must not be
allowed permanent or hereditary rule. The viler sort,
like Pedrarias and Valezquez, were the safer instru-
ments of royalty ; while the claims of the noble and
chivalrous, Columbus, Balboa, and Cortes, whose
services were too great for convenient recompense, it
was usually found easier to repudiate. It is true they
asked much, for they had given much; they asked
long and persistently, for the sovereign promised with
little thought of performing ; in due time it was the
king's pleasure not to know them.
The viceroy Mendoza was not naturally a bad maji.
He was only carrying out the policy of his master
Charles when he so irritated and persecuted Cortes
as to drive him from Mexico in 1540. It was in Jan-
uary of that year that he embarked for Spain, accoin^
panied by his son Martin, then eight years of age, by
the chronicler Bernal Diaz, and a retinue of nobles
and partisans. On his arrival he learned that the
(474)
BEFORE THE COURT. 476
emperor was at Ghent, the court remaining at Madrid.
When approaching the capital, the members of the
India Council and other dignitaries, with an outward
show of great respect, came forward in gorgeous array-
to welcome him. The palace of the comendador Juan
de Castilla was prepared as the residence of the illus-
trious guest, and no lack of attention revealed the
insincerity of superficial show. Not long, however,
was Cortes allowed to cherish the flattering hope of
eventually making effective, not only in name, the
honors and titles which had been showered upon him
years before. The enthusiasm of the first reception
passed, and cold politeness was gradually observed
by the members of the council, though Cortes was
always courteously received, and even with apparent
friendship, by the president, Cardinal Loaisa. But
when he came to ask a settlement of his affairs, he
found that the great conqueror had become but an
ordinary litigant.
A year passed by, and, though influential persons
interceded, nothing was done in his behalf, except
in the claim against Guzman, which was decided in
his favor. His proud soul rebelled against such
treatment; he asked permission to return to Mexico,
but was refused. Still, he never faltered in his loy-
alty toward his sovereign master. In 1541 Charles
prepared an expedition against Algiers, for the pur-
pose of releasing a number of Spanish captives ; and
Cortes joined it voluntarily, accompanied by his
son Martin.^ The fleet Vas dispersed by a storm,
and the admiral's ship Esperanzay on which Cortes
embarked, was driven upon tlie rocks. He and his
son, with most of the cavaliers, saved their lives by
swimming ashore. But the inestimable treasure, the
five famous emeralds which the conqueror always car-
ried on his person, were lost in the flood. The fates
^Gomant, Jligt. Mex., 347, says with his two sons, Martin and Luis; other
aathora tirn^intAiw that the latter remained at Madrid in the service of the
prince.
476 DEATH OF CORTES.
•
seemed to have united at this juncture to wrench from
his grasp little by little what they had so lavishly
bestowed; prestige, honors, wealth, and royal favor,
all seemed vanishing. Was there nothing to be left
him for all his toils, all his successes, but a hollow
title ? Was iniplacable Nemesis always to pursue him ?
The loss of the baubles, however much they repre-
sented in money, could not cause such heart-ache as
did ingratitude, slight, and insult.
A council of war was called, and the greatest soldier
of the day was not summoned to it ; his very presence
was ignored. In regard to the situation, he had ex-
pressed an opinion in favor of an immediate attack ;
but the courtiers were anxious to raise the siege : the
formidable ramparts of the Moslem made the peaceful
walls of Madrid seem far away, and it was decided to
abandon the enterprise. Stung by the manifest insult^
and indignant at the effeminate resolution, Cortes ex-
claimed : " Had I but a handful of my veterans from
New Spain, not long would they remain outside of
yonder fortresses 1" " Indeed, seflor," was the reply;
*'no doubt you would do wonderful things; but you
would find the Moors quite a different foe from your
naked savages."
After his return home Cortes again began to press
his suit. He presented a memorial to the emperor,
recounting the services which he had rendered to the
crown ; the losses, grievances, and persecutions he had
suffer^; the wrongs inflicted by the audiencia and
viceroy, and praying that justice might be done; that
his honors and titles might be made available, and in
a manner commensurate to his services and sacrifices,
BO that he might with dignity maintain the rank and
position to which he had been raised. What kind of
play was this ? He had achieved, and had been re-
warded; then he was robbed and humiliated, and
without cause. Cortes handed in the petition and
never afterward heard of it.
Bowed down by disappointment wounded in hia
L
SUGHTS AND INDIGNiriES. iTl
most sensitive part, his heart-felt loyalty and love for
his sovereign spumed, his influence and popularity
gone — ^what had he to live for? Then, too, he began
to suffer the infirmities of age ; his constitution was
shattered, and his sight and hearing were growing
dulL The hardships of so many rough campaigns,
the wounds received, the fevers, and the long ex-
posures, all had left their impress. If one wishes to
see glorious recompense, let one look at Peru, which
has done even more than Mexico to fill the royal
coffers. Perhaps the turbulence there has taught the
monarch prudence. Go further then, and compare the
conduct of Cortes with that of Pizarro after their
respective conquests: the one is gentle, obedient; the
other arrogant and blood-bespilling. Yet wherever
it is most politic that it should be inflicted, there will
the punishment be felt. When the monarch has no
further need of the man, it is well the man should die.
But the life of Cortes was destined to be spared for
a few more indignities. He had sent^to Mexico for
his daughter Dona Marfa, to be married to Alvaro
Perez de Osorio, heir to the estates and titles of the
marques de Astorga. The engagement was cancelled
by Osorio for pecuniary and prudential motives.^ The
humiliation, the insult, which struck at once the pride
of the conquerur and the heart of the father, affected
him to such a degree that for a time he was pros-
trated by a dangerous fever.
Before this, namely, on February 3, 1544, Cortes
had made a touching and dignified appeal to the mon-
arch for redress, praying for a final settlement- of his
affairs. To this as in the other instance no reply was
made. It has even been stated that after Charles
refiised to see Cortes the latter on one occasion forced
*The dowry of Dofia Maria was to have been 100,000 ducats in gold, which
under the present circnmstanoes could probably not be raised at the time.
Bemal Dka, Bist, Verdad., 237. This occurred subsequently to the making
of his will, ^m which it appears that 20,000 ducats had already been paid to
Marques Astorsa on account of the dowry, and Gort^ provided that the re-
xnaiiider be paid, to fnlfil the contract.
478 DEATH OF CORTES.
his way to the royal carriage and placed his foot upoa
the step. "Who is this man?" demanded the king.
"One who has given your Majesty more kingdoms
than you had cities before ! " was the reply.^ This was
the last time that Cortes ever askeci aught of his
sovereign.* Three years passed in further waiting,
and then the conqueror, his patience exhausted, de-
termined to return to New Spain, to leave his native
soil forever
Having previously obtained permission to depart,
he proceeded to Seville and was received with honors
by the nobility, the last to be tendered him in this
life. They bid him farewell, asking Gk)d's blessing oa
his departure. But these manifestations, hollow or
sincere, could not revive his broken spirit, nor dispel
his bitterness of heart ; his health declined, and it was
soon apparent that his last hour was drawing near.
The strain upon his faculties had been severe, and
death came at last to his releif To escape visi-
tors, he was conveyed t^ the village Castillejo de la
Cuesta, about two leagues from Seville, accompanied
by Martin, who would not leave his father; and on
December 2, 1547, then in his sixty-second year,
' This incident is not well authenticated, as it rests mainly on VoUaire,
Esaai sur le« Maura.
^ In this last appeal to the emperor, he begins: ' Pense (^ue haber traUa-
jado en la juventud me aprovechara para que en la vejez tubiera descanao, y
aai i cnarenta aflos que me he ocupado en no dormir, mal comer, y i las veces
ni bicn ni mal, traer las armas 4 cuestas, poner la persona en peligro, gastar
mi hacienda y edad todo en servicio de Dios, trayendo obejas i su corral * . .
to extend the power and fame of his sovereign, and to increase his domain, by
the conquest of many large kingdoms, and lordships of barbarous nations.
All of which he had accomplished in person and at his own cost, without aid
from the government; on the contrary, he had been hindered by ' muchoa
Amnios e mvidiosos que como sanguijeulas han rebentado de hartos de mi
sangre.* He could not conceive why the royal promises were not fulfilled, and
why he was again deprived of the favors once granted. It was more difficult,
he said, to defend himself against his Majesty's fiscal than to conquer the
enemy *8 country. Cortco co? jludes this long and interesting appeal ' trusting
there will be no unnecessary delay in the decision, otherwise he prefers to
lose all and return to his home, * porque no tengo ya edad para andar por
mesones, sino i»ara recogerme i aclarar mi cuenta con Dios, pues la tenffo
larga, y poca vida para dar los descargos, y seWl mejor periler la hacienda
quel inima.' CorUa^ Carta al Emperador^ in CoL Doc Ined*, l 41 -& On the
back of the original document is the laconic indorsement: No hay qwc reapomier
— Needs no reply 1
FUNERAL CEREMONIES. 479
Hernan Cortes expired. Two days afterward his
remains were deposited with due solemnity and pomp
in the monastery of San Isidro, on the outskirts of
Seville, the sepulchre of the dukes of Medina Sidonia.
The bearer of that title and guardian of young Cortes,
second marques del Valle, and many other distin-
guished personages from Seville and the neighboring
country were present at the obsequies.
The remains of Cortes rested at San Isidro until
1562, when they were removed by order of Martin
Cortes to New Spain, to the city of Tezcuco. Pur-
suant to a provision of the will they were to have
been deposited in his favorite city, Coyuhuacan, within
ten years after his death. This, however, was never
done. They were destined to wander from place to
place, till in 1823 they disappeared altogether from
the city of Mexico.*
^ Ife was provided in the will that in whatever place in Spain Cortes died
hia remains were to be deposited, to be transferrea within ten years to Coyu-
hoacaa in New Spain. The remains of his mother and of his son Luis, at
Cnemavaca, were to be transferred to the same place at that time. Concerning
the funeral services, it was provided that all curates and friars of the place
in which he died should attend at the obsequies; 50 poor people were to
receive new suits of clothes and one real to attend with torches; new clothes
for mourning being given also to all his servants and his son's, and 5,000
masses were to be read; 1,000 for the souls in purgatory, 2,000 for those who
died in his service in New Spain, and the remamder for those he had wronged
unknowingly and whose names he could not remember. CorUs^ TestamerUOt
in Col. Doe. Inid., iv. 239-77. In the year 1629, on the death of Pedro Cortes,
fourth marques del Valle, the bones of the conqueror were^ removed from
Tezcuco and deposited in the Franciscan church in Mexico, with great pomp;
and in 1794 the relics were transferred to the hospital of Jesus Nazareno.
This new sepulchre, surmounted by a chaste monument adorned with the
arms and the bust of Cort^, the work of the celebrated sculptor Tolsa, had
been erected through the exertions of Viceroy Rovilla (rigedo and the assist-
ance of representatives of the Cortes family. The ceremonies observed on
the occasion of this last transfer eclipsed m grandeur anvthinff heretofore
witnessed in the city of Mexico. But scarcely 30 years elapsea before the
relics were a^ain disturbed. When in 1823 the remains of the |)atriots who
proclaimed the independence of Mexico in 1810 were to bo transported to the
capital, pamphlets appeared exciting the populace to reduce to ashes the
remains of Cort^. The outrage was however prevented by the friends of the
family, who obtained an order from the government to remove the casket to
a secure place. The order was made effective by Alaman, then a member of
the cabinet, who says in connection with the event in his Diaer-t.^ ii. 60:
' Habiendo yo intervenido en la pronta egecucion de estas drdenes, en virtud
de las fnnciones pdblicas que desempefiaba. ' During the night of September
loth the chaplain of the hospital, Dr Joac^uin Canales, removed the remains,
and by disposition of Count Lucchesi, actmg for the family, they were pro-
visidially deposited under the platform of the altar of Jesus. The excite-
6
480 DEATH OF CORTES.
Since that time a deep mystery has hung over the
final resting-place of the conqueror's remains. Though
it is generally belived that they were secretly shipped
to the family, and are now deposited at Palermo in
Italy, there is a possibility that they never left Mex-
ico, but occupy some hidden spot known to few*
Perhaps it was befitting that the great chieftain who
had known no rest in Ufe, should not find it in death.
The day after his death the will of Cortds was
opened.^ It is a voluminous document and throws
some additional light upon the character of its author,
but most of the details are not now of interest to the
reader. As guardians of the legitimate children, ad-
ministrators of the estate, and executors of the will,
in Spain, were appointed Juan Alonso de Guzman,
duke of Medina Sidonia ; Pedro Alvarez Osorio, mar-
quis of Astorga, and Pedro Arellano, count of Agui-
lar; and for New Spain, the marchioness, wife of
Cortes ; Bishop Zumdrraga ; Friar Domingo de Betan-
zos, and Licenciate Juan de Altamirano. The prin-
cipal heir, succeeding to the estate and title, was his
legitimate son, Martin, who after his twentieth year
ment of the populace continued, and it was found expedient to remove the
bust and arms from the monument, and to ship them to the duke of Terranova
at Palermo. The marble obelisk and sepulchre disappeared after the hospital
and church property was sequestered by the government in 1833. Mora, Mtj.
Mev.y iii. 188, says in connection herewith: 'And they would have profaneid
even the ashes of the hero but for the precautions taken by some unprejudioed
persons who, wishing to save their country the dishonor of such reprehenaible
and rash procedure, managed at first to conceal, and then to ship them to his
family in Italy. '
^Icazbalceta, in a letter to Henry Harrisse on the subject, says: "Hie
place of the present sepulture of Cortes is wrapped in mystery. I)on Ltfcac
Alaman has told the history of the remains of this great man. Without pos-
itively saying so, he lets it be understood that they were taken to Italy. . .
It is generally believed that the bones of Cort^ are at Palermo. But some
persons insist that they are still in Mexico, hidden in some place absolut^y
unknown. Notwithstanding the friendship with which Mr Ala-ma^n has hon-
ored me, I never could obtain from him a aefinite explanation in the matter;
he would always find some pretext to change the conversation.* Hcurimt,
217-20. There was certainly something strange in the reticence of Alaman.
^It was executed October 11, 1547, Mfore the notary Melchor de Portes.
The text is printed in C<yrU9, Escritoa Suelios, 348-92; CorUs, Teatamenia, in
Col. Doe. IrUd., iv. 239-77; Alaman, DwrL, ii. app. 98-138; Mora^ Mg.
Rev., iiL 379-453, and others. The will was admittea to probate Aiunist 1€L
1548.
THE WILL. 481
^as to enjoy the full income of the inheritance, though
his majority was fixed at twenty-five. All the other
children, legitimate and natural, were well provided
with an adequate income, and appropriate dowries for
the daughters. None of the many male and female
relatives seem to have been forgotten, and all the
servants, even the lady's-maids to the marchioness,
were liberally remembered. Endowments for the
erection and support of religious, charitable, and educa-
tional institutions were made with princely generosity.
A college for theology and canon law, and a convent,
the latter to serve as the Cortes family sepulchre,
were to be founded at Coyuhuacan ; neither of these
institutions were built, however, for want of funds.
A third, the celebrated hospital de la Concepcion,
afterward known as Jesus, was erected. The manner
in which the testator dwells upon the Indian question
forms a striking feature of the will, and reveals the
fact that he entertained great scruples concerning the
legality of holding Indian slaves, and of exacting
tributes.®
"Concerning the Indian vassals of Cort^, he enjoined his snccessor to
aacertain whether these had paid him more tribute than the amount formerly
paid to their native chiefs; if so, the full sum so overpaid i(hould be returned,
including also all tributes collected unjustly; the same was to be done with
all landj unjustly seized from the natives. Should the question of slavery be
decided in the future, the successor must act accordingly, and pay particular
attention to the instruction and education of the natives. Besicfes ordering
his mother's remains to be transferred to his own future burial-place, Cortes
further signified his filial love by founding certain services at tne sepulchre
of his father, at Medellin. To his wife he gave 10,000 ducats, being the dower
Teceived from her; the dower of his daughter Maria he fixed at 100,000 ducats,
20,030 already paid, and the balance to bo paid over to conclude the marriage
with Osorio. This, as mentioned in the text, never took place. The dowry
of the other legitimate daughters, Catalina and Juana, was 50,000 ducats
each. The natural sons, Martin and Luis, received a life-rent of 1,000 ducats,
and were enjoined to acknowledge and obey their brother, Don Martin, as the
head of the family. The natural dauehter, Catalina Pizarro, whose mother
was Leonor Pizarro, afterward marriea to Juan de Salcedo, was to enjoy all
the rents, tributes, and other income from the village of Chinantla, besides
reoeiving other grants of lands and cattle. Leonor and Maria had a dowry
of 10,0W ducats bestowed. Those who had served under Cortes were to be
paid aeoordinff to their contracts; all he had expended in the service of the
crown should be computed and collected from the royal treasury, and all his
debts, of whatever nature, should be paid. CorUsj TeatamerUo, in CgL Doc
Indd,f iv. 239-77. The provisions of the will are very minute and concise,
flhowmg that great care was bestowed by the testator in its preparation.
Hist. Muc, Vol. n. 81
492 DEATH OF CGRT6S.
The assertions of Cortes concerning his poverty^
which we observe in his memorials to the emperor,
must not be taken hterally, but rather in a comparar
tive sense. From the provisions of his will it is mani-
fest that at the time of his death he deemed himself
possessed of vast estates. These, however, or the
greater portion of them, were the object of litigation
with the crown and prominent individuals in New
Spain, and were otherwise embarrassed. His last
unsuccessful expeditions had swallowed up immense
sums, and the loss of the emeralds was also an impor-
tant item. After his death, when the litigations came
to a close, the verdict was against the heirs, and few
of the provisions of the will could be carried out.
The original grants to Cortes, with a few exceptions,
were confirmed to his son Martin in 1565 by JPhihp
II., in recognition of the father's services to the crown,
and in consideration of the son's gallant conduct at
the battle of St Quentin. Tehuantepec was the only
portion retained by the crown, for which the heirs
were compensated in a sum equal to the amount of
tributes collected. But the magnanimity of the king
lasted only two short years. In 1567, after the
alleged conspiracy of Martin Cortes, the estate was
sequestrated by the crown; it was returned in 1574,
greatly reduced, and injured by neglect and the
rapacity of royal officials. After that other seques-
trations and changes occurred.®
*The ori^pnal grant to Cort^ of July 6, 1629, in Pacheeo and Cdrdenaa^
Col, Doe,, xii. 291-7, comprised 22 towns with dependencies, and 23,000 vaa^
sals. In 1805, according to Humboldt, Eseai Pol., i. 265, the marqniaate
contained 4 villas, 49 villages, and 17,700 inhabitants. This is refuted by
Navarro y Noriega, in 8oc. Mex, Oeog., Boletin, ii. 83, who claims there wore
7 judicial districts, 33 curacies, 1 city, 15 villas, 157 pueblos, 89 haciendas,
119 ranchos, and 5 estancias, with 150,000 inhabitants all told. This was
not so bad after all. The income from the houses in Mexico was applied,
pursuant to the will of Cortes, to the erection and maintenance oi th.o
hospital of Jesus. According to Terranova y Monleleone, Usposiciony 2^-3(1,
in 1828 this income amounted to 28,000 pesos. In the course of time the
estate greatly diminished, and in the year mentioned the duke of Terra-
nova retained onlv the * haciendas marquesanas,' some lands in Tuxtia, azui
the property in Mexico city; and the income had greatly decreaaed by the
abolition of tributes. The sugar plantation of Atlacomulco was not a part
of the original grant; it was bought by Martin Cort^ in 1553. Te^nmova y
FBOQENY. 483
Cortes was first married, as we well know, in Cuba,
to Catalina Juarez, a native of Granada, in Andalusia,
whose death occurred in October 1522. It is supposed
that by her he had a child, but nothing definite can
be ascertained on the subject. A natural daughter by
a Cuban Indian is also mentioned at that time. The
issue of his second marriage, with Dofla Juana de
Ztiniga^ was one son, Martin, and three daughters:
Marfa, married to Luis Vigil de Quifiones, conde de
Luna; Catalina, who died single at Seville, and Juana
married to Hernando Enriquez de Rivera, duke of
Alcaic and marques de Tarifa. Beside these there
were several natural children: Martin Cortes, son of
the devoted Marina; Catalina Pizarro, daughter of
Leonor Pizarro; Luis, son of Antonia Hermosilla;^^
Leonor and Maria, daughters of noble Indian women;
Leonor was married to Juan de Tolosa, one of the
founders of Zacatecas; and finally another son Luis,
who died before his father.
With Pedro Cortes, the fourth marquds del Valle
and great grandson of the conqueror, the direct line
became extinct. The estates and title passed to his
niece, Dofia Estefania, married to Diego de Aragon,
duke of Terranova, descendant of one of the most
distinguished families of Sicily. This union remaining
without male issue, by the marriage of their daughter
Juana with Hector, duke of Monteleone, the line be-
came united with the Pinatelli family, Neapolitan
nobles of the first rank. Thus the descendants and
present representatives of the great adventurer's family
are the dukes of Terranova y Monteleone, in Sicily,
one of the proudest families of Italy."
Mind/tUoM^ Eepotieionf 23-31, 60-62. More particulars concerning the estate
may be found in Pacheco and CdrdenaSy Vok Doc.., xu. 330-8; Soc. Mex,
Geog.y BoUUn, ii. 19; Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 126; ViUa Senor, ThecUro,
L 269-70; ii. 118-23; Doc Higt, Mex,, s^rie i. torn. i. 4, 415, 461.
^'^ Martin, Lais» and Catalina were legitimized by papal bull of April 16,
1529, which is civen in Alaman, Disert., ii. 2d app. 32-6. The former were
made knights of Santiago and Galatrava, respectively.
" The statement in PreaeoU, iii. 351, that oy the marriage of a female into
tlie house of Terranova, the Gort^ fainily was united with the descendanta
flf the 'gran capitan* Qonzalo de G6rdoba, is erroneous. The house of Ter-
484 DEATH OF CORTES.
In finally reviewing the character of Heman Cortes,
after our long acquaintance, and comparing him with
his contemporaries, we find conspicuous a supreme
worldly ambition, love of power, of wealth, of fame,
united to intense religious zeal and loyalty to the
king. In the combination there was much that might
be called remarkable. This union of the spiritual
and the sensual, a selfishness as broad and deep in
heavenly as in earthly affairs, an all-abiding, heart-
felt loyalty to the sovereign of Spain, paramount even
to self-love or to church devotion, seems here more
evenly balanced than in any person of note among
those who came early to the Indies. Though his
religious zeal was so fervid, he seldom permitted it
to stand in the way of worldly advancement; but
there was ever present a fighting piety which might
have adorned a member of the house of Hapsburg.
Love of gold was usually subordinate to love of glory ;
and yet we have seen him decline a coveted title be-
cause of a real or pretended lack of means to support
it. Further, after having had set apart for him lands,
and vassals, and revenues befitting a king, he rendered
the latter part of his life miserable by reason of vain
importunities to his sovereign for more. A tithe of
what he possessed he might with contentment have
enjoyed, but in his later mood half the planet would
have been too small for him while the other half re-
mained to be coveted.
But in this it was more what he considered his due
that he desired, than the gratification of an all-absorb-
ing avarice, such as that which possessed Nuiio de
Guzman, and men of similar stamp. When an humble
navigator discovered a new world, or a nameless cava-
lier conquered a considerable portion of it at his own
ranova united with the Cortes family received its title from Philip H. in 1565,
and is distiDct from that of Terranova in Calabria. The genealogy of Cort^
may be found in Clavitjero, Storia Mess., iii. 236-7. See, also, Carriedo, Ef*
tudiost ii. 7; Las Caaaa, Hist. Ind., iv. 13-14; Panes, Vireyea, in Afonununtom
Dornin. ISt^p., MS., 70, 79; Lfbron, Apolog. JuHd,, in Pap. DertchOy A^o. ^
5S-61; Alaman, Disert., ii. 48-o2, let app. 4-6; 2d app. 32-6; CoriiSy Bai-^
dencia, L 111; CorUs, EscrUot Sueltos, 279-80.
REVIEW OF HIS CHARACTER. 485
cost and in the name of the king, laying it at the
sovereign's feet, with all its wealth of gold and pearls,
and land and vassals, it was an undetermined question
how much of it belonged to the monarch and how
much to the discoverer and conqueror, and it is not
at all strange that opinion should be divided on the
subject. But in every emergency, whatsoever the
monarch said or did, whether he granted lands and
honors or withheld them, Cortes was bound to believe
all as right. He might sometimes sacrifice wealth
and power to religion; more frequently he would sac-
rifice religion to wealth and power, but never would
he abate one jot of his devoted obedience to the king,
unless it was clearly to the king's interest that he
should be slightly disobeyed.
From the time of the Honduras expedition, and
his separation from the faithful Marina, the star of
the conqueror declined. From that day care fast
engraved wrinkles on his forehead. The hardships
and disappointments experienced on the march had
broken his spirits and lowered his strength of mind,
and they never recovered. In the mean time he had
reached the summit of fame; he was captain general
and governor of the country he had conquered, and was
made a marquis with vast grants. Nevertheless his
soul was embittered by the fact that the gifts of his
royal master were benefits only in name, that real
honors were withheld, that he was no longer supreme
in the land of his achievement, but must be ruled
like any other by an audiencia and subsequently by
a viceroy. Still, his restless impulse carries him for-
ward to new and exciting scenes. New Spain is
conquered, and he would penetrate beyond. The Cali-
fornia and Spice Island expeditions fail; he wrangles
with the viceroy over the right of further discoveries,
of which he is finally and effectually deprived.
Nowhere is the presence of noble character more
visibly displaj^ed than when taunted, maligned, and
robbed by the royal officials. While possessing ample
486 DEATH OP CORTfiS.
power to sweep them from his path, he endured in
»ngry patience every indignity and wrong rather than
place himself on record as other than law-abiding and
a lover of good conduct. His domestic life during
his second marriage seems to have been one of great
felicity; we find him the kindest of parents and a
devoted husband, though from his earlier libertinisms
the contrary might have been expected. We have
seen that till his last moments he showed the greatest .
solicitude for the welfare of his entire family.
In mind and manners, in adventure, war, diplomacy,
he everywhere displayed great versatility. There was
little that he could not do; there was little he could
not do better than another. Were ships required, he
would make them; were they in the way, he would
burn them. Did he want powder, there was the
sulphur of the volcano; did he lack iron for guns, he
used silver or copper. Were the hosts of Andhuac
too many for him, he turned against them other hosts
before whom he was likewise m point of numbers an
insignificant enemy. But though his feats as an Ind-
ian-fighter were wonderful, it is not in these that we
find him at his best. A stupid slur was that made
during the Algiers expedition by the king's courtier,
who said that Cortes would find the Moors a very
different enemy from naked Americans. Cortes was
a match for any Moor, or any Spaniard; indeed his
most briUiant exploits were achieved when he found
himself opposed by his own countrymen; and he was
scarcely less successful as a ruler than as a military
leader.
His nature, as we everywhere have seen, was one
of emphasis and intensity. Affairs of gallantry he
conducted with as much skill and persistency as were
required to win a battle. The grave and courtly
manners by which the Spaniard commonly veils his
real character were in Cortes modified by a freeness
and vivacity due in a great measure to New World
influenccH.
HIS BIOQBAPHEBS. 487
We cannot condemn simply because one has faults ;
we cannot wholly condemn if one has many and glar-
ing faults. It is only when one displays that most
offensive of faults, an unconsciousness of having any,
that we may regard the case as entitled to sweeping
condemnation.
Hie leading biographer of CorMs is Gonuura, on whose works biblio-
jpnaphical notes will be found in my Hut, Cent, Am., i. 314-16. With regard
to his HisUyria de Mexico, which in reality may be looked npon as a biog-
raphy of Cort^ he has met with supporters and detractors. Las Gasas is
•scaling in his criticisms of the earlier portions of his work, asserting that
his information being derived from the representations of Cort^ is warped.
HuA. Ind., iv. 11-12, 448 et seq. Bemal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 11, also oon*
sidered that Gomara^s statements are not consistent with the facts, and
Muiioz charges him with accepting the accounts of previous writers without
due examination, and of being credulous and deficient in diBcemment. HiH,
Nttev. Mund., L p. xviiL On the other hand Gomara is followed by numerous
writers, ancient and modem. Herrera draws largely upon him, while at the
same time he was enabled to consult documents which this father of American
history never saw. Gomara obtained his materials from important sources,
such as letters, reports, and other documents to which he had access; bat,
•chaplain as he was to Gortte, it was but natural that he should be prejudiced
in favor of his patron, and be disposed to somewhat color his great deeds,
without chronicling those which might detract from his renown. Oviedo
supplies information relative to Cort^ which no one else gives. In his Hist.
■Geti. de Iruiias he reproduces the conqueror's first letters, slightly adapted to
his own language. Having met him in Spain he had frequent opportunities
of conversing with him. He received occasional letters from Cortes, and his
mention of these and quotations from them assist in proving facts and fixing
dates. Bemal Diaz detracts somewhat from the credit of his great com-
mander by exalting that of his companions. Pizarro, Varones Ilust., gives a
glowing eulogy of Cort^, but it is non-critical and partial. He enlarges on
the importance of omens and natural phenomena which presented themselves
at the birth and during the eventful periods of the life of the hero. He
ranks him naturally enough second to his relative Pizarro. Clavigero, Storia
Mew., has made a few valuable investigations, and produced Cort^* family
tree. This author's usual perspicacity is displayed in his researches and con-
elusians relative thereto. The Besidencia of Cort^, as containing the testi-
mony of his foes, is full of dark pictures, most of which are exaggerated and
many of them false. Nevertheless the student receives much aid from the
statements of opposing witnesses, and particularly from such corroborative
evidence as appears. From the Escritoa Sticltos, the Cartas of Cortes, from
letters, memorials, and other papers, in Col. Doc. Ind., and Pacheco and Cdr-
denoB, Col, Doe., xv. zxvi.-zxx., and other volumes, much fresh information
may be gathered as regards his actions, motives, and character. The notes
488 DEATH OF COBTfiS.
of Lorenouoa in OorUSt Nuena Shp,, Mexico, 1770, supply many important,
partlciilan, and may be consulted with interest. The zesearches of Hum-
boldt, EsacA PoL, Paris, 1811, have revealed many facts which may be con-
sidered as historical discoveries. Among the modem biographers of CorUte
Arthur Helps occupies a prominent position. Bom about 1817 he began to-
figure as a writer, anonymously, as early as 1835, and continued to furnish
the press at frequent intervals with productions covering a wide range of
literature, as essays, dramas, biographies, and histories. He also assisted
Queen Victoria in preparing her Leaves from the Journal qf our Life m the
Highlands, For these and other efforts he was in 1872 honored with knight-
hood. As an essayist he has been compared to Lamb for good-na€ured satire
and deep feeling, and his treatises generally indicate also the observer and
thinker. The first notable work on America, The Conquerors qf the New
World, London, 1848-52, two volumes, a speculative and semi-lustorio
account of the settlement of America, chiefly with reference to the race
mixture, is not a work of much merit. It is now rarely met with, owing
perhaps to Helps* own efforts to withdraw it from circulation. Tet the book
served a good purpose in inciting him to further researches for the more
thorough and elaborate History of the Spanish Conquest in America^ London,
1858-^1, four volumes, followed in 1868 by Life qfLas Casals, Ltfe ofPizarrOf
1869, Life of Cortis, 1871. In the former work an excellent treatise on enco-
miendas is offered by Sir Arthur, who has in a measure competed with Pres-
oott, while covering ground not embraced by him. But the main object of
the former work is still the race mixture, or rather the origin of negro slavery
and its effect on America, and this accounts for the less thorough treatment
of the regular history, and for the lengthy deviations from its natural course.
Treating rather of the result than the progress of conquest, and inclining
greatly to ethnologic and social data, the book is apt to diaappoint those who
take tiie title as an index. Although showing an admirable grasp of subject
and philosophic treatment the historian is not unfrequently found to yield to^
the essayist, and at times poetic feeling and fancy take the place of facts.
Free from affectation the language deserves the compliment of 'beautiful,
quiet English,' bestowed by Ruskin, but as finished work it cannot compare-
with Robertson, Prescott, or even Irving. His Life of Cortis forms a slightly
elaborated gleaning on this topic from the preceding volumes, and forms as a
natural result not a thorough history of his conquests, but rather an attractivo
biography, which at times dwells too much on trifles, and incorporates idle
statements; yet displays in other respects a clear perception of traits and
incidents, frequently manifested in profound observations and adorned with
brilliant sentences. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist, Nat. Civ,, Paris, 1857,
four volumes, scarcely does Cortes justice. The abb4, though a fascinating
writer, regarded the Conquest from a native stand-point, and consequently
his views and descriptions are tinged with a corresponding coloring. Pre-
eminent, however, among modem writers of this period of Mexican history
stiuids Prescott, whom I have already considered in the first volume of my
History of Mexico. In addition to what has been already said about hia
Conquest qf Mexico it may be remarked that after the fall of the diy his work
is for the most part confined to the biography of Cort^, whose bright achieve-
FUBTHEB AI7TH0BITIES. 489
ments and good qualities are prominently and brilliantly set forth, bat wboee
imperfections are not impartially portrayed. Alaman's JHaerl,, Mexico,
1844, may be regarded as a complement to Prescott. Althongh he gives bat
a biographical outline of the career of Cortes as an individual, Alaman never*
theless displays great research on certain points upon which he throws much
light. Aimin, AUe Mex,, Leipsic, 1865, supplies some additional infonnation
to that found in Presoott. This work is well written. The following addi-
tional authorities may be mentioned : QcmsaJUz DdtfUoy Teairo EcUb, , i. 8-13;
Mololinia, Hiti, Ind,, 274-7; Benzoni, Mondo Niu)vo, 51; Torquemada, L
640; Provideneias Reales, MS., 7, 15-25, 209, 215-20; Beales CiduUu, MS.,
L 136-70; KingBborough'a Afex, A/Uiq,, v. 158; Vetancvrt, Teairo If ex.,
167-8; Monumentos Domin, Esp., MS., 70, 79; Ilerrera, dec. vii. lib. u. cap.
10; Burgoo, Geog. Descrip. Oajaca, u. 361-6; HMuyVs Voy., iii 454; Figue-
rocL, Vindifias, MS., 132-7; Kerr*8 Col. Voy,, iii. 454; iv. 307-28; Beau-
mont, CfnSn, Mich., v. 90-1; Cabrera, Eseudo Armas, 406; Sammlung aUtr
ReitehescK, xiii 265-6; Voyages, New Col, i. 348; IVorld Displayed, ii 252;
CeHiJicacion de Mercedes, MS., 11-12; ViUa Seiior y Sanchez, Theatro, t
69-73, 269-70; Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 6, 149-51; Dillon, BeauUs, 55-8; Bivera,
Hist. Jalapa, I 61; Raynal, Hist, PhU., iii. !M7-8; Pelaez, Mem, Ouat,, i.
128-9; Pap, Varios, torn, cliii. pt iii. 65-80; Dubois, Mexique, 88-93; Dufey,
Bisumi, L 213-14; Calderon de la Barca, 34; Castillo, Dice, Hist, 187-92;
Chevalier, Mexique, 63-4; Salmon*s Modem Hist,, iii. 197; Sandoval, Hist,
Carlos V,, u. 635; Peralta, Not, Hist,, 145-0, 340; Salaaar, Conq, Mex., 402-74;
SodM AmirieaJifne, i. 296; Pimentel, Sit, Actual, 110-11; Conder's Mex, and
Ouat,, 81-3; Bussierre, UEmp, Mex., 370, 377-9; Arroniz, Hint, y Cron.,
31-2, 54-7; Rivera, Gob, Mex,, 12-13, 18; Campbell, Span. Am., 43; Southern
Quart, Rev., new series, vi. 120-1; CavaniUes, Hist. Ecpaila, v. 177-89; Rivero,
Mex. en I84S, 7-11; ReviOa, notes in Solis, Hist, Conq, Mej. (Madrid, 1843),
485-6; GordmCs Ane, Mex,, 236-40; Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt, Hist,, No. v.,
259-61; Liceo Mex,, i. 91-109; Mora, Rev. Mex., iii. 187-8, 379-423; Glee-
son's Hist. Caih, Church, i. 36; Lacunza, Disc, Hist., No. xxxiii. 462; Nouv.
Bib, desVoy., 127-30; Robles, Diario, in Doc, Hist, Mex., s^rie L torn. ii. 202-
19; Mayer*s Mex. Atz,, i. 76-9, 89-91; Wilson*s Mex., 279, 417-18; Zamacois,.
Hist. Mex,, iii. 265; iv. 238-660, passim; v. 5-18; xi. 530-1; Mavor's Univ.
HisL, xjdv. 147-8; Roche, Femand Cortex, 136-8; PortiUa, Espana en Mex,,
118-29; N, Am. Rev., Iviii. 197; Edinburgh Rev., April, 1845, 469, 472-3;
U, S. Caih, Mag,, 1844, 146. 417; Carriedo, Estud, Hist., ii. 7, 8; Mexico^
200-4; Ldmm y Cuervo, Apolog, Jurid,, in Papeles de Derecho, No. 4, 58-61.
CHAPTER XXIV.
THB MIXTON WAE.
1541-1542.
Bulb ov OI^ate in Nueva Galicia— His Divfigult Position— RxsEixioir
Eife-^Bepabtube ov Ck)BONAix>— Causes ov DissATisvAcnoN — Begin-
NiNa ov HosnuTiES— Defeat of Tbariva — Alvabado Ab&iyes at
Nayidad— And is Appealed to fob Aid— He Receives a Suxmonb
FBOM Mendoza, and Depabts FOB TiBiPiTia— Agbeement between
Them— Alvabado Retubns to Oj^ate's Belief— Pbecipitous Attack
ON NocHiSTLAN— Defeat of the Spaniabds— And Death ov Alva-
bado— ^Abbtval of Mendoza with BEfiNFOBCEMSNTa— His Suogessvuz.
Campaign— End of the Mixton Wabt-Expeditions of Juan Bodbi-
GUEZ Cabbillo and But Lopez de Villalobos— The Subvivobs ov
Soto's Flobida Expedition Abbtvb at PInugo.
By the departure of Francisco Vazquez de Coro-
nado from Nueva Galicia, Cristdbal de Ofiate, as
lieutenant-governor, occupied no enviable position;
nevertheless he behaved with prudence and circum-
spection. He was respected without being hated,
and he united justice with clemency as far as he was
able. In war he seldom shared in the reckless confi-
dence of his fellow -conquerors, and never appeared
over-hasty to attack; but once engaged, he was want-
ing in neither skill nor bravery.
From the revolt of 1538, in which Grovernor Torre
lost his life, to the departure of Coronado, there
seems to have been no open hostilities on the part of
the natives. Yet there was observed a growing spirit
of discontent, and of disregard for the authority of the
encomenderos which foreboded trouble; and here and
there outrages began to be committed, until finally
open insurrection was at hand. Certain ruling spirits
among the conquered race were plotting miscUef, and
(4901
AFFAIBS m NEW GALIGIA. '4H
sounding the minds of the several nations through
secret agencies. Sorcerers from the mountains of
Zacatecas, messengers of Satan the pious chroniclers
called them, appeared in the northern towns of Tlal-
tenaogo, Juchipila, Jalpa, and elsewhere, inciting the
inhabitants to rise and exterminate the oppressors.
They refused to pay tribute, and abandoned their
houses and lands.
In some parts the Indians killed the missionaries
who tried to~ persuade them to return in peace and
submit to Spanish rule; in other places they killed
their encomenderos, abandoned their towns, and re-
tired to the mountains. Fortified camps were estab-
lished in the mountains where the chieftains and
warriors gathered to meet the unconquered Chichi-
mecs. Upon their ancient altars again appeared the
bloody sacrifice; promise of supernatural aid through
omens was made by the sorcerers; and the eflTects of
Christian baptism were removed by washing of heads
and other acts of penance. Few, indeed, were the
towns in New Galicia, from Colima to Culiacan, not
represented at these mysterious conclaves. But while
the conspiracy was thus wide-spread, active operations
were confined for the most part to the region north
of the Rio Grande, and east of the mountains about
Nochistlan. Mixton, Nochistlan, Acatic, and Cuinao
-were the principal strongholds, and were under the
command of Tenamaxtli. In other parts of the coun-
try the warriors were also on the alert, but seemed in
most cases to have awaited the results in the north.
Their penoles and fortified clifis, almost impregnable,
were strengthened by walls supplied with trunks of
trees and stones to be rolled or thrown down upon the
assailants; they had been well provided with food and
water, though the prophetic words of the magicians
led the natives to expect that food would be miracu-
lously bestowed ; they even reckoned on the annihila-
tion of the Spaniards by the deities without human
instrumentality.
402
TEm MIXTON WAR.
We are not accustomed to seek long for the reason
of insurrection and revolt among conquered nations.
In this instance we need only call to mind that
Nufio de Guzman had been there. As to more re-
cent causes we have the testimony of Cortds that
the trouble was due to Coronado's departure,^ and
Mendoza's extortion of men and provisions for that
MiXTON War,
expedition. Beaumont declares it certain that the
insurrection originated in the brutality of the enco-
menderos.^
» Peticion al Emperador, in Iccabalcetay Col Doc., ii. (>3-4. Cort^ had
complained as early as June 1540 that Coronado was leaving the country un-
protected. CoL Doc. Ined., iv. 214; see also Frcjea, Hiat. Breve, 79.
' And in the face of such evidence, together with assertions to the same
eflFect l)y nearly all the old chroniclers, and the appalling expositions of Las
Casas, Zamacois, Hist. M^j., iv. 669-72, stubbornly defends the Spaniards.
He slurs Las Casas and the writers who credit such statements, and in a ver-
bose and fallacious argument seeks to prove that the uprising took place be-
,(9ause the natives would not accept the rites and customs of the GathoUe
ADVENTUBES OF ONATB. - 498
Before open hostilities began, Oiiate had gone to
Oompostela to make provision for the safety of the
Tepic region and the coast. Here he left Juan de
Villalba as governor, and returned to Guadalajara,
where he learned that the Guaynamota and Guasa-
mota Indians had killed the encomendero Juan de
Arce. The viceroy was notified of the outbreak, and
ail available measures were adopted for defence.* And
thus began the last desperate struggle of the natives
of New Galicia to regain their ancient liberty.
Kealizing his precarious position, Ofiate made an
attempt at reconciliation. In April 1541 he sent
Captain Miguel de Ibarra, with some twenty-five
Spaniards and a considerable force of friendly Tlajo-
mulco and TonalA Indians, up the Juchipila River to
reconnoitre. The inhabitants had destroyed their
fields, deserted their towns, burned the church, thrown
down the crosses, and retired to the mountain fast-
ness, or penol, of Mixton.
Ibarra arrived, and through friars and interpreters
the natives were exhorted to lay down their arms,
whereupon full pardon would be granted. The answer
was a shower of arrows and stones, in which one of
the Franciscan mediators was killed. The Spaniards
fell back to consult respecting future movements.
Shortly afterward they were visited by embassadors
pretending peace, and who desired the next day,
palm Sunday, April 10th, to be set apart for a formal
conference. Ibarra was thus thrown oflF his guard, and
retired to rest. Early next morning, during an eclipse
of the sun as some say, the Spanish camp was attacked
faith; they refused above all to discard polygamy. He quotes from Beaumont
to sustain his view, but the citation has no bearing on the revolt whatever,
merely on the zeal of the missionaries to induce the reluctant neophytes to
leave their wives. On the contrary, Beaumont affirms positively 'que el
motivo principal que movi6 4 estos indios d rebelarse fu6 la dureza de algunos
«ncomendero8.' Cr6n. J/icA., iv. 236. An occurrence during one of their
cavage feasts, interpreted as a good omen by their sorcerers, strengthened
the Mlief of the natives in success, and probably hastened the outbreak.
' It seems that during his visit to Compostela, Oiiate changed the site of
the plaoe from near Tepic to the Cactlan Vallev, for greater safety. Mota-
PacUUa, Cfmg. N. (7a(., 112; BtaumaiU^ Crtfn. Mich,, iv. 235.
4H . THB MIXTON WAB.
by overwhelming numbers. Ibarra was defeated and
put to flight; ten Spaniards were killed, including Cap-
tain Francisco de la Mota, and over two hundred of
the native allies.* It was through the valor of Captain
Diego Vazquez that Ibarra's party escaped utter de-
struction.
When the first among the wounded arrived at
Guadalajara, Ofiate set out with his force, except
twelve whom he left to ^ard the city. He had not
gone a league before he Teamed that the most gallant
of Ibarra's companions were killed or captured, and
that the whole province was in arms; whereupon he
deemed it more prudent to return and defend the
town. Fifteen days later friendly Indians confirmed
the alarming news of a general uprising in the regions
of Culiacan, Compostela, and Purififiacion, where the
small Spanish garrisons were continually harassed; it
was also said that the enemy intended to march
against Guadalajara. Ofiate immediately sent Di^o
Vazquez to the city of Mexico with urgent appe^
for aid.
During the month of August 1540, Pedro de Alva-
rado had put into the port of Navidad, for water and
provisions, with the formidable fleet prepared in
Guatemala to discover the Spice Islands/ though
now diverted to explore the newly found regions of
Cibola, for which were so many claimants. While
*In the MencUxui, Vmta, in leaabalceta, Col Doe.^ iL 106-8, it ia stated
that Ibarra was sent out with the friar Corufia, who heard of tiie revolt at
Purificacion and came in person to Guadalajara. The same document men-
tions an expedition prior to that of Alvarado, in which Ofiate with 50 Span-
iards was defeated i^ter a battle of four hours. Herrera^ dec. viL lib. iL cap.
X., also makes Onate command the defeated party, consisting of 40 horse and
as many foot, and a few Indian allies. A note by Munoz in Packeoo and
CdrdenaSj Col. jDoc, iii. 377» also states that Mendoza was in Guadalajara in
the early part of 1541.
^ According to a contract made with the crown. See flitL CenL Am., ii.
this series. Alrarado landed at Navidad for water and provisions. TeUo,
Hist. N. Gal,, 382; Rememl, Hist. Chyapa., 161; Torquemada, I 323. At
Purificacion, Bemod Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 236; Vaxqvtz, Chroru CfvaL, i. 159.
Most authors agree that he came to Navidad direct, though it appears b*
touched at several ports south before his arrival at this place.
EXPEDITION OF ALVARADO. 4M
there word reached hira from Juan Fernandez de
Hljar, commanding at Purificacion, concerning the
critical state of aflfairs. Hljar explained their forlorn
condition, and begged the adelantado not to depart
without coming to their aid.
The prospect of an encounter with so formidable a
foe appealed at once to Alvarado's chivalry, to his
devotednesa to the interest of the crown, and to his
love of great and perilous undertakings. He landed
his force, consisting of about four hundred Spaniards
and some Indians,' who all agreed to render the re-
quired assistance before proceeding on their voyage
of discovery. At this juncture couriers arrived from
Mendoza, summoning AJvarado to Mexico, to arrange
necessary matters concerning his expedition. The
order frustrated his plans; but though he had deter-
mined to go at once to the relief of Guadalajara,,
he could not disregard the request of the viceroy.
He marched his forces to Zapotlan, there to pass the
rainy season; and after some discussion with Men-
doza's messengers, Luis de Castilla and Agustin
Guerrero, Alvarado agreed to meet the viceroy at
Tiripitlo in Michoacan, where Juan de Alvarado, his
relative, had an encomienda.
It appears that Mendoza had received from the
crown an interest in Alvarado's contract, which the
latter was reluctant to concede. Difficulties arose
between them on this point at Tiripitlo, but were for-
tunately removed by the good offices of Bishop Mar-
roquin of Guatemala, who was present. Mei^doza's
plan to unite with Alvarado and exclude Cortes from
further discoveries northward and in the South Sea
was accomplished, as much to his own as to Alvarado's
satisfaction. The latter was severely censured at the
time for thus conniving against the interests of his
benefactor.^
* The forces of Alvarado are variously given as from 300 to 600.
* Gort^ never resented this in^titade, but complained of Mendoza's con-
duct in the matter, and the cunning and avarice he displayed toward Alva-
xada According to his testimony the adelantado anchored his magnificent
496 THE MIXTON WAR.
The contract concluded, Alvarado accompanied the
viceroy to the city of Mexico, to attend to the final
preparations for the two expeditions agreed upon:
one along the northern coast and the other to the
Spice Islands, after which Alvarado returned to
New Galicia to join his troops and the fleet When
Crist6bal de Ofiate, who was now sorely pressed by
the savages, learned of Alvarado's return to Zapotlan,
he despatched Juan de Villareal to notify him of the
Mixton disaster, and to ask for early assistance. It
was necessary to Alvarado's enterprise to leave the
ports of New Galicia secure as a base for operations,
80 that there was inducement for him to hasten to
Oiiate's relief. He sent fifty men to protect Autlan
and Purificacion; fifty remained at Zapotlan to guard
the districts of Colima and Avalos; at Etzatlan and
Lake Chapala garrisons of twenty-five men each were
stationed, and Alvarado himself with a hundred horse
and as many foot pushed on to Guadalajara. Tonald
and Tlacomulco had been kept faithful by Friar An-
tonio de Segovia, and reenforced Alvarado on the
way; he seems also to have been joined by a native
force from Michoacan. Such was the rapidity of his
march to Guadalajara, that the passage of the bar-
ranca of Tonald, which, owing to the river and the
roughness of the country ordinarily required three
days, was accomplished in a day and a night.
Just before the arrival of Alvarado, which occurred
June 12, 1541, Ibarra had returned from a new recon-
noissance, during which he had met nothing but scorn
fleet, composed of 12 or 13 ships, at Huatulco in Tehuantepec, to take in
provisions. He was prevented, however, by the viceroy's agents, who in
their turn offered him provisions in the name of their master, demanding
in exchange an interest in the fleet and in the enterprise, Alvarado refused^
and sailed for Navidad. But the viceroy's emissaries had foreseen this and
4irrived there soon after the fleet. Alvarado had no alternative now but to
submit to the viceroy's conditions, lest his starving forces should desert him;
and thus it came about that Mendoza obtained a half ownership in the fleet.
After the death of Alvarado the viceroy seized all the ships and even then
claimed that Alvarado was still his debtor. Ccrtis^ l/emorial, in EscrUo9
^ueltos, 134-5. Bishop Marroquin, writing to the emperor in 1545, refers to
his services in arranging the difficulties wm Ji had existed between MendoBft
«nd Alvarado. Squier^s M8S., zziL 139.
BASENESS OF THE CONQUISTADOR. 407
from the natives at Nochistlan, A cou:icil of war
was held, and the fiery adelantado declined to await
the coming of reenforcements from Mexico ; nor would
he accept the aid of Ofiate's brave little band in the
a^ttack he had decided upon. The lieutenant-gov-
ernor, better acquainted with the enemy's strength
and desperate valor, counselled prudence and delay.
He called to mind the rugged nature of the country,
and the recent rains which rendered operations of cav-
alry difficult. Other prominent persons joined Oilate
in his endeavor to dissuade the adelantado from so
perilous an undertaking until troops should arrive
from Mexico, but no reason could prevail, and he
scoffed at their fears.
The conqueror had been summoned from weighty
matters for this petty strife. He would show Onate
a thing or two, and teach him how to quell his own
disturbances. "By Santiago I" he exclaimed, "there
are not Indians enough in the country to withstand
my attack, and a disgrace would it be to Spanish valor
to employ more men. God has guided me hither and
I shall vanquish the rebels alone. With a smaller
force than this I have discomfited greater hosts. It
is disgraceful that the barking of such a pack should
suffice to alarm the country. I shall leave this city
on the day of St John* with my own force, and not
a citizen or soldier from Guadalajara shall follow.
Let them remain; the victory will be mine alone."
And somewhat sneeringly he added, " Because of an
insignificant advantage gained by the natives, the
Spaniards have lost their valor I"
Now Onate was every whit as brave as Alvarado,
but he was more prudent; the lives of the settlers, of
their wives and little ones, depended on his judicious
' conduct. The taunt of the adelantado stung, but he
would not treat the illustrious conqueror with disre-
*Tello, ffiai. N. Oal, 389, and other authors here say ' St James/ which
would be July 25th; Alyarado's disastrous defeat Oi»<'«»*^ June 24th, or on S^
John's day.
Hnr. Max., Yol. n. 82
4d8 ^THE MDCTON WAR.
spect. It pained him to see bravery becoming bra-
vado; Alvarado's men were but lately enlisted, and
could not be compared with those so recently defeated
at the Mixton. " I am sorry to see you dej art alone,"
he said, "for I assure your worship there will be
trouble. Had you but awaited the viceroy's reen-
forcements, we might have jointly pacified the country
without much risk." More determined than ever,
Alvarado replied: "The die is cast; I trust in God!"
Thereupon he set out from Guadalajara with hi»
forces, horse, foot, and Indians, toward Nochistlan.
He stirred within his men their vanity and their valor;
it was absurd to think of waiting for more men; the
fewer the number the greater the share of plunder.
Thus was opened the last campaign of the dashing
adelantado, one of the most reckless, and one of the
most cruel
Unable to remain inactive, Ofiate followed with
twenty-five horsemen. Should his fears be realized, he
would be near to render aid; and in case of a hope-
less rout he might return in time for the protection of
Guadalajara. He crossed the Rio Grande and march-
ing through the mountains of Nochistlan toward Juchi-
pila stationed himself on a height from which he could
witness the attack.
On the 24th of June Alvarado arrived at the
penol of Nochistlan, which was protected by seven
walls of stone, earth, and trees, and defended by a
multitude of warriors. After a short and fruitless
parley he pushed forward to take the breastworks by
assault. A human flood opposed his progress. Ten
thousand Indians, men and women, poured down upon
the aggressor like a torrent. The sky was dark with
arrows, darts, and stones, and at the first shock twenty
Spaniards fell dead. The ferocity of the enemy was
such that they tore the bodies of the slain to pieces,
threw them into the air, and then devoured them.
Consternation seized the Spaniards. Nevertheless *
Alvarado rallied, and in a second onslaught ten more
DEFEAT OF THE SPANIABDS. 409
horsemen bit the dust. Thirty out of a hundred,
slain in a trice ! It was a result unparalleled in the
histoiy of Indian warfare. It was indeed a perilous
situation^ yet they rallied again. The natives encour-
aged by their victory, and aware of the determination
of the assailants, were ready; they even came forth
from their intrenchment and seemed desirous of tak-
ing the open field.*
Alvarado now ordered to the assault the Spanish
foot, Captain Falcon, one hundred strong, with five
thousand Michoacan allies under Antonio, son of
Caltzontzin, the late king of that country, all to be
supported by the cavalry. Disregarding his orders.
Falcon attacked too soon, and without awaiting the
support, pressed on toward the summit of the hill.
Perceiving that the horsemen were not present the
Indians offered little resistance until he had reached
a point near the top of the pefiol, then, suddenly clos-
ing in upon his front and rear, they prevented the
cavalry from coming to his aid. With great difficulty
the assailants extricated themselves from their des-
perate situation, during which Captain Falcon with
seven or eight Spaniards, and many allies, were killed.
The enemy pursued the retreating Spaniards into the
plain below, where bogs prevented the cavalry from
effective action. The people of the penol were masters
of the field, and the Spaniards were fairly put to
rout. The rain fell in torrents; the roads became
impassable.
For a distance of three leagues the elated Indians
pursued, and another Spaniard was killed. Alvarado
had dismounted to fight on foot, to cover the retreat
in person. At last the Spanish forces were driven
into a ravine between Yahualica and Acatic, when the
fiiry of the pursuers began to abate, and they turned
* According to Tello, ffist, N, Gcd,, 391, who has left na the most
aoeorate account of the Mixton war. A somewhat different version of Alva-
xmdo's attack is given by Herrera, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. zi., who says that
the combined forces of Ofiate and the adelantado marched on Nochistlaot
See olao Fcpa, Cr&n, MicK, MS., lib. iv. cap. vii.
SOO THE MIXTON WAR.
back toward Nochistlan. Alvarado endeavored to
check the flight of his men, to rally and rest them;
but they were terror-stricken and paid no heed to the
orders of the commander. To save their lives they
were now even willing the enemy should live; so
onward they swept over the rugged ground, caring
little for captain or country. Alvarado's secretary,
Baltasar de Montoya, whose horse was much fatigued,
was particularly anxious to widen the distance be-
tween himself and the enemy.
Montoya rode in front of his master, who repeatedly
told him to slacken his pace, or the horse would fall
with him. But the scribe was beside himself with
fear; so much so that on coming to a broken embank-
ment, instead of economizing his fast failing resources
he spurred the jaded animal toward the steep. When
about half way up the horse lost its footing and
fell, throwing likewise Alvarado and his horse to the
ground, whereupon all were precipitated into a ravine
below. Montoya was not much injured,*® but the
gallant conqueror lay crushed, his fair form broken
and mutilated.
Alas! Tonatiuh, the sun, had set; the immortal
one was clay. Slain by no enemy, he was none the
less a victim to his own rashness. He was the last
of the famous four, and his death was as might have
been expected. Cortes and Sandoval, though no less
familiar with danger than Olid and Alvarado, were less
the slaves of reckless impulse. Ever holding passion
subservient to reason, and feeUng to common-sense,
they escaped violent death. Not that death by vio-
lence, quick deliverance, is necessarily worse or more
appalling than the long-drawn agony attending bodily
disease or a broken heart. Alvarado's was not a
glorious death, but neither was that of Cortds or
Columbus, whose last hours were made miserable by
sUghts and insults, by foiled ambition and a princely
pauperism.
^<> The clumsy coward lived to the age of 105 yean. Teao,J7w<.^.6a2.,39SU
DEATH OF ALVAKADO. 001
Few of the New World conquerors perished in bat-
tle ; and yet it wais not altogether on account of the
superior prowess of the European, Surely the dan-
ger was apparently greater during the Noche Triste
than in this retreat of Alvarado's, or in the captivity
of Olid in Honduras. Look at the fate of Diego de
Nicuesa, of Alonso de Ojeda, of Vasco Nufiez, Pizarro,
and the long list of captains who came to the Indies^
and behold the irony of ambition I And even worse^
perhaps, was the end of those of yet more exalted
ideas and successes, whose souls, no matter how high
the achievement, or how great the reward, were racked
with disappointment, envy, and hatred as the aching
body was descending to the grave. Reverse the prov-
erb "Per aspera ad astra," and see what toils and suf-
ferings spring from renown 1
Alvarado did not immediately expire. Upon a
hastily prepared litter he was borne, in great suf-
fering, to Atenguillo, four leagues from where the
fatal fall occurred." Onate having witnessed the rout
of the Spanish forces from his position, hastened to
his relief; but the flight of Alvarado's party was so
rapid that it was impossible to overtake them. At
Yahualica, too late, he came up with stragglers
from whom he learned the particulars of Alvaiudo's
fate.
At nightfall the lieutenant-governor arrived at
AtenguiUo, and the meeting of the commanders was
touching in the extreme. "He who will not listen to
good counsel must be content to suffer," said Alvarado.
"I was wrong; I see it now; yet most of all it was
my misfortune to have with me so vile a coward as
Montoya, whom I ha\^e rescued these many times
from death." He was conveyed to the city of Gua-
dalajara to the house of Juan de Camino, who was
married to Magdalena de Alvarado, his relative; and
^The first words Alvarado spoke after recovering his senses -were: *Esto
merece quien trae consigo tales nombres como Montoya.' Tdh, Hist, N, OaL,
392.
502 THE MIXTON WAR.
after attending to his worldly affairs he expired, July
4, 1541/*
With few exceptions, Alvarado's men left Guadala-
jara aft;er their leader's death. But the garrisons
posted at different points remained for some time at
Onate's request; and at last a detachment of troops
arrived from Mexico. Fifty men, sent by Mendoza,
under Captain Juan de Muncibay, came late in July
and increased the number of defenders to eighty-fiva
And the revolted natives, elated at their recent vic-
tory, redoubled their efforts to enlist in the struggle
for freedom those who had heretofore held aloof
Many native chiefs, however, remained faithful to
the Spaniards. One of these, Francisco Ganguillos
of Ixcatlan, distinguished himself by arresting thirty
of the rebel emissaries from Matlatlan, sending them
to Guadalajara, where they were put to death ^* after
having revealed a plan to attack the city in Septem-
ber, the intention being to annihilate the Spaniards
before Mendoza could arrive with succor. At a coun-
cil of war it was resolved to defend the city to the
last, though some of the officers were in favor of
abandoning the country, or at least of retreating to
Tonald. Otlate, however, objected, maintaining that
the Indians there were as treacherous as elsewhere.
The strongest buildings about the plaza were forti-
fied, the rest being abandoned and torn to pieces for
material to strengthen the defences. In the mean
time Captain Muncibay and Juan de Alvarado made
a reconnoissance, during which they had a sharp fight,
and a thousand natives are said to have been slain«
^^ His remains were deposited in the ckapel of Our Lady in Guadalajara;
subsequently transferred to Tiripitio, thence to Mexico, and: finally to Guate-
mala. Tello, Biet. N. GaLy 395-%, rishtly remarks: 'Torquemada and Eeme-
sal erred when, speaking of Alvarado s death, they say it occurred at Etzatiaa,
or on the height of Mochitiltic, between Guadiuajara and Compostela^ and
that the adeliuitado was buried at Etzatlan; and that Bemal Diaz errs still
more, saying that it happened on some pefloles called Cochitlaii, near Pnrifi-
cacion.' The sad fate which overtook Alvarado's wife, Dofla Beatrix de la
Oueva, during the destruction of the city of Guatemala, and the biograpticaL
sketch of Alvarado, is given in Bisi. Cent. Am., ii, this series.
"Sept. 6, 1541. TeUo, Hist. N, Gal., 399.
DESPERATE ENCOUNTERS. 503
When the fortifications were completed, news came
by the natives who supplied the city with food and
wjtter, that the friendly people of Tlacotlan, a town
of three thousand inhabifaints, one league from Gua-
dalajara, had also rebelled.
Captain Pedro de Placencia was sent to protect
the carriers, but the enemy advanced upon him in
such force that he was obliged to return headlong
into the city, with the pursuers upon his heels. On
the 28th of September the assailants appeared in the
vicinity, fifty thousand strong, blackening the plain
for half a league about the town. The following morn-
ing, St Michael's day, they entered Guadalajara, set
fire to the abandoned houses, destroyed the church,
desecrated the images, and desperately assaulted the
fortified buildings. The protected position of the
Spaniards and the skilful use of a few pieces of artil-
lery alone enabled them to withstand the shock. The
entrances to the plaza were bravely defended ; only
one Indian entered, and he was killed by Beatriz
Hernandez, wife of Captain Olea, who distinguished
herself throughout the war by comforting the women
and children and aiding the soldiers.
At one time the enemy were on the point of suc-
cess. The powder had become wet and the cannon
useless, and an explosion occurred during an attempt
at drying. Meanwhile the adobe wall was under-
mined and fell ; but the guns were brought to bear
in time and the foe fell by hundreds. The Indians
•ceased their assaults, resolved to starve the besieged ;
they retired behind the buildings, where they were
sheltered from the guns, and poured in upon the gar-
rison voiley after volley of taunts and threats, prom-
ising to kill all the men and make concubines of
the women. The virago Beatriz Hernandez, enraged
by these insults, would have sprung from a window
upon the savages to tear their tongues out, but was
prevented by the men." The soldiers in time became
s
^* Whereupon ' de para rabia volvid la trasera y alzd laa faldas, diciendo:
004 THE MIXTON WAR.
discouraged, and it was only by great coolness and
presence of mind that Onate was able to prevent their
spirits from sinking; he threatened finally to open
tlxe gates and allow all of them to be butchered m
cold blood if they continued to display such pusilla-
nimity.
A series of sorties was now resolved on, and proved
successful. During a conflict of several hours in which
only one Spaniard fell, the hosts of the enemy were
routed, leaving fifteen thousand dead in and about the
town. The Spaniards themselves were astonished at
their victory over such vast numbers; but the secret
of their success was soon revealed. Many of the
idolatrous Indians were found hidden in the town,
blinded and maimed, but not by hand of man. San-
tiago on his white horse had issued from the burning
church, at the head of an army of angels, and had
fought for the Christians throughout the battle. Due
honors were paid to this saint for his timely inter-
position ; also to St Michael, on whose day the battle
was fought. Many captives were put to death, and
others enslaved; those blinded by the hand of God
were set at liberty; and many more were sent to
rejoin their tribes after being deprived of their sight,
or otherwise mutilated, and having their wounds
bathed in boiling oil. It is hardly to be expected that
when the heavenly powers set such an example, their
earthly followers should be slow to imitate. This
battle was regarded as one of the most hotly contested
in the annals of the conquest, and a chapter might be
filled with incidents of individual prowess.
In October, in consequence of this siege, and the
Spaniards fearing another attack, it was determined to
transfer the city to its modern site south of the Rio
Grande."
Perros, besadme aqul, que no os yer^is en ese espejo, nno en este y coando
lo estaba diciendo se arrojaron una flechaque le clav6 las ialdas oon el tejado,
en las vigas del techo, por estar baja.' TeuOf ffist, N, Oal.y 406.
^ Here again Beatnz Hernandez displayed her strength of miAd. It was
through her resolute and determined decision that the new site of the city
was agreed upon. TtUo, Hist, N, OcU., 415-16.
THE COVNTBY IN DANGER. fl05
The viceroy and other authorities in Mexico had
now become thoroughly aroused. The situation was
critical. The rebels were sending messengers in all
directions, and aimed at nothing less than the extermi-
nation of the foreigners throughout America. Their
superstitious fear of the Spaniards, of their powder
and of their horses, which had rendered conquest
possible, had to a great extent disappeared. It was
now well understood by the native leaders that they
had to deal with men, not gods; united action might
throw off the yoke. This unity of action it seemed
well-nigh impossible to attain. In the region about
Mexico a successful rebeUion could not be set on foot ;
the only hope for the natives and danger to the Span-
iards lay in the frontier provinces. Let two or three
of these expel the intruders, regain their independence,
establish fortified camps in naturally strong positions,
offer an asylum and rallying-point to the disaffected
everywhere, divide the forces of the Spaniards and
thus gain time to arouse the native patriotism, and
perfect a general plan of action : the result would be
a desperate struggle from which the Spaniards had
everything to fear. The Indian chiefs of New Galicia
had hit upon the onlv plan which offered any chance
of success; the hated mvaders must be cru^ed wholly
and immediately.
Mendoza raised a force of about four hundred and
fifty Spaniards, and some thirty thousand Tlascaltec
and Aztec warriors, whose fidelity was assured by
promises of honors and wealth to their leaders. And
not without misgivings and opposition they were in-
trusted by the viceroy with horses and fire-arms, being
authorized for the first time to manufacture and to
carry Spanish weapons. The army set out from
Mexico on the day of the battle at Guadalajara, and
marched through Michoacan by nearly the same route
as that followed by Nufio de Guzman in 1529.^®
"There was some evidence of a plot for revolt between the nativea of
Michoacan and the Tlascaltecs, as explained by Lopez in a letter to the em-
606 THE MIXTON WAR.
While Mendoza was marching to the valley of
Cuind, Onate was preparing for the removal of Griia-
dalajara, and had for that purpose sent Juan del
Camino with twenty horsemen toward Tlacotlan,
Contla, and Mesticacan, to reconnoitre. The Span-
iards were surprised to find as many Indians here as
formerly, who had all been frightened into submission.
These natives advised Camino, however, to proceed
no farther, as the fierce Cascanes were preparing for
another attack on Guadalajara. He thereupon re-
turned, bringing with him to the city a troop of natives
with a large quantity of provisions.
Meanwhile Mendossa arrived at the penol of Cuind,
the first stronghold of the Indians attacked. It was
defended by ten thousand warriors, who scornfully
refused offers of peace, withstood a siege of ten or fif-
teen days, and were finally conquered by stratagem.
A party of Mexicans disguised themselves as Cuin^
warriors bearing water-jars, and gained access to the
fortress, after a sham fight in which other auxiliaries of
Mendoza pretended to prevent the succor. The army
followed; and in the hand-to-hand struggle which en-
sued, a large part of the defenders of the pefiol, with
their wives and children, were slaughtered. In their
fright and confusion many threw themselves down
the precipice. Over two thousand are said to have
been captured and enslaved."
peror. leaebcUceta, Col, Doc,, ii. 141-7. He gives this plot as a reason for ib»
opposition to arming the Indians, while Herrera; dec. vil. lib. iL cap. xii.,aiid
others regard it as one of the incentiTes to Mendoza's campaign. Lopez saya
Mendoza^ army included one half the citizens of Mexico and from 40,000 to
60,000 natives; Herrera, 450 Spaniards and same nnmber of Indians, dec
vii. lib. a cap. v.; BeauTnont, Crdn, Mich,, iv. 387-^; Telle, 10,000 Indians,
Hist, N, Gfaly 396-8, 417-19; Mendoza, ViaUa, 180 horsemen and a number
of Indian Tolnnteers, in leanbalceUi, Col. Doc , 1 10-12. The date of dep
as Sept. 22d, according to Lopez, and Sept. 29th, according to Acazidi, Bel,^
in Id,, 307. Telle says Mendoza left Mexico '& los principios de Bneio 15^'
having prepared the expedition *d los fines de 1641.^
^^Navarrete, Hist. Jal,, 75-7, mentions four other places in this region,
one of them on the author's own estate, where bones and blood-stained stonea
showed battles to have taken place. Mota Padilla, Conq, N, Oal,, 142, implies
that there was no assault until after the stratM;em. According to Beaumont,
Cr&n, Mich,, iv. 390^1, 4,000 Indians killed themselves and 10,000 were
slmn. Herrera, dec. vil. lib. ii. cap. v., tells us the place fell easily and no
FALL OF NOCHISTLAN. 607
Mendoza then pushed forward over the Cerro
€rordo. The natives of Acatic and of the valley of
Zapotlan having surrendered without serious resist-
ance, the forces of Ofiate and Mendoza effected a
junction and marched against Nochistlan. The place
was defended by a large army under Tenamaxtli,
whose Christian name was Don Diego Zacatecas. In
the first attack two of the seven lines of defensive
works were carried, and the rest, except the last and
strongest, were battered down by the artillery after a
siege of several days. The besieged at last proposed
a suspension of hostilities and an attack on Mixton,
promising to surrender when that fortress should fall.
These terms were of course refused, and by a final
assault the last defences were carried. The Spanish
flag was planted by Captain Muncibay on the summit,
And those of the defenders who had not escaped with
their leader to Mixton, yielded. The prisoners were
condemned to slavery by Mendoza; but Ibarra, who
was the encomendero of the district, fearing its depop-
ulation and the ruin of his property interests, allowed
them to escape.^®
The Spanish forces then marched to Juchipila and
found that all the natives had taken refuge on the
Mixton, which was the strongest of all the rebel
alaves were made. Li MendozOy VisUa, Icazbcdceia, Col Doe,, iL 112-14, ib
appean that 248 slaves were made and distributed among tiie auxiliaries.
T&la affirmB that 4,000, besides women and children, killed themselves;
2,000 were killed by Spaniards, and 2,000 slaves taken. Acazitli calls this
the battle of Totoilany and represents it as having been fought Oct. 26,
1541.
^ The Spaniards were 15 days bombarding the place without results. The
population was 60,000; 2,000 were killed and 1,000 enslaved. Mota Padilla,
Canq. N, OaL, 146-7; TeUo, Hist, N. Gal., L 422-5. They fought from
eiffht A. M. to four P. M., when the place was taken after considerable loss.
The battle occurred November 12th, and four Spaniards were killed. Acazitli,
ReL, 312; Mendoza, VUUa, 114. Number of Spaniards 1,000; auxiliaries
60,000 to 70,000. Nofoarrete, HisL Jal, 80-2. There were 6,000 killed, and
10,000 enslaved, but subsequently released byll)arra. Beaumont, Crdn. Mich.,
iv. 20S. Frejes, Hist. Breve., 154, speaks of a twenty days' sie^e; 6,000 killed;
1,000 slaves; the natives surrendered for want of water and owing to the dcfec-
tkni of a cacique. The Spanish soldiers were exceedingly loath to relinquish
tiie slaves, but Mendoza seems to have approved of Ibarra's act. Telle and
Mota PacUIla say the people of Nochistlan were allowed to escape before the
final surrender and not after their capture.
608 THE MIXTON WAR.
fortresses.*' There were still assembled under Tena-
maxtli a hundred thousand warriors. So strong was
the position, and so bravely were the few accessible
passes guarded, that after a sie^e of about three
weeks, with continuous assaults, little progress had
been made. But thousands of the patriotic defendera
of their native soil had perishea, swept down by
Spanish cannon, and great suffering began to be ex-
perienced. Many of the christianized natives, and
others who had joined in the rebellion on the sor-
cerer's assurances of an easy victory and abundant
spoils, were tired of the hardships and slaughter, and
leaving the pefiol by secret passes they returned to
their homes. The warriors of Teul openly declared
they had come to the Mixton only to prove that they
were no cowards, and proposed a sortie by the whole
force. This being declined, they marched out alone
against the Spaniards; but, traitors as they were,
they shot their arrows into the air and allowed them-
selves to be easily captured. They were pardoned and
accepted as auxiliaries or sent home, after having
revealed a secret pass by which the viceroy's forces
might reach the top of the penol.
The disclosing of this pass was attributed by some
to St James, who appeared to Father Segovia and
led the Christians to the attack. Accounts of the
final victory are conflicting; but it seems that one or
two assaults, accompanied by great slaughter during
which thousands cast themselves down the cliff, were
made and repulsed; and that finally such survivors as
could not escape or had not the courage to destroy
themselves, surrendered to an embassy of friars who
went unarmed among them. These friars permitted
many of the Christian Indians to retire to their
towns before the surrender, on promise of good be-
havior. The captives taken numoered over ten thou-
sand. A large proportion of the force at Mixton was
'* Mixton, 'subida de gatoB* or 'cats' aacent;' thoB named becanae of tlw
difficult access to the sommit.
MENBOZA'S SUCCESSES. 609
composed of Chichimec tribes, and of these such as
escaped slavery fled with their leader toward the moun-
tains of Zacatecas and Nayarit.^
There were some further military movements, but
apparently no serious resistance north of the river
Tololotlan. From Juchipila the Spaniards marched
down the river of that name to San Crist6bal, at the
junction with the former. Thirty thousand native
warriors had fortified themselves near Tepeaca, but on
the approach of the Spaniards they were persuaded
by Romero, the encomendero of the place, to scatter
and abandon the idea of further resistance. In thus
looking out for his own interests, he had but followed
the example of Ibarra; but he had allowed the escape
of the fierce Cascanes, one of the leaders of the rebel-
lion. He was condemned to death by Mendoza, but
afterward pardoned in consideration of past services.
The viceroy next marched toward the penol of Ahua-
catlan, where all the natives of the province of Com-
postela were understood to be fortified. Passing with
his army south of the Rio Grande, probably in Jan-
uary 1542,^^ visiting many of the disaffected towns in
that region, he extended his operations to Etzatlan
and Tequila, where two friars had been murdered
during the year.^
The inhabitants now seemed ready to submit with-
out further resistance. After several days at Etzatlan,
and when about to march on Ahuacatlan, the viceroy
learned that Juan de Yillalba had taken that penol
^ Jnat before the attack on Mixton there was a day's discussion between
the leaders and the friars about the justice of the war. Mota PadtUa^ Conq.
y. Oal.^ 149. According to Herrera, dec. viL lib. v. cap. ii., Mixton surren-
dered without a straggle. The statements in regard to the number of killed
and oaptured vary greatly.
*^ After the fall of Mixton, during Christmas festivities, they were near
Jalpa. At Ahuacatkai, February 2d. Acazidi, Bel., 31&-27. At TequiU
January 23d. Hernandez y Ddvaloa, in Soc, Mex. Oeog,, Boletin, 2da ^p. ii.
481-2.
"According to Torquemaday iiL 607-9, the friar Calero was killed June
10, 1541, and was the first martyr of Nueva Galicia; Father Cuellar perished
«t the hands of the savages in the following August. Fernandez, HisL Ecles.,
158, mentions another, fray Juan PadiUa, as having been killed here about
that time.
610 THE MIXTON WAR.
and dispersed the natives, and in the regions of Puri-
ficacion quiet was also restored. Here the viceroy was
apprised of Coronado's return from Cfbola, where he
had' found nothing worthy of note. Though Mendoza
wished to proceed north to meet Coronado, he was
prevailed upon by Onate to return to Mexico. From
every part of New Gralicia the news came that the
bloody arbitrament at Nochistlan and Mixton was
accepted as finals save in the mountains of Nayarit,
where the fierce inhabitants had never been conquered,
and were not to be so for nearly two hundred, years ;
and in the Culiacan region, where it was left to the
army of Coronado to suppress such remnants of revolt
as might there be found. The total niunber of slaves
made during this campaign is estimated at over five
thousand. Some say that Mendoza made no slaves.
But even had his heart prompted so humane an idea,
the armv would not have consented. For what but
the spoils do men endure the pangs of war? ^ Alva-
rado's forces were subsequently relieved of their gar-
rison duty and allowed to depart at their pleasure,
and Mendoza returned to the city of Mexico. "
I have thus given in brief the events connected
with the great revolt in New Galicia, known as the
Mixton war. The records are voluminous, but frag-
mentary and contradictory, bearing for the most part
on petty details of military operations; of dealings
between encomenderos and their subjects ; of purely
local events in hundreds of villages long passed out
of existence; of tribal names and those of native
^See Mota Padilla, Conq. N, GaL, 154. Says Beaamont, Odn. Mkh.^
It. 420: ' Uevando en trofeo y en seflal de trionfo como unos cinco mil indioft
cautivoe * See also Tello, HUt, N. Oal., 433-6. This campaign cost Mendoza
over 30,000 pesos; the loss and suffering among the auxiliaries was slight; the
slaves were branded and distributed by Oftate after deducting the royal fifth,
but they were so few that the soldiers did not receive one fourth of what
would have been the regular pay. Mendoza^ Vista, 115-18. Cavo, Tre» Sighs,
i. 136, dates this campaign in 1543, and says no slaves or spoils were taken.
Cortes charged that the cost and losses of Mendoza's campaign were greater
than those of the conquest of New Spain, and that after all Nueva Galicia
was not subdued. Icasiaioeta, CoL Doc, u, 63-4. Bemal Diaz, Hist. Verdad,,
236, disposed of this final campaign by stating that Maldonado was sent oat^
and subdued the rebels.
RETURN OF CORONADO. 611
chieftains, and of Spanish leaders and their individual
achievements."
The threatened perils of a general uprising of the
American nations having thus been averted, the
viceroy was again at liberty to turn his attention
northward. Coronado had . abandoned the conquest
of Cibola and Quivira, and was returning homeward
with the remnants of his army. By the voyages of
UUoa and Alarcon the gulf coasts had been explored,
and Califomia proved to be a peninsula. Such results
had evidently done much to cool Mendoza's ardor for
northern enterprise. Yet, he had a fleet on his hands,
and one route for exploration still remained open — ^the
continuation of that followed by UUoa, up the outer
coast beyond Cedros Island. Two vessels of Alvara-
do's former fleet, the San Salvador and Victoria^ were
made ready and despatched June 27, 1542, under the
^ For moBt of the events of thia rebellion we ore indebted to the three early
chroniclers, TeUo, HiH. N. Oal., 362-438; Mota Padilla, Cmq. N, Oal,, 111-
M, and Beaumont, Cnfn. Mich., iv. 59-66, 235-9, 366-421; MS., 30O-3, 422-5,
559-60. Herrera, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. zii., lib. v. cap. ii., also speaks of
these events at some length. From these authorities Navarrete, Hist. Jcd.^
64-85; Frejes, jBTisfc Breve, 78-97, and Bustamante, in Oomara, Hist. Mez.
(ed. 1826), iL snpl., 1-38, have prepared somewhat extended sketches. Ori^-
nal documents on the subject are few. The ReUuAon de la Jornada que htzo
Don Franeiaco de Sandoval AcaziUi, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 307-32, was
written by Gabriel Castaneda at the order of Acazitli, a native chieftain who
with his subjects accompanied Mendoza. It is a diary purporting to record
the events of the march from day to day; however, it throws but little light
on the subject, even in respect to dates, its statements being contradictory
among themselves. The MendozOf Visita, in Id., 102-18, contains what may
be regarded as Mendoza's statements about many points, especially the treat-
ment of Indian captives and auxiliaries. A Peticion Contra Mendoza, in Id,,
63-4, gives CSort^ views of the causes which led to the revolt. The Carta
de Gerdnitno L&pez al JEmperador, Oct. SO, I64I, in Id., 141-54, speaks of
Mendoza's start and of the evidence of intended revolt near Mexico. The
Sequerimknlo made to the rebels by the friars sent out by the viceroy, is given
' in Pacheco and Cdrdenae, Col. Doc., iii. 369-77. Other references are, Oviedo,
iv. 26; Torquemada, iii. 604-9; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 106-7; Scdazar
yOlarU, Hist. Cmq. ifea:., 455-7; BemalDiaz, Hist. Verdad.,2S6; Ramirez,
Proceso, pp. xix.-xxiii., 278-82; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 132-3, 136; Gil, in Sac.
Mex. Oeo^., Boletin, viii 478; Hernandez y Ddvalos, in Id., 2da ^p. ii. 481-2,
liL 188; Dice. Univ., i. 173-4, x. 1039; West- und Ost-Indischer Ltistgart, i.
391-2; Oottfriedt, Newe Welt, 285-6; Burney's Hist. Discov. South Sea, i. 220;
Okwedaso de la Vega, Comentarios Reales, ii. 80-1. Monumentos Domin. Eip. ,
Ha., 2ASr^ Fttrra, Comq. Xalisco, MS., 433-47, written in verse, is correct
u^ some parts as to dates and events; but as for the poetry, the less said of it
«12 THE MIXTON WAR.
command of Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo. After touch-
ing at several points along the coast and passing
through the Santa Bdrbara Channel, he died, and hia
successor, Ferelo, advanced in March 1543 past snow-
capped mountains to what he called latitude 44'', but
found the cold so excessive that he turned back.^
During Cabrillo's absence two ships and three
smaller craft, also remnants of Alvarado's fleet, were
despatched by order of Mendoza from the western
coast, probably from Navidad. These vessels, sailing
in November 1542^ in command of Ruy Lopez de
Villalobos, carried three hundred and seventy men,
including several Austin friars destined for the islander
of the Pacific.^
The original object of the expedition seems to have
been to found a colony on Zebii, and Villalobos was
particularly enjoined not to touch at the islands
whereof the Portuguese held possession. This com-
mand, however, was disregarded, either from necessity
on account of stress of weather, or by miscalculations
of the course, after many other islands had been
sighted or touched. The expedition is but a contin-
uous record of troubles in which the Spaniards became
involved, largely by their own fault, with each other,
with the natives, and especially with the Portuguese.
It was at this time that the Philippines were named,"
and more than one efibrt was made to send a vessel
'^For full particulars of this expedition, see IfuL North Mex. States, i.,
and nut. C(il., i., this series.
^ Juan Fernandez de Ladrillero declared in 1574 that he and a company
were in Califomia until called back to join the expedition of Villalobos.
Suiii y Mex.t Viagt^ pp. xlii.-iv. This, if not pure invention, may allude
vaguely to UUoa or AlJircon.
^ With details of the route followed and the discoveries made on this
expedition I have little to do) and therefore make but a slisht mention in the
text. The original authorities on the matter are vague and oonfonng. The
best authorities are Orijalua, Cron, 8, AuguH., 51-60; (Toeten, J?efati(Me.
in Ramusio, L 416 et seq.; OaXvano^s IHscov.t 231-9; Herrera, dec viL lib.
V. The best English authority is Bumeya Hid, Discov, South Sia, i. 226-43.
Two original reports of the exi>edition, more or less full, but everywhere cQii>
flicting, are Villalobos, Viaje, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, CoL Doe., v. 118 et
seq., and Santisteban, Cartct, in Id,, xiv. 151-65. Other authorities are Ter-
naux-Compans, Voy., serie i. torn. x. 259-65; Oomara, Hist, Ind., 196;
Torquemada, I 608; Cavo, Tres Siglos, I 135.
»In honor of the prince of Astorias. Cavo, Tres Siglos, L 135. *
SOTO IN FLOmDA. 513
back to New Spain, but contrary winds always pre-
vented it. Most of the survivors of the expedition
returned by way of Cape Grood Hope to Europe in
1 547 and the following years ; but the leader died on
the way, and Spain had as yet no foothold in that
quarter. Mendoza was prevented from entering upon
further expeditions of discovery by a new law which
forbade viceroys and governors henceforth to engage
in any such enterprise.**
Into this perioa also falls the memorable and disas-
trous expedition of Fernando de Soto to Florida and
the Mississippi Valley. Though not belonging to my
province, a slight allusion to the subject may not be
out of place, as the remnant of Soto's force landed on
the shores of Pdnuco soon after Mendoza's return to
the city of Mexico.
After departing from Cuba in 1539 with a formida-
ble force and well-appointed fleet, four years were
spent in endless marches and countermarches through
the regions east and west of the Mississippi, where
the cruel barbarities which characterized the earlier
conquests were repeated. Gold was the watchword
of Soto's band, and where it was not obtained blood
must flow. Even the poor and destitute savages they
plundered of their little property, and then tortured
them because there was no more. The natives, at
first friendly and hospitable, were finally compelled by
exactions and cruelty to make common cause against
the invaders. Driven down the Mississippi after
Solo's death, the remnant of the unfortunate band
arrived at the town of Pdnuco, after a most dangerous
voyage of fifty-two days from the mouth of the river.
The magnificent company of three hundred and fifty
horse and nine hundred foot had in a measure met
" Mendoza complained that after spending all his patrimony and numing
in debt to carry ont his projects of discovery and conquest for his sovereign,
he found himself eirtopped by the new law and by the acts of a visitador,
which had alienated from him the credit and reputation he had formerly en-
joyed for the execution of those plans. Mendoza^ Carta, in Pacheco and Cdr^
denas, OoL Doc, ilL SlO-ll.
Hivr. Mbx., Vol. n. 88
514 THE MIXTON WAR.
their deserts, being now reduced to some three hun-
dred men, haggard and worn, clad in tatters and the
skins of animals. They were kindly received by the
Spanish settlers and natives, and the viceroy invited
them to Mexico, where they were properly cared for.**
* Full particulars of the expedition may be found in ChxrcUaso de la Vtga^
La Florida, 255 et seq.; BoberUon'e Hist. Am,, ii. 1005; MoneUe^e Hist. Di«cac^
Miss., i. 6a-4; Biedma, Narr., in FrendCa Hist, Louisiana, 97-220.
Not only this episode, but the early history of New Gralicia, depends
chiefly on Fray Antonio Tello, Fragmentos de la Historia de la Nueipa OaUda^
in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii 343-438. The author was a learned FrancisGan
and a native of Guadalajara, who occupied positions of honor and trust in his
order during his long life and service in Mexico, being also one of the religiooa
who accompanied Sebastian Vizcaino in his expedition for the discovery of
the 'Island of Califomia' in 1596. He wrote or at least revised hiB work
between 1650 and 1652, when he must have been about 86 years of age.
Mota Padilla, and Beaumont, author of the Crdnica de Miehoactm, made
frequent use of Tello's manuscript. The former speaks of it as the Croniam
del Padre Tello, and it seems then to have been complete Beaumont, who
wrote about 1780, said that he had seen the manuscript long before, and that
it had been lost, which implies that the loss occurred between the date of his
seeing it and that of his writing. Beristain, Biblioteea, refers to him as the
author of the Historia de XaUaco y de la Nueva Vizcaya, MS., adding that au
extract existed in the archives of the province of the Santo Evangelio of
Mexico. Icazbalceta was not allowed access to those archives while the
Santo Evangelic existed, and after the closing of the convents he could not
find the manuscript. The title of the book has reached us, thanks to Icaz-
balceta's efforts: Libro Segundo de la Crdmca Misceldnea en que se tnxia de la
Contpdata espiritual y temporal de la Santa Provinda de Santiago de JaUaeO'
y Nueva Vizcaya, y deacubrirruento del Nuevo Mexico. The two fragments
being a copy in the possession of Hilariano Romero Gil, of Guadalajara^ were
presented to and published by Icazbalceta, with the valuable literary assist-
ance of Romero Gil himself, as the editor informs us, and were preceded by-
remarks on what he had ascertained about Tello*s manuscript, particularly
chapters viii. to xiii., the last apparently incomplete, and chapters xzvL to
xxxix., probably of the second book, which chapters give a portion of the
expeditions of Kuiio de Guzman, the conquest of territories and founding at
towns, an extensive account of the great uprising of the Indiana in Nueva.
Galicia, and the campaign for their subjugation, to the capture of the Mixton
in 1542 by Viceroy Mendoza. The style is pure and even elegant as com-
pared with contemporary writings, clear and to the point, and the writer
evidently availed himself judiciously of the labor of others to obtain infor*
mation.
A later and complete book on the same region is that by Mota Padilla^
Histona de la Conquiata de la Provincia de la Nueva Oakda, Hex., 1870^
TELLO AND MOTA PADILLA. 615
folio, 523 pages, and index. It contains a detailed historical and physical
account of northern Mexico, New Mexico, and Texas, from the conquest till
1742. The author, bom in Guadalajara October 6, 1688, was the second son
of Matfas Lopez, an hidalgo from Estremadura, and Ana de la Mota, a lineal
descendant of the conquerors, and of illustrious family, who for all that at
her marriage could not, it is said, sign the papers because she did not know
how to write. From 1713 to 1746, and even later, he filled several municipal
and judicial offices, namely, those of district judge, attorney-general, and
associate justice of the audiencia of Guadalajara. His character as a man,
lawyer, and public officer stands high.
Matfas de la Mota Paulilla, as he preferred to call himself, having become
a widower, was ordained a priest. The audiencia asked the crown to grant
him a benefice, but it was deaf to all solicitations in his favor. Icazbaleeta,
to whose investigations we owe what is known of that writer, declares Beris-
tain mistaken in saying that he was a prebendary. Mota Padilla left no
property at his death, which occurred in July 1766, at the age of 68. All
his services might perhaps not have saved his name from oblivion, but his
history preserved it with its honorable record. For writing this work he
had a double object in view, namely, obedience to the king's command, and
saving from oblivion the deeds of the conquerors of the country, among whom
had been his own maternal ancestors. In the preparation of his work he was
painstaking; he searched the public archives, examined private papers, con-
sulted many persons, and used the writings of the Franciscan friar Antonio
Tello. The history was finished in 1742. It was sent by the author to the
king through the governor of Nueva Galicia in August of that year. The
copy did not for some reason reach the court, and the king on hearing of the
existence of such a work in 1747 directed that two copies should be sent him,
the expense to be paid out of the judiciary fund; but there being no available
sum in that fund, the author had them prepared at his own expense. The
original writing had cost him over 1,000 pesos, paper being worth then, in
1741-2, from one to two reales per sheet, and 50 pesos a ream. Toward the
end of 1753 he transmitted the work again; and the receipt not having been
acknowledged, the author asked a friend who was going to Spain to solicit
for him from the king a copyright that he might print and publish it, and
thus be possibly enabled to recover the cost. All his efforts and expenditures
were in vain. It seems that the copies forwarded the second time did not
reach the court, for the king on the 21st of February, 1790, asked for a copy.
Still another was made and forwarded. Of the history there are several
manuscript copies, of which I know four: that of the archivo general,
Ramirez', and Andrade's, now my own. The division of the work varies in the
several copies; mine has two parts, each of 48 chapters. It was published
in the feuilleton of the newspaper El PcUs, full of gross errors, and should be
left unnoticed. The better edition mentioned at the head was published
under the auspices of the * Sociedad Mexicana de Geograffa y Estadfstica.' I
also possess a manuscript copy, 1 vol. folio, 832 pages, with an index in 17
pages, taken firom volumes v. and vi. of the collection of Memorias Histrdkas^
'Which exist in 32 volumes, except vol. i. in the general archives of Mexica
CHAPTER XXV.
THB NEW LAWS.
1643-1540.
<Uv8xs voB ENAcmurr ov New Laws— Suocess of Las Casas— PBOvmoin
ov THE New Code— -Thst Cause Excitement among the CoLOHisn-
Eyvoet to Intboduge Them in New Spain— Visttadoe Fbangdoo
Tello de Sandoval — He Publishes the New Laws in Mehoo—
Indignation of the Enoomendebos — Thet Send Pbocubadobs to
Spain — ^Who Obtain the Kevogation of a Pobtion of the Nw
Laws — The Empebob's Views on the Subject — Kavaqes op Pesh-
LENCE— EbUPTIONS OF VOLCANOES— REDUCTION OF TbIBUTE— SmA£L
Coins— Intebestedness of the Clebgt— Land Gbants— Ambiguous
Attitude of Mendoza — Convention of Bishops— Abbival or Lab
Cabas— Mekdoza Pbohibits Discussion on Indian Affaibs— Dbcisiok
of Eoclesiastigs Declabing Slayebt Unlawful- Betubn or tbi
VisiTADOB to Spain.
While Mendoza and Onate were engaged in th«
wars of New Galicia, matters of equal import concern-
ing Indian affairs were undergoing animated discus-
sion in Spain. A new code of laws was to be framed,
designed to check the gross abuses which openly and
in secret were committed in the New World. A
long controversy between the most brilliant legal and
ecclesiastical lights resulted in the passage of those
celebrated ordinances of 1542 and 1543, known in the
early history of America as the New Laws. The
spirit pervading them was indeed most favorable to
the aborigines; but as they were in antagonism with
old abuses which had in time assumed the character
of rights and privileges inconsiderately conceded from
the beginning, they were destined to meet the fate, in
A greater or less degree, of all other measures hereto-
(510)
THE REPARTIMIENTO SYSTEM. 617
fore devised for the benefit of the natives. The con-
queror of that period was of dififerent material from
the soldier of the present day. He was not a mere
machine; he was a great dealer in destiny. He would
willingly adventure his life. If he lost, it was well;
if he won, it was better. A hundred did lose where
one gained, and this each might have known to be the
risk had he taken the trouble to make a computation.
His life was but one continuous game of hazard; but,
if successful, he expected wealth and glory as a just
reward.
The king would seldom lend a helping hand in
making discoveries and conquests, still, the pacified
territory would belong to him. The successful con-
queror having surmounted incredible difficulties, hav-
ing braved dangers and vanquished hostile armies, was
nevertheless debarred from claiming actual possession
of his conquest; and it was natural he should strive for
recompense by some means. Gold was the first prize;
but that was soon exhausted; then there were lands and
laborers. Slavery was not only unchristian and bar-
barous, but insufficient; the war or conquest over,
there was no further opportunity to make slaves.
It was then that the system of repartimientos was
resorted to, which, if not slavery in name, was such
in fact.^
Though harmless enough in theory, the system
soon degenerated into one of shameful oppression, the
defenceless condition of the natives inciting the adven-
turers to increased exactions and brutality. Few of
the royal c^dulas issued since the discovery of the
New World failed to contain some clause providing
for the better treatment of the Indians. Their in-
efficiency was proved by the contempt with which the
colonists regarded them, and more stringent measures
must be taken.
In vain the settlers were offered vast tracts of terri-
^ For explanation of repartimientoe or the encomienda systein, see this vol.,
145-^2, and hist. Cent, Am., i. 262-4, this series.
518 THE NEW LAWS.
tory on condition that they should release their slaves.
Of what use to them, they replied, is an entire prov-
ince, if there are none to build the towns, to till the
ground, or work the mines? And of what benefit to
his Majesty the discovery and conquest of a hemi-
sphere without labor to develop its resources?
Las Casas was ever the great advocate of a radical
change in the Indian policy, and on his return to
Spain in 1539 he laid before the emperor and council
the result of his life-long labors on behalf of the
natives, and urged the adoption of measures for their
reUef. No matter of graver import had for years
engaged the attention of the court, and so impressive
were the apostle's words that when about to set forth
again for Guatemala, in 1541, he was ordered to re-
main at court^ until the new measures should be fully
discussed and determined. And his efforts were sup-
ported by the eloouent and passionate arguments of
his friend, Cardinal Loaisa, then at the head of Indian
affairs.'
A royal junta composed of eminent jurists and
ecclesiastics was held during the same year, for the
purpose of framing ordinances for the better govern-
ment of the Indies. Hoping at last to see his life-
labor crowned with success. Las Casas pleaded his
favorite cause with all the fire of younger day& A
remarkable circumstance indeed, that in those dark
ages when the inquisition, founded by the Domini-
cans, was the bane of Christendom, a leading genius
of that order should with such pertinacity and heroism
defend the natural rights and liberties of millions of
human beings, and those idolatrous heathen.
Las Casas advocated the immediate and uncon-
' By Gardisal Loaiaa, president of the coancil of the Indies, 'por ser i
aiuias sua luces y su asiatencia en el despacho de ciertoe negodos gravea que
Kiendian entonces en el consejo.' 'Las Casas,' in QntTitarui, vidaSf 179-SO.
> During the interval Las Casas had perfected, and in 1542 he presented to
the court nis well known work Breuissima relacion de la degtruydon de lag
iiidias,* This book was not printed till 1552, at Seville. Before the end ol
the century it was translated into and printed in several of the langoages of
Europe.
INDIAN SLAVERY ABOUSHED. 510
ditional liberation of the natives, for whatever cause
enslaved. And great must have been his exertions
to obtain the final passage of the ordinances, for we
find that many powerful holders of slaves and reparti-
mientos opposed; and indeed Cortes, then in Spain,
did not support him. On the contrary, he presented
a memorial to the emperor in which the encomienda
system, with some modifications, was recommended
as of transcendent importance to New Spain.*
The deliberations of the junta finally resulted in a
code of laws, which received the emperor's sanction in
Barcelona, November 20, 1542. After mature con-
sideration, however, it was found that some of the
provisions were deficient, and on June 4, 1543, the
code was accordingly ampUfied; on the 26th of the
same month its immediate publication and enforce-
ment in New Spain were decreed. The new code re-
ferred in a great measure to the treatment of the Ind-
ians, particularly in regard to their enslavement. The
remedies were by no means so radical as. Las Casas
had desired. The granting of his principal request,
that the enslaved Indians should be set free, was ren-
dered of Uttle avail by permitting owners who could
establish a legal title to their possession to retain
them. No natives were henceforth to be enslaved
under any pretext, not even that of rebellion. It will
be remembered that before the enactment of these
laws, Indians captured in war, or guilty of certain
crimes, could be legally enslaved; and it never had
been diflScult for holders to prove that one ofience or
another had been committed
Those to whom the repartimientos had given too
many serfs, must surrender a portion of them; and on
* CorUt, EscrUoB SwUob, 270-8. To make the natives obey the laws, more
SpaniardB should reside in the country and means be proyided for their sup-
port ; not in money, but by granting mines ; above all, the indignation must
be avoided which would be caused b^ liberating the Indians, l^t possessing
them, the Spaniards would not remain in the country, as had been proved on
the Islands when the Indians disappeared. And in this same strain Cort^i
goes on, recommending the judicious apportionment of Indians among the
conquerors and Spanish settlers.
520 THE NEW LAWS.
the death of the present encomenderos, their Indians
were to revert to the crown, the heirs to be provided
for from the royal treasury. New encomiendas were
not to be granted under any circumstances, and those
who maltreated their vassals should be deprived of
them forthwith. All ecclesiastics, religious societies,
and all oflSicers under the crown must deliver up their
serfs at once, and never after hold any, even though
they should resign their oflBce; and inspectors were to
be appointed to watch over the interests of the natives,
to be paid for their services out of the fines levied on
transgressors. It was further ordered that no rela-
tive or servant of any member of the council of the
Indies should henceforth act as solicitor or procurador
in any matter touching the Indies; the residencias of
oidores or governors were to be sent to Spain; all
others were to be determined in the Indies, and the
audiencia was empowered to take a residencia at any
time; persons henceforth asking for royal favors must
be recommended by that body to show that they are
worthy.
Except by special permission from the crown further
discoveries were restricted, so that Spaniards should
have no further control over the Indians, their per-
sonal services or tributes. And finally the natives
were to be converted to the Catholic faith, and be
otherwise treated as "free vassals of the king, for
such they are."*^ In addition to this the priests were
requested to instruct their new charge, and tell them
how the heart of his Majesty the emperor, and of hia
^ The additional articles of June 4, 1543, relate mainly to the first con-
querors or their descendants, living in New Spain without sufficient means of
support. They were to be preferred in public positions, or otherwise pro-
-viaed for; and again reiterating the diminution of tributes, and a general
protective policy in favor of we natives so as to preclude all chances or
attempts at oppression or extortion. Slaves should not be employed in the
pearl-fisheries against their will, under penalty of death to the par^ so using
them; nor when used as carriers was such a load to be laid on their backs as
might endanger their lives. Questions conceming the xKwsession or owner-
fdbip of Indians must be transmitted for decision direct to the crown. The
full text, reprinted from an original manuscript, may be found in Lf\feB y
OrdtnanoM^ Iccabalceta, Col, Doc,j ii. 204-27. Remesal, Herrera, Torqne-
mada, and others give more or less extensive extracts.
ABOLITION OF GOVERNOBS. 521
holiness the pope, yearned for their welfare, and de-
sired but to make them acquainted with the easy yoke
and light burden of their divine master.
But there were other clauses in the new laws
hardly less distasteful to the Spanish settlers than
those relating to the treatment of the natives. Among
these were the provisions that the audiencia at Pan-
ama was abolished and two new tribunals were to be
established, one in Peru, and the other, termed the
Audiencia de los Confines, at Comayagua in Hon-
duras.* In connection therewith the law provided
that henceforth the provinces should not be ruled by
governors, but in their stead should be the audiencias^
with authority to use the the royal seal. In order to
insure a greater obedience of the law, and that the
natives might be fully apprised of their newly con-
ceded rights, it was decreed that the new code should
be translated into the principal native tongues, and
published throughout the Indies.
Later, in the year 1550, a royal order was issued
to the effect that neither viceroy nor members of the
audiencia should transact any other than their official
business; they must not own any estate in citv, town,
or country, nor cattle, nor any interest in mines. If
they considered their salaries insufficient they might
resign, as the monarch wanted nobody to serve against
his will."^ But this decree was no more heeded than
the many others which from time to time had appeared,
demonstrating the laudable intention of the crown to
improve the government of the colonies.
^ThiBandiencia was, however, first established at Gracias A Dios. See
Hist, Cent. Am., ii. this series.
^ The oidores were to reside in the andiencia building and do no trading
whatever; nor to engage in any agricultural pursuits, not even for their own
use; and the same prolubition extended to their unmarried sons and daughters.
Cloth, silk, wine, and other needful articles were to be imported for them
from Spain. The holding of property in other people's names was also strictly
forbidaen under penalty of loss of office and a fine of 1,000 ducats. Other
persons who dealt with them were to lose their property. The order was
reiterated by the king, June 18, 1564. Memorial, Pacheco and Cardenas, Col.
Doe., zriii. 42-7. The pay of royal treasury officials was increased Jan. 24,
1545, bat they had difficulty in obtaining it. Pvga, Cedulario, 171-2.
522 THE NEW LAWS.
The important task of introducing the new regime
in New Spain was confided by the crown to Licen-
ciado Francisco Tello de Sandoval, of the council of
the Indies. It was feared at first that the great
authority with which he must necessarily be vested
might create unpleasant feelings or jealousy with
Viceroy Mendoza. After mature consideration, how-
ever, it was decided to trust in the loyalty and recog-
nized discretion of both these high functionaries. But
this was expecting too much of human nature, at
least of Spanish nature ; for not only was the visita-
dor instructed to take the residencia of all the royal
oflBicials, including the members of the audiencia, but
also that of the viceroy. He was further authorized
to exercise the functions of an oidor, entitled to a seat
and vote in the tribunal.®
Was it surprising that a cry of alarm was heard
when those portentous tidings reached the colonists?
There was a storm of excitement and indignation,
and of resentment against the crown, such as subjects
of Spain seldom dared to breathe before; execrations
were hurled against the India Council, and, above all,
against the unflinching Las Casas. It was known
that no less a personage than a member of the India
Council would be sent to publish and enforce the
odious laws. In a single day the fruits of incessant
toil and dangers, the result of all their labor, were to
be taken from them; life after all was to end in pov-
erty and want.
While the encomenderos, who had been notified by
their friends in Spain of what they might expect at
the hands of Tello, were devising means to impede if
" Besides the general instructionB concerning the new laws, Tello de San-
doval was authorized to exercise the functions of inquisitor, which office he
held in Spain; and by a papal bull to extend or restrict bishoprics; to call a
meeting of the bishops of New Spain for the purpose of determining what
measures should be convenient for the spiritual welfare of the inhabitants;
to improve colleges, hospitals, and churches, and encourage the erection of
new ones; and, in fine, to attend to all matters of import to the colonies and
the crown. Herrera^ dec. vii. lib. vi. cap. vii.; Caro, Trt8 Sigloa, i. 138-9;
Puga, Cedulario, 94^.
ATTITUDE OF THE FRIAKS. S2S
possible the execution of the new ordinances, and re-
tain their encomiendas, the visitador landed at Vera
Cruz and reached the city of Mexico March 8, 1544.*
On the morning of the third day a number of repre-
sentative encomenderos, and a notary, presented them-
selves with a petition praying for the non-publication
of the new code ; but they met with a severe repri-
mand for their temerity in taking such a step before
the visitador had delivered his credentials to the audi-
encia. That same day Tello gave them a hearing, how-
ever, and fearing evil consequences from sudden and
decisive action, quieted them with ambiguous promises.
Nevertheless, on the 13th, Tello presented the ordi-
nances to the viceroy and the audiencia, and not-
withstanding all the remonstrances on the part of
interested colonists, the new laws were published in
the city of Mexico, March 24, 1544.^^ This unex-
pected proceeding on the part of the authorities
caused much indignation among the encomenderos,
and a tumultuous demonstration, headed by the chief
proctor,^^ Antonio Carbajal, was about to be made ;
but the people were diverted from their purpose by a
call to a meeting at the cathedral for the following
<lay by Bishop Zumdrraga. There, in a lengthy dis-
course, the prelate led the Spanish settlers to hope
that the new laws would not be enforced where found
to be detrimental to their interests. This partially
quieted them. On questioning the religious orders as
to their opinions regarding the expediency of contin-
uing the system of encomiendas, Tello was surprised
to find that they all sided with the encomenderos.^^
*The encomenderos intended to receive him clad in mourning, to show
their disapproval of the new laws, but were prevented by the viceroy. Cavo,
Trts S'uflo8, L 139-40.
^•They were read in the plaza by the public crier in the presence of the
viceroy, the visitador, the oidorea, the notary Antonio de Tiircios, and the
other royal officials. Leyes y Ordenaiizas, Icazhaketa, Col. Doc., ii. 22G-7;
reprint from the original certificate of the notary. Torquemada, L 615, and
others give the publication on the 28th.
"Procurador mayor.
*' On May 4, 1544, the Dominicans, and on the 15th the Franciscans decided
and reported to Tello in favor of repartimientos. Bttanzos, Parecer, in Pa-
<heco and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc., viL 526-41.
524 THE NEW LAWS.
The reason is readily understood. There were
many advantages to the church connected with the
encomienda system; besides, Bishop Zumdrraga was
the owner of the important town and encomienda of
Ocuituco, and the Austin &iars controlled Tezcuco, at
the time the largest encomienda in New Spain. ^*
So the religious orders at this time were solidly
opposed to the liberation of the natives." The plea
set up by them, and taken for truth by the older and
more particularly by the religious chroniclers, was
that by such means alone they were enabled success-
fully to prosecute conversion and give instruction in
the Christian faith. And yet it would seem that had
the natives all been gathered in corregimientos, in the,
name of the crown, and free, subject only to the pay-(
ment of the tribute, the task of the friars so far as
instruction and the cure of souls were concerned could
scarcely have been more arduous; for there the Indian
was comparatively master of his time, and not subject
to continuous labor and the caprice of a taskmaster.
In that case, however, the income of the church as
well as that of manv of its ministers, would have been
materially diminished.
Further than this, according to the new code, the
church and convents were among the first to be de-
prived of their native vassals. Under the circum-
stances it was to be expected that the friars as a rule
would unite with the encomenderos to defeat the
new laws. The Dominicans did not hesitate to declare
that the Indians in charge of the Spaniards were
treated with great kindness, more like children than
servants; while on the other hand those under the
"Grijalva, Crthi, S, August., 66, assumes 'que el scfior Obiapo Znmarraga
perdid por aquella ley al pueblo de Occuituco, que lo tenia en encomienaa, y
nosotros' — the Austin friars — * al pueblo de Tezcuco, q era la mayor encomienda
que aula entonces. * There is no evidence, however, that such was the case.
^^Mendoza himself, in a letter to the emperor, affirms that *the clergy-
men who come to these countries ' ' son ruines y todos se fundan sobre interes . .
their salaries must be fixed, and an account taken of what the Indians give
them ... their 'dealings with them must be looked into.* Mendoxa^ ReL, iu
Fadieco and Cdrdenas, Col Doc,, vL 485-6.
ZiRATE AND MARAVER. 525
crown in corregimientos suffered greatly from the
harshness of the corregidores.^*
Bishop Zdrate of Oajaca took the same ground and
maintained that one small town, having a variety of
occupations for the Indians, would support a Spanish
family ; but it took four of them to pay the salary of
a corregidor. Even so; the inhabitants of that one
town were rarely at liberty to work for themselves,
nearly all their time and labor being claimed by their
master. This was not the case in corregimientos,
where nothing was required but the payment of the
royal tribute. The worthy bishop, in his zeal to
convince the visitador that new laws were needless,
went so far as to accuse the Indians of ill treating
their masters, and that sometimes native alguaciles
would arrest Spaniards and bring them bound to the
audiencia.^*
Bishop Maraver of New Galicia called his native
flock " a beastly, ungrateful, lying set, audacious and
insolent;*' but reflecting on the causes of the Mixton
war, he approved of the laws prohibiting the enslav-
ing of Indians, and of reducing them to captivity or
servitude, unless for rebellion ; otherwise they might
be emboldened to revolt. He further recommended
that, except the cities and some principal towns, all
the rest of the land should be divided among Spanish
conquerors and settlers,^^ a measure no less impolitic
than unjust.
Indeed, there were many among the clergy opposed
^^ Where the encomenderos were said to be lenient in the collection of the
tribute, the corregidores were charged with imprisoning the natives in default
of prompt payment. The Dominicans also decided that Indians were unfit
for the Catnolic priesthood. Betanzoa, Parecer, in PacJieco and Cdrdenas, Col.
Doc, vii. 635-42.
^ This could certainly have happened only in case where such alguaciles
were ordered by some corregidor to arrest a vagabond or criminal. The
bishop further states that the Indians would not serve unless well paid, and
then only with reluctance. ZdraU, Carta, in Padyeco and Cardenas, CoL Doc,
▼ii 550-1.
'^ The bishop claimed that thus the Spaniards would feel inclined to take
the best care of the Indians placed under their charge, protecting them from
the extortions and villanies of their own chiefs. Maraver, Carta, in Pa/Jifco
and Cdrdenas, Col, Doc, viii. 20&-9.
526 THE NEW LAWS.
to encomiendas, and in favor of the new laws, promi-
nent among whom, it is claimed, was the provincial
Francisco de Soto.^* Among the many representa-
tions to the crown concerning the Indian policy there
was one which came neither from the religious orders
nor from any government oflScial.^ It was proposed
to abolish the system of personal taxation, and let
public tributary lands be granted to Indians and Span-
iards alike, subject to the payment of a tax assessed
according to the value of the land ; these assessments
to be made by competent Indian commissioners not
residing in the towns or near vicinity of such grants.
To successfully carry out this plan the titles to all
lands hitherto sold by Indians to Spaniards, including*
friars, should be carefully examined, and annulled if
found to be defective. This latter request was made
because it was known that great frauds had been com-
mitted in obtaining possession of large tracts of the
best lands.^ These suggestions were, of course, too
radical to be acted upon by the government, as the
majority of the colonists, ana particularly the religious
orders, would oppose a project to despoil them of their
possessions.
In the mean time Mendoza and Tello reflected se-
riously over the inconveniences which might attend
'* Several conqnistadores, under some pretence, induced him to sign a
paper. After the act Soto recognized it to contain an affirmative opinion on
the advisability of making Indians slaves. He snatched the paper and swal-
lowed it. The Spaniards afterward refused to support his friars, remarking,
they should eat paper like their superior. Vetancvri, Menologia, 92. This may
be doubted*, however, as Soto wajs one of the procuradors who asked for ^e
repeal of the new laws.
" Relachriy in Pacheco and Cdrdenaa, Col Doc, vL 169-72. This evidently
came from some well-meaning Spanish settlers who dared not publish their
names for fear of offending either the clergy or the official authorities.
* The friars were opposed to any land grants to Indians by which the
latter would be relieved from personal tribute. The project, therefore, should
be kept secret from them until put into practice, otherwise they would pre-
vent it. The decree forbidding the friars to own lands obtained from Indians
should be strictly enforced, for if not they would soon possess themselves of
all the beet lands in the country. Kor was there any necessity for their own-
ing any, as the crown supported them, and the Indians provided all their
wants. Relaaon, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, vi 170, 172-3.
MENDOZA AND TELLO. 527
Srecipitous action. They were aware that many fami-
es would be impoYerished should the law be vigor-
ously applied, and they decided to be lenient. To gain
time, the municipality was requested to send procura-
dores to present the grievances of the colonists to
the king, and to ask the revocation of that portion of
the new code which particularly affected the interests
of the encomenderos. Alonso Villanuevo, Ger6nimo
Lopez, and Peralmindez Chirinos, of the citv council,
and the provincials of the Dominican, Franciscan, and
Austin orders ^^ were thus appointed, and set out for
Spain, accompanied by other influential Spaniards.
They were successful even beyond expectation, and
^J royal decree of October 20, 1545, the obnoxious
provisions in the code were revoked,^ notwithstand-
ing the earnest protestations of Las Casas. The
encomenderos and Spanish settlers celebrated their
success with feasts and rejoicing, while the poor na-
tives, in whose heart had arisen the hope of deliv-
erance, crept wearily to the task which death alone
would terminate.
According to some writers, during the absence of
the procuradores, Tello and Mendoza endeavored to
enforce some of the less offensive portions of the new
code; but, as we have seen, the most important part
was abrogated. And in all the other provinces these
much feared new laws were for the most part also
disregarded, though they caused •vexation and trouble
to the governors and the governed. In Nicaragua they
were the direct cause of the bloody Contreras revolt,
'^ Francisco de la Cniz, Francisco de Soto, and Francisco de San Roman.
Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iv. 502.
^ * Auemos acordado i, reuocar la dicha ley y dar sobre ello esta nra carta,
e la dicha razo: por la qual reuocamos y damos por ninguna y de niugun valor
y efeto el dicho capitulo y ley.' Hoyal CMula, in Puya, Cedulano, 100-1.
To give due force to and prevent any misinterpretation of this decree, it was
republished by order of the king, and embodied in a new decree of Jan. 16.
1546. Id. The procuradores not having found the emperor in Spain, followed
him to Katisbon, where according to Torquemada, i. 615, he pp'anted them all
they asked. Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 141-2, has it that when Tello first heard of
the revocation he made haste at least to deprive the royal officials of their
repartindentos. This was done in pursuance of the royal cedula of I>ec. 1,
1544. Puga, Cedulario, 173.
528 THE NEW LAWS.
and in Peru, where Viceroy Vasco Nufiez Vela would
not recede, they produced the great rebellion result-
ing in that official's death, and which might have
<»used the loss to the Spanish crown of the country,
but for the prudence and energy of Pedro de la Gasca.®
But how stood the Spanish government at the
time in relation to the colonies, if impotent to enforce
laws dictated by an impulse humane and Christian ?
The representations of Las Casas and others had con-
vinced the monarch of the necessity of taking steps
for the relief of the natives; for soon after having
sanctioned the new laws, he confessed" that "the
character of the Indians is now well known; they are
children ; they are so intimidated and dependent that
it would be vain to tarry until they arouse themselves,
for they cannot speak though they be slaughtered
like so many sheep." At the same time he knew his
Spanish subjects well, and acknowledged that "the
coveteousness of our Spaniards is manifest to the
whole world ; they want all ; however much they may
obtain, it will not satisfy them." Then fearful of the
result to himself the perplexed emperor cried out:
" If the poor Indians should suffer by reason of any
negligence of mine, it will be at the risk of my soul.'*
Wo have seen before this that a decline in the
revenues might be expected should the system of
encomiendas be abolished ; this economic reason was
of weight, and it was by no means difficult for the
avarice of Charles to overrule his religious scruples.
The safety of the colonies he had at heart; could he
risk an uprising among his Spanish colonists by de-
priving them of their conquered spoil ? Being so far
from the Indies, he might easily see and hear only
that which was to his interest.** "A good governor
''For particulars of these events, see Hist. Cent. Am,, ii., this series.
^In a letter to Friar Antonio de Ciudad Rodrigo, whom he requested to
see that the laws were complied with, and to report any contravention. Tar-
quemada, iii. 258.
^ * Yo estoi tan lexos, que no puedo v^r, ni entender, sino solo lo que me
dizeren.' Torqucmada, iii. 259.
MORE EPIDEMICS. 629
I have in Mendoza/' he used to say, " a good Chris-
tiaiiy a prudent person, and of excellent qualities; but
after all he is human, and a man of the century;
wealth he covets, and has need of it, for many are
the relatives, friends, and servants for whom he must
provide,"
The great calamity which had thus befallen the
natives of New Spam, the restitution of a measure
which had wrought them such injustice was not their
sole aflBiction at this juncture. The epidemics which
had now and then appeared in various parts of the
country broke out again in 1545 and spread with
rapidity. The disease, hitherto unknown, was called
by the natives matlazahxuxtl. Six months this terrible
scourge lasted, during which time, it is alleged, some
eight hundred thousand natives perished.**
Mendoza, the royal officials, and the friars of the
different orders did their utmost to alleviate suffer-
ing. It was said that the pestilence was caused by
supernatural phenomena; and according to Cavo it
was allayed by the prayers and religious exercises of
Bishop Zumirraga.^
Father Domingo de Betanzos had predicted the
total destruction of the native races of New Spain,
within a comparatively short period, notwithstanding
the wholesome laws enacted by the crown. Indeed,
it was at no time difficult to predict that what disease
failed to do, forced labor in the mines, on farms, and
''The daily mortality in Tlascala was from 1,000 upward; in Cholula
fumetimes 900, ordinarily from 400 to 700; in Goaxocingo and other places
the same in proportion. Bekuizoe, Carta, in Icazbalcetaf CoL Doc,, ii. 198-201.
"Grijalva, Cnfn. S, August,, 67-8, says live sixths of the native popula-
tion of "Sew Spain penshed. The disease, which was not known before, was
caused by a comet, eruption of volcanoes, and other supernatural phenomena.
Others are not less creaulous. In 1540 Lake Chapala overflowed its banks
■and the waters became green. A sword-shaped comet preceded the pesti-
lence of 1542, whidi was a bleeding from the nose. An eruption of Popo-
catepetl occurred in 1540, when much damage was done; the ashes reached
Cholula and burned part of the town. The Orizaba emitted lava in 1545.
BeaumorU, Cr&i^ Mick., y. 55-6, 220; Mota Padilla, Conq, AT. Odl., 16&-7;
Ogilbu'9 Am,, 266-7; Cavo, Tres Sigloe, I 142-3; Mendida, HkL JSclea., 515;
IkMla FadWa, HitL Fvnd, JUex., 117-18.
H»T.Mxx.,yoL.n. 84
S20 THE NEW LAWS.
other unaccustomed tasks, accompanied by continu-
ous and persistent bad treatment, might easily accom-
plish.^ Before the great epidemic, that is to say on
the 8th of August 1544, a royal decree was issued on
the recommendation of the viceroy and the ecclesias-
tical cabildo, which commanded the natives to pay
tithes of cattle, grain, and silk. It becoming now
impossible to collect these tithes, and even the ordi-
nary tribute, it was ordered April 10, 1546, that a
reduction be allowed. But the amount was not fixed,
the royal officials being requested to use their judg-
ment, and not demand more than the natives could
As time passed by the business and social relations
of the viceroy and visitador were becoming somewhat
unpleasant. It was generally conceded that Mendoza
represented his Majesty well — ^though we might cata-
logue a few crimes against him without searching
far — and to have present a superior to interfere ia
his affairs, even though temporarily and for form's
sake, was not desirable.
On the whole Mendoza was well enough fitted for
the office he held and was deserving of credit in the
conscientious discharge of his duties, though often at
the cost of the natives. The course taken in connec-
tion with Visitador Tello and the new laws had the
effect of preserving peace. But the ends of justice
were not served, and the proceedings were not in ac-
cordance with the wishes of the crown. Many a law
in its first application is like the surgeon's knife,
wounding deeply to make the cure more complete;
and though these new laws were humane and just,
their ultimate good effect was lost sight of in the pres-
ent inconveniences which an immediate enforcement
would have caused. But though a just man and a
good officer, it was not possible for the viceroy to avoid
''For caiues of decrease in the native population see Hwnboldt, Suai
Pol, i. 66 et seq.; Atiegui, Cknfn. ZacateeoB, 342; Pimenid, Menu Sobre i^
Maza Indigena, 97-188.
KEVIEW OF MENDOZA*S RULE. 631
hating another just man and good officer. While it
was Mendoza's policy to outwardly remain on a good
footing with the visitador, aware of the great authority
with which that official was clothed, he hurled bitter
epithets against him in his letters to the court,^ And
being aware that the interests of the clergy were
identical with his own, he took care to insure their
support, knowing that against the two Tello could
accomplish little. A representation to Prince Philip
made in 1545 by Bishop Zumdrraga and Father
Domingo de Betanzos, then prior of the Dominican
convent, in favor of the viceroy, certainly has all the
appearance of having been dictated by Mendoza him-
self. There may have been fears of removal, as they
took occasion to say that it would be a serious loss to
the country. His services "to which are due the
peace, security, and advancement, both spiritual and
temporal, of the country," were not what they might
have been had not his powers been curtailed.*^
During the nine years of his government before the
arrival of Tello, Mendoza had doubled the royal rev-
enue, estabhshed justice and a stable government,
and the progress of the country on every hand was
marked. His appreciation of himself, however, seemed
to have kept pace with progress.'* While the procu-
radores of the encomenderos sojourned in Spam, the
members of the audiencia and other royal officials
* Mendoza manifested his jealousy by complaining that Tello wonld vir-
toally be governor of New Spain during the time he should take the residen-
denaa of himself and the oidores. He was also embittered because of the
disrespect shown him by the visitador after his arrival at Vera Cruz. Tello
there made known that he had superior authority over the whole country^
and being asked, 'What of the viceroy?' he answered: 'Ship him to Spain
when I deem it proper.' Arriving in Mexico he published the viceroy's resi-
dencia twice throughout the land, as if he were the lowest corregidor or
alcalde in the country. Mendoza^ Carta^ in Col. Doc, In6d,, xzvi. 326, and Id.^
in Pach^o and Cdrdencu^ Col, Doc., iii. 509.
** The natives looked upon him as a father, and all the people had felt
painfol anxiety dnnng the serious illness from which he had lately recovered.
CartOj in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., xHi. 534-6. The Indians men-
tioned were certainly not of New Galicia I
» His letter of June 20, 1544, in Col. Doc. Inid., xxvi. 325-7. He also
reminds the emperor not to believe any reports against him, by his enemies^
as he had been promised before coming out to New Spain.
532 THE NEW LAWS.
were called to account, and their residencias and that
of the viceroy were published with great ostentation
in 1545. The earlier writers make light of this affair,
assuming it to have been a mere matter of form to
call to account a man of Mendoza's character, who,
it was universally acknowledged, had discharged his
duties faithfully. It appears, indeed, that no' charges
were sustained against him, and he continued in the
undisturbed possession of his office. There may have-
been some truth in the remarks of Cortds, that he
kept the Spaniards in such subjection and fear that
they dared not report the abuses he committed.**
Nevertheless, the fact of his having taken and caused
to be branded over five thousand slaves during the
Mixton war, and his allowing the most cruel punish-
ments and mutilations to be inflicted, does not speak
much in favor of the humane feelings with which he
is accredited by most writers, however necessary he may
have thought such action to be for the pacification of
the country .'^
The purifying presence in New Spain of the visita-
dor, the licenciauio Tello de Sandoval, was undoubtedly
** When in 1543 Gort^ then in Spain, learned that Tello de SaadoTal
was to be despatched as visitador, he presented a memorial to the crown
praying tiiat the residencia of Mendoza be taken, against whom he had
many causes of complaint. The charges he there enumerates dweU on the
viceroy's conduct in the Mizton war; on his engaging in prohibited expedi-
tions; selling of Indian towns; permitting venality of his servants; appropri-
ating the royal funds to his own use; engaging in illecal traffic with the
<;onnivance of agents at Vera Cruz, and many more abuses of a similar
nature. Cortes offered in proof of all he alleged some letters from New
Spain, which he would only confide to the persomd inspection of the emperor,
for should Mendoza know their authors he would not fail to take revenge.
Cort^, Escritos Sueltoi, 325-41. Allowance must be made, however, for the
«nmity existing between these two eminent rivals. At any rate the residencia
«xcitcd very little attention at the time.
*> I will give one instance. When in the vicinity of Jalpa, he despatdied
Maldonado, captain of an advance guard, to ask the natives to surrender.
That officer discharged his duty by cutting off the hands of two Ghichimecs,
and the breasts of two women, sending them in this pitiable condition to their
lord, with a message to come to the Spaniards. Some days after this 12 Ghi-
chimecs were placed before a cannon and torn to pieces; SS were hanged, and
17 killed with darts. AcaziUi, Rd,, in leaabcdceta. Col, Doe,, ii. 31^17. All
this happened in the presence of the viceroy, and it appears somewhat like a
sarcasm when we read of his * moderacion y humanidad * in ISamaeoiSf HitU
MiJ., V. 6.
LAS CASAS IK JiEXIOO. 633
i>eneficial. It was a comfort to his master Charles to
know that his interests in that quarter were watched,
and that the oflBcial cruelties and robberies were not
greater than usual. Nevertheless, he had not accom-
plished much, and yet it was time for him to return
to Spain. One more duty devolved upon him, how-
ever, before his departure from the country.
In 1546 he convened all the bishops of New Spain
at Mexico for the purpose of deciding what was oest
for the spiritual welfare of the inhabitants. Even
here arose complications. All the bishops were as-
sembled except Las Casas, now bishop of Chiapas,
who was known to be on his way to the capital. A
nervous excitement prevailed upon the approach of
the champion of Indian rights and liberty. Mendoza,
fearing disturbances on the part of the encomenderos
should Las Casas enter Mexico at that time, ordered
him to be detained at a certain distance from the city.
Of course it was universally known that he had been
the main-spring in the efforts to deprive the colonists
of their repartimientos. After some time the pro-
hibition to continue his journey was removed, and
entering Mexico Las Casas took up his abode in the
Dominican convent. Mendoza and the oidores, not
to appear lacking in the respect due a prelate, sent
him a greeting of welcome. Imagine their surprise
when they received word in return, **Do not find it
strange," said Las Casas, "that I come not to you in
person, to thank you for the favor extended to me;
I have excommunicated the viceroy and members of
the audiencia for having given sentence to cut off the
hands of a clergyman in Oajaca!"^
After the discussion of general ecclesiastical matters,
the assembled prelates attempted to enter upon the
important topic of Indians and encomenderos, by the
■* CkaoOy Trts Sighs, i. 144; Icojzbalceta, i. pD. xci.-ii. According to BemeJtaly
HisL Chyapoj 411-14, Las Casas arrived at Mexico before the other bishops.
In attendance were those of Guatemala, Oajaca, Michoacan, Chiapas, and
Mexico; it is not certain'that the bishop of Puebla was present.
fi34 THE NEW LAWS.
earnest solicitation of the indefatigable Las Casas.
Mendoza peremptorily forbade them to discuss the
question, aa it was a matter of state and not of the
church. Subsequently, however, a meeting of eccle-
siastics, not of the bishops, was held in the Domini-
can convent, presided over by Las Casas, in which it
was finally decided that the enslaving of Indians was
unlawful. The decision was translated into the native
languages and published throughout New Spain. But
this action was without significance, except as giving
the thrice worthy apostle, for himself and his order,
the opportunity of publicly washing his hands of the
foul sm of human slavery.
CHAPTER XXVI.
END OF MENDOZA'S RULE.
1M7-I55a
C^nrXBAL iMPBOyEMXNTS— AOBICULTimE, ImDUSTBT, and GoiOiXBCS— Bir«
OOUKAGEMKNT 07 MARRIAGES— AlD TO PSBU— C0N8FIRACT AND REVOLT
— CmCHIMSGS AKD OtOMIs — CONQUEST 07 QuERAtABO — ^REMOVAL OF
QUADALAJARA— Ck>RONADO RETURNS — ^HlS RESIGNATION — AUDIENCIA AT
CoKPosTELA — Removal to Guadalajara — Diboovert of Mines — Set-
tlement 07 Zagateoab— The Archdiocese o7 Mexico — Death 07
Bishop ZuMiitRAGA— His Last Will— Character 07 the Prelate
AND THE Man— A False Visitador's Audaoitt— Last Acts 07 the
VicEROT— He is Appointed to Peru and is Superseded bt Luis db
Velasoo— Mxndoza's Departure tor Peru— And his Death.
When the unwelcome visitador, Francisco Tello de
Sandoval, had left the shores of New Spain, the
colonists began to breathe more freely, feelmg again
somewhat secure concerning their encomiendas, and
^airs fell into the old way. Viceroy Mendoza, not-
withstanding his ambiguous Indian policy, showed
A characteristic energy in other measures, such as the
improvement of the capital, particularly in the way
of water supply and macadamizing streets. Pursu-
ant to^ royal orders, surveys were made along the
Atlantic coast with the view of discovering a better
harbor, but none being found, the one at old Vera
Oruz was improved to some extent; a light-house on
JPulpos Island was determined upon, and a tower
begun. It was also contemplated for purposes of de-
fence against the frequent uprising of the natives to
erect fortresses in all the Spanish towns and settle-
ments, but nothing seems to have been done in that
(636)
636 END OF MENDOZA'S RULE.
direction at the time, except here and there to estab-
lish a frontier garrison.*
The want of some of the necessaries of life had been
felt for some time, and there were abuses to be cor-
rected." The epidemic had wrought sad havoc among
the natives. With praiseworthy zeal the viceroy
sought to improve the condition of the people. He
gave attention to the production and quality of wool,
and aided in the importation of a better breed of
sheep; he promoted manufactures, believing that the
lasting prosperity of a country was to be found in its
agriculture, and in the developments of arts and com-i
merce.* The learning of trades by the natives was
encouraged, and when able to work as journeymen, or
to keep shop, they were granted certificates to that
effect.
To improve the moral condition of the natives, it
was thought expedient to strictly enforce a decree
prohibiting the adulteration of pulque,* and to restrict
the number of places where it was sold. It had been
the custom for some time to add to the pure juice of
the maguey obnoxious ingredients, ostensibly for the
purpose of better preservation. This gave the liquor
stronger intoxicating properties, and the natives be-
came more addicted to its use. When under its
influence they would commit heinous offences. As
there were many marriageable girls belonging to hon-
' Fray Domingo de Betanzos urged that to promote peace and contentment
among the natives the Spaniards should Hve in the cities and keep no ffarriaona
in the coqntry. He suggestively added that the settlers would thus have less
opportunity to rob and destroy at their pleasurv. Parecer, in Pacheoo and
Cdrdenaa, Col. Doc., viL 638.
^ For years past forests had been wantonly cut down, and wood for fuel
became scarce. The strict execution of the viceregal ordinances for the pres-
ervation of trees, and of the roads over which the natives had to travel with
wood and charcoal, were recommended. There was a great want of food for
horses and cattle; to supply this demand Mendoza caused a large portion of
the dry lake-bottom to be successfully sown in grass. Mendoza, Rdacum, in
Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., vi. 487, 493-4; Florida, CoL Doc., 137.
* The manufacture of woollen goods was introduced as early as 1543. Beau-
mont, Cr6n. Mich., iv. 488.
^ Eoyal c^dula of Jan. 24, 1546, of similar import as that of August 24»
1529. Recop. de ItuL, ii. 197-8. It was also prohibited to sell to the natives^
negroes, Indian slaves, and Spanish miners. C^ula of same date in Puga,
Cedulario, 169.
DIVERS MEASX7RES. 037
orable families without sufficient means to endow
them,* the monarch enjoined that every encourage-
ment and facility should be offered by the govern-
ment toward their marriage. In some instances
corregimientos and other means of support were
given to men willing to enter wedded life. Such a
policy was deemed necessary in order to increase
the Spanish population, and so promote the better
security of the country. With this patronage and
the stimulus of such an example, the people began to
prosper, and to add to the wealth of the community,
rich mines with which the aborigines appear to have
been familiar were rediscovered in different localities.
About this time a call by Pedro de la Gasca came
from Peru for patriotic men,* and a force of six hun-
dred were soon under arms and ready to march under
the viceroy's son, Francisco, with Crist6bal de Ofiate
as maestro de campo. But when equipped and on the
eve of departure word arrived that they would not be
needed. The city of Mexico was rewarded by the
crown with new honors and titles for this zeal, and the
municipality was vested with power to make ordi-
nances for the city, which, if approved by the viceroy,
became law.
The peaceful course of events, however, was again
marred by revolt and conspiracy, not alone among the
subjugated tribes and negro slaves, but in the ranks
of discontented Spaniards. When the virulence of
the epidemic of 1546 had subsided, a conspiracy
among the negroes distributed about Tenocha and
Tlatelulco came to light, through the weakness or
cupidity of one of their number, and the instigators
were summarily dealt with. But for this a massacre
^ ThiB was sotably the case with the oidor Ceynoa who was in delicate
health and had eight danghters whom he was unable to marry for want of
endowmentB. Zumdrraga^ Carta^ in Piicheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc,, ziii.
634-7.
* See details of his saccessfol expedition to Pern, in Hist. Cent, Am., ii,
titis series.
688 END OP MENDOZA'S RULE.
of the Spaniards would probably have occurred. A
more alarming conspiracy was one planned against the
magistrates during the same year. It was oetrayed,
however, and the instigators were executed; some of
the accomplices who had fled toward Peru were over-
taken and punished.^
During the year 1548 there was an uprising ia
Oajaca among the Tequipans, who felt secure by
reason of the mountainous nature of their retreats;
but the ever-watchful Mendoza sent against them a
force under Tristan de Arellano, who quelled the
revolt before it had made much progress.* In 1550
the province of Zapotecas rebellea against the Span-
ish yoke under circumstances which gave the revolt
a more than passing interest The traditional Que-
izalcoatl was said to have reappeared. The old men
of the trib^ excited the young to take up arms. One
of the caciques assumed the role of the ancient chief-
tain, but unfortunately for the natives, with none of
his expected power. The success of this general up-
rising was but momentary; it was but another fiasco,
and collapsed before a few vigorous blows of the vice-
roy.*
These occurrences were but an indication of the
unrest and dissatisfaction that pervaded the colonists.
The victors of the Mixton war clamored for their
reward, and it must come largely from the enforced
labor of the natives. War, pestilence, and conscrip-
tion had wrought havoc, and perplexed the labor
question until ite solution became the paramount diffi-
culty of the day. All the labor of mining, of tillage,
of stock-raising, and of household drudgery was per-
formed by the natives. There is no evidence that
any Spaniard during that or the following century
^ SebaBtiim Lazo de la Vega and Qaspar TumA repealed the aecroi Hm
chief of the conspiraton was an Italian. Catfo, TreaSigloB^ L 152.
* According to Bemeaal, Hist, Chyapa, 454-6, thefirian of the conTent at
Oajaca quiet^ the naUves without the assistance of troo|M. This oonveat
was a vicarage until 1549, when it was made a priory. /<i., 1. 714.
* The harsh treatment of the oorre^dores caused the rerolt. Cavo^ Tr»
Sigloa, i. 155-6. See abo Bra9aeur de Bourboury, Hist. NaJL Civ., vr, 824-«.
FUETHSR REVOLTS. 089
made a nearer approach to manual labor than super-
intending from his saddle the movements of native
workmen. The slaves taken in New Galicia were
no longer enough to supply the demand, as most of
them had perished during war and epidemic. Unable
to resist the power of the intruders, or too wise to
risk their liberties on the issue of a doubtful con-
test, multitudes withdrew into out-of-the-way places.
Those who clung to their homes in the diflTerent prov-
inces were subjected to increased exactions, till roused
by repeated injuries they broke into open revolt. In-
deed submission profited little. Notwithstanding the
prohibition to engage in new discoveries and the con-
sequent new enslavement of the natives, the Span-
iards asked license, ostensibly for the purpose of
pacification, to enter the mountain regions and cap-
ture the inhabitants.
Before accounting for the subjugation of the wild
tribes in the mountains near Querdtaro, it will be
well to notice some facts touching this region prior to
the conquest by Cortds.
The whole country lying to the north of Mexico
was at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards
almost unknown to the Mexicans. The northern
confines of the Aztec empire extended but little
beyond the valley, and there Aztec civilization termi-
nated. The mountainous regions beyond were inhab-
ited by various tribes of wild savages, known by the
general name of Chichimecs.^^ Dependent on the
chase for their subsistence, these people had no set-
tled dwelling-place, but roamed over a vast unknown
territory, from time to time making inroads into the
rich districts of the south. It does not appear that
the empire ever seriously attempted their conquest;
it was content to protect the frontier against them.
Shortly after the conquest, however, expeditions
** The term Chichimec being general, was applied to all wild tribes, and,
aooording to Alesre, ffUt, Comp, Jems, ii. 163, the district now known as
Qoer^tairo, and where the battle of pacification was fought, was principally
Inhabited by Otomis.
540 END OF MENDOZA'S RULB).
began to be undertaken by the Spaniards into regions
west and north of the valley of Mexico never pene*
trated by the Aztec armies, and the Chichimecs, now
reenforced by many Otomls who had refused to accept
the con(][ueror's rule, were in coitrse of time compelled
to submit.
The first expedition against them was not under-
taken by the Spaniards themselves, but by their
Mexican and Otoml allies, and the pacification of the
hostile tribes extended over a period of more than
thirty years. The christianized Otomi cacique, Ni-
colas de San Luis de Montafiez," has given us a sketch
of their subjection and his own share in accomplishing
it. From his account we learn that as early as 1522,
with permission of the Spaniards, he made an incur-
sion into the Chichimec country, and was engaged for
thirty years and more in making war on those tribes.
San Luis with the cacique Fernando de Tapia" and
many relatives and friendly nobles in 1522 raised a
large force and marched against the Chichimecs. It
was during this incursion that a singular battle was
fought on the 25th of July. The Chichimecs to the
number of twenty-five thousand were posted on a
hill, which later received the name of Sangremal.
Conspicuous among their chiefs were Lobo, or the
Wolf, and Coyote, as cunning as he was strong. The
allied Otoml and Mexican forces entirely surrounded
the hill. The Chichimecs possessed the advantage in
regard to position; the Mexicans and Otomis in re-
^^ According to Father Vega inf his Memoriaa de la Nadon Indianaf Saa
Luis was a native of Tula, lineally descended from one of the Toltec kin^sa^
and a near relative of Montezuma. He became an early aU^ of the Spaniarda»
and assisted them against the Mexicans, being also christianized among the
first. Charles V. made him cacique of Tula, a knight of Santiago, and
captain general. Zerecero, Rev, Mex,y 510. The narrative is exceedingly coq-
fused with respect to events, and contains errors as to dates and persona,,
besides useless repetitions. ^a» Luis, Bel, in BeaumofU, Crtfn, IftcA., £▼.
661-63.
" One of the highest chiefs among the Otomis. Upon receiving baptism
he took Cortte' Christian name, and the patronymio of two celebrated con-
querors who went with the fonner to Mexico. The chief was a supporter ol
tiie Spaniards. San Luis gives the names of the captains who served under,
him in the Chichimec campaign.
BATTLE WITHOUT WfiAPOKa
Ml
gard to weapona "O you brave men, perched upon
a hill," cried San Luis; "come down and fight if you
are not afraid I" "Very fair, no doubt, you renegades,
and dogs of the Spaniards," returned Coyote; "lay
aside your borrowed weapons and we will come down."
"Wild, and uncouth, and beastly as you are," said
San Luis, "we are a match for you with no weapons
Chichi Mix; War.
At alL Seel we will lay them all aside, and you can
heap yours beside them and place a guard over both.
Come on!" And so it was agreed. Civilization calls
it progress as more effective death-dealing implements
are invented; may it not as truthfully be called
^ END OF MENDOZA'S RULE.
Erogress when all weapons for the butchery of human
eings are laid aside ?
At it they went with hands, feet, and teeth, only
with the understanding that the conquered should
remain subject to the victors." The struggle which
followed was as savage and sanguinary as the nature
of it was exceptional, and lasted from early dawn
till sunset. As exhausted combatants sank to the
ground, others pressed fiercely forward. Among the
mutilated forms and blood-covered faces it was often
impossible to distinguish friend from foe. Among
these ferocious fighters the two leaders of the Chichi-
mecs, Lobo and Coyote, were conspicuous for their
strength; and when late in the day victory waa with
the invaders, they alone escaped, shouting their defi-
ance with threats to return m half a moon with a
fresh force." The chief of the Chichimecs and many
of his people were baptized by Padre Juan Bautista,
who had accompanied the army.** Such is the ac-
count of the Indian chronicler, San Luis, who states
furthermore that the city of Quer^taro was founded
at that time. But the narrative is full of obvious
errors; the author's confusion of thought is evidenced
by his confusion of words; so that after all we cannot
learn much from him, save that from 1522 to 1531 he
made various incursions into the Chichimec regions,
and that during the latter part of the war he and his
principal oflScers were provided with arquebuses and
horses."
An account given by Espinosa is as follows: When
Fuenleal was president of the audiencia he sought to
extend conquest and promote conversion. The cacique
1* ' Mitotras se hizo la gtierra A pnfietes y patadaa y i mordidaa oomo
gallofl.' Becuimont, Crdn, Mich., iv. 659.
'^Alegre, on the authority of Father Vega's MS. ftxliiting then in th*
Franciscan convent at Mexico, places this event in 1531, when, as he states*
the site of the city of Quer^taro was conquered by Fernando de TapU with *
force of Mexicans. Espinosa's account is similar. Chrdn, ApoiLf L 1.
'^ The Chichimec chief received the name of the Priest, who is mentioned
by San Luis as the bachiller Don Juan Bautista.
^* Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iv. 560. ' Disparanm los Oaciqnes GhiiatiaiiQ^
annas de fuego.' Etpinoea, Chron. AposL, i 3.
CONQUEST OF QUERATAKO. 543
Tapia offered to undertake the conquest of Quer^taro.
Collecting a large force in Jilotepec and Tula, in con-
junction with other caciques, and provided with a num-
ber of arquebuses, they marched to the town now
called San Juan del Rio, the inhabitants of which
they induced to accept Christianity without blood-
shed. Proceeding thence toward Quer^taro, when
within three leagues of the town, they arrived at a
hill called, in the time of Espinosa, Cerrito Colorado.
Here was made the agreement to fight without weap-
ons, owing to the fear of the Chichimecs of fire-arms.
The conflict was similar to that described by San
Luis, and the date assigned to it is the 25th of July,
1531. In the account given by San Luis it is stated
that the sun stood still, and that the Apostle Saint
James, the Virgin Mary, and Saint Francis appeared.
Espinosa's version is that, through the dense cloud
of smoke caused by firing the arquebuses, a bright
light broke, in which was seen a brilliant cross of
white and red, and by its side the figure of Saint
James. This miraculous interposition put a termina-
tion to the contest." On the spot above which the
figure of Saint James was seen, a cross was erected,
which became celebrated for its miracles. San Luis
had ordered it to be made of wood, but the Chichi-
mecs objected, saying they wanted "una cruz en forma
para siempre jamds," or be it an indestructible cross
to serve as a boundary monument. They likewise
objected to a common stone cross, insisting upon one
like that seen in the clouds. In this dilemma the
architect and stone-cutter, Juan de la Cruz, was de-
spatched with fifty caciques for material to build a
cross which would satisfy the new converts.
After journeying half a league, praying to God to
"With regard to the respective claims of San Luis and Tapia for the
leadership, I see no reason to doubt ihat the former had the chief command,
though the latter also bore the title of captain-general, which may have been
conferred on him years later. San Luis positively asserts that he was the
leader and directed the operations in the region of Queretaro, both before
and after its conquest. Tapia is mentioned by him as one of his captains in
the nftTOpa^ign.
544 END OF M£NDOZA*S RULE.
enlighten them, Cruz and his companions reached a
spot where were stones of three colors, white, red,
and violet, quarried stone of vitreous appearance.
With them Cruz shaped a cross three varas in height,
and had it ready before the expiration of twenty-
four hours." Then he laid it under a rose-bush, and
made his report. At the sound of drums and clarions
the captain-general with his army and the friendly
Chichimecs marched away to bring the cross. On
arriving at the spot where it lay under the rose-bush
all knelt and offered thanksgiving to God and the
blessed virgin for giving them such a beautiful cros&
And thereupon foUowed miracles. ^^ The cross was
carried in procession and raised with much ceremony
and rejoicing upon the mount. The Chichimecs and
their wise men, after examining it and witnessing its
miracles, declared themselves satisfied, and celebrated
the occasion with their usual dances; their captain,
Juan Bautista Criado, and his wife kissed it, and their
example was followed by their subjects. A whole
week was thus occupied. The captain-general then
had the ground measured around the cross for a
chapel, after which he began to make land grants.^
Little canle of this conquest, for no settlement
seems to have been founded till about 1550, or later.
The viceroy gave lands to the two caciques, San Luis,
and others, and grants were made to the settlers of
the town of Quer^taro for lots and orchards in 1551
1* One account has it, ' se f orm<$ de cinco piednuB blaacas, y roxaa mila-
grosamcnte halladas.* Oaz de Mex., 1730, in Arivalo, Compend,, 237.
^' ' Parece que est^bamos en la gloria, se aparecid alll una nube blanca, tan
hermoea, sombreando 4 la santa cruz y tem^ndola cuatro in^eles; luego el
olor que olia tkn hermoso, que todos lo vimoB que luego hizo oulagro la saata
cruz. San Luis, Heladon, in Beaumont, Crdn. Mich,, v. 150.
^ This cross from the beginning was a celebrated wonder. On several
occasions it moved of itself, and so as to cause admiration and awe; it visibly
grew one full vara in size. In 1639 'tenia tres varas, y al presents tieoo
cuatro cabales.' Beaumont, Crdn, Midi,, v. 164; Chat, de Mex,, in Arivala, Com"
pend., 237. The furst Franciscans in Quertitaro lived in the small straw con-
vent where the holy cross was subsequently kept; afterward they moved to
the principal convent, which about 15i56 was placed by the Santo Svaogelio
under the province of Michoacan. Dice Unw., iz. 351; Igkaku y CcmvaUos,
163-4.
CONQUEST OF ZACATECAS. ^ 646
sand 1552. The date and particulars of the founding
are alike puzzling to the chroniclers; but from docu-
mentary evidence cited by Espinosa and Beaumont it
would appear conclusive that the cacique Fernando de
Tapia was its founder.**
Captain-general San Luis in 1552 continued the
•campaign against the hostile Chichimecs of Zacatecas.
In 1552 he marched with the small army he had raised
and organized in Tula against a famous captain named '
Maxorro,^ routed him in every encounter, and finally
took him prisoner. The end of this campaign was
that Maxorro and his principal chiefs embraced Chris-
tianity, being baptized by Fray Juan de la Quemada,
•chaplain of the army. For the protection of travellers
San Felipe Iztlahuaca, and San Miguel el Grande,
later named AUende, were founded, and garrisons sta-
tioned in both places.
San Luis held his command till 1559, when he re-
signed,® and was succeeded by the famous chief of
Juotepec, Don Juan Bautista Valerie de la Cruz,
whose appointment was made on May 12, 1559,
with powers to wage war upon and punish all that
should disregard his authority. It was approved
later by Prince Philip in a letter highly commend-
atory of Valerie's services. The old chief continued
*> Reference is made to the goyeniment books, i., ii** <uid ui-* ^or Viceroy
Velaaco's period. BeaumorUt Crdn, Mich,, v. 154-5. The parish books of
<}ner^tan> city were opened later. BwtaTnantef in 8oc, M6x, Oeog., Boletin,
Tii. 535. Espinosa states that the origin of the city of Quer(^taro was a forti-
fication which Montezum&I. established on the northern frontier of his empire
as a protection against the inroads of the Chichimecs. When the Spiiniards
came, some of the Otomis took refuge in Quer^taro and entered into a defen-
sive alliance with the Chichimecs. Li an official document of the first viceroy
it is called Taxco, which corrupted into Tlacho, in Mexican, means a game
at ball, or the ^lace where the game is played. The Tarascan word Quer^taro
has the same signification. Chr6n, Apast., i. 1, 2, 10.
'^A chief well informed on military tactics. He advised his followers
not to attempt coping with the Spaniards in the open field; to concen-
trate in the ustnesses of the mountains near the passes, and thence harass
the Spanish towns, and waylay travellers as opportunity ofiered. His ad-
vice was followed. Hwrtra, dec. viiL lib. x. cap. xxi.; BeoMmont, Crdn.
Mich., V. 316; Caw, Trea Sigha, i. 163-4; Panes, in Monumentot Domin,
£9p., MS., 82.
" He died in Mexico some years later, and was interred in the Dominican
convent.. Zertcero, Mem, Hiat, Rev,, 511.
Has. Max.. Yoi.. VL 86
M6 END OF MENDOZA'S RULE.
his labors till his death, which occurred in 1572 in
Mexico.**
The memorable history of old Guadalajara has been
already told in connection with Francisco Vazquez de
Coronado and the Mixton war. In pursuance of the
resolution during the siege to transfer the city to
another place, on October 6, 1541, all the Spaniards,
soldiers as well as settlers, accompanied by many
friendly Indians, set out for the chosen site of Analco
in the Atemajac Valley.* The movement attracted
settlers who had been formerly scattered at or near to
Tlacotlan, Tonald, Tlajomulco, and Tetlan. The mis-
sionaries who had been laboring at the last-named
place also removed to the new site, and on February
11, 1542, municipal officers were appointed.^ The
land around the new city was fertile in the extreme,
and promised abundant supplies for a large population.
It was in fact considered one of the most favorable
spots in New Spain, being traversed by the River
Tololotlan, which communicates with Lake Chapala,
** HiB funeral by the yiceioy 's order was a magnificent one, and the ]
were interred in the Saint FranciB convent of Siuitii^go Tlaltelnlco, aa he bad
made many generous donations to the Franciscan missioniuies. To him Tula
owed its famous bridge, which he caused to be built, employing 150 men. In
Oct. 1559 he was granted a> coat of aims as a descendant of the kings of Tez-
cuco, and created a knight of Santiago. The next year he was authorized ti>
use another coat of arms, which he had before beconung a Christian, and which
is described by Padre Vega, Memorias piacUmu de la lutcicn Indiana^ aa being
in two parts; in one was a fig-tree with a crowned eagle standing on it; in the
other a fortified house with a viper upon it; the king added in the centre of
the coat of arms the insignia of the order of Santiago with the motto ^Sodata
regia jnagna operata tua. The old captain seemed to have been foigotten till
1699, when the learned Tezcucan Indian, Francisco Isla, wrote a fine narrative
in Aztec of his life, conquests, foundations, and feats of arms. Zertcero, Mem,
Hist. Jiev.f 478-82; VcUerio, Despacho, in MonumerUoa Domm, Eep., MS., 356.
Alonso de Sosa is also mentioned as a general of Chichimecs who £^eatly
cooperated to the x>acification of the country, particularly in the r^on of
Guanajuato. He was bom in Ynririaptindaro and died in 1561. Me gave
large sums for building the church, ana endowed the convent in hia native
to¥m. Soe. Mex, Geog., Boleiin., ix. 167.
. *^The colony consisted of 58 Europeans. They tarried some time at Te-
tlan, where Fray Antonio Segovia had founded a small convent of FranciacaiiB,
the first in the province ol Nueva Galicia. Frtjet, Hist. Breve^ 263-4.
** The first sklcaldes were Fernando Floras and Pedro Placenda; regidoie8»
Mignel Ibarra, Diego Orozoo, and Juan Zabla. JaL, Not, Otog., in S^ Mex,
Oeog,, Boleiin, vi 277.
GUADALAJARA. M7
•
and possessing a fine^ temperate climate. Hence Gua«
dalajara became from the first a place of importance,
and grew in size and influence until it ranked as one
of the great centres of civilization in New Spain.
In 1543, soon after his return to Mexico, Vazquez
de Coronado so far recovered his health as to resume
the duties of oflSce. He was the last military gov-
ernor of Nueva Galicia, and resigned in 1545. Bal-
tasar Gallegos then ruled in the capacity of alcalde
mayor for several years,*^ until indeed, in 1548, a
new form of government — an audiencia subordinate
to that of Mexico — was installed at Compostela.* The
powers of that body included those of governor and
judiciary.
The jurisdiction of the audiencia included the whole
of New Galicia, with all the known territory toward
the north and north-east, and also a strip of coast
southward, embracing Colima, Zacatula, and the towns
^ See Beaumont, Crdn, Mich,, v. 6. In Chimalpain, HUL Conq, ii. sap.,
38, it ifl implied that Gallegos tucceeded Ofiate in 1542.
^^Pnranant to royal decree of Feb. 13, 1548, Becop. de Ind., I 326. Calle,
Mem. ff Not,, 89, Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich,, v. 04-5, Uerrera, dec. viii. lib. iv. ,
cap. xii., and Cavo, Trea Siglos, i. 148, erroneously give the year 1547, and
Frejes, Hist. Breve, 1549. La the Decades, in PcLcheco and Cdrdencu, Col.
Doc, viii. 30, July 13, 1548, is mentioned. This is probably the date of instal-
ment at Compostela, as Oviedo, iii. 578, names the three oidores, Quinones,
Sepi&lveda, and Contreias, who were sent from Spain in May 1548. Sepul-
veda died on the voyage. Under date of November 2, 1548, Quinones makes
recommendations to the emperor as to ^e proper course to pursue in the
administration of justice in Kew Galicia. Pacheco and Cdrdetias, Col. Doe., x.
52-6. The decree issued at Valladolid, December 8, 1550, by the aueen, de-
fined the jurisdiction, especially in appeals. Another of Dec. 19th, of the same
year, gave the audiencia of Mexico the right of revising the decisions of that
of Kew Galicia, where the alcalde mayor and the oidores of the latter dis-
agreed. Aug. 28, 1552, it was further defined that the audiencia of Mexico,
in tiie visit to that of New Galicia, was not to meddle in the afiairs of the lat-
ter, except when the judicial decisions were appealed from. Puga, Cedulario^
161, 180, 183. In the year last named, May bth, the king had been advised
that the oidores Contreraa and La Marcha were misbehaving, as they oppressed
Hie Indians, and hindered their colleagues. The Licenciado Leoron de
Quinones was prominently brought before the emperor for president and gov-
cnior of New Galicia. Valencia, Fray Angel, Carta al Emp., in Cartas de Jnd.^
110-11. Mendieta mentions Lebron as an upright. God-fearing man. Hist,
Edea,, 480. He proved to be otherwise. The powers of this audiencia were
OQotinaed with few subsequent restrictions till March 19, 1555; the king in
oooncil then ruled that the audiencia of New Spain, the viceregal chair being
vacant, should govern the oountrv and exercise authority over that of New
<ialiria. In army and treasury amdrs the latter was at all times under tha
r'a aathority. CaOe, Mem, y Not,, 43.
548 END OF MENDOZA'S RULE.
of Avalos.* The province during the period now
under consideration included ten or twelve corregi-
mientos or districts, each with its head town, or cabe-
cera, and its partidoSy each under an alcalde. This
oflScer, part of whose duty was the collection of trib-
utes, was directly responsible to the audiencia. The
head towns for the different districts were for the
most part minin^-camps, and the partidos were Indian
towns under native alcaldes, regidores, and alguaciles,
who were under the direction of the encomenderos, or
of the friars in a few of the new and poorer places
which had not excited the avarice of any Spanish
officer.
The Spanish population of this vast district was as.
yet comparatively small. It is probable that there
were not over five hundred settlers in New Gralicia,
at any time during the century, if we except the sol-
diers engaged in the conquest and in the suppression
of the Mixton revolt, and the miners in Zacatecas and
the districts south and north of it.*^
It soon became apparent that Compostela was not
so well situated for a capital of the growing prov-
ince as Guadalajara. The latter place enjoyed an
abundance of fish, game, cattle, and fresh water, of
which the old capital could not boast. The audiencia
was therefore transferred, by royal order to Guadala-
jara as the provincial capital.
The oidores do not appear to have been of a very
select character, for in 1557 Doctor Morones came
** * Partiendo t^rminos: por el Levante con la Audiencia de la NnoTa EBpaAa:
cor el Mediodia con la Mar del Sur; y por el Poniente y Septentrion cob
Froyincias no descubiertas, ni pacificas.' Becop. de Ind., i. 326-7.
'^^In 15G9, according to the I-nforrM del Cabildo, in Icasbaketcky CoL Dac^
ii. 492, there were at the Jocotl^ and Guajacatlan mines 30 Spamards; at
Gtachinango, 6; Espiritu Santo, 40; Purificacion, 10; Compo8telE^ 13; Lagos,
35; Guadalajara, 50. Among other settlements subject at this time and later
to the audiencia, were Nombre de Bios, Durango, ChametU, Sinaloa, setti^EMl
by Ibarra, Culiacan, a prominent alcaldia centre, and Pnrificaclon. The towns
in Durango and Sinaloa fell in due time politically under Nueva Viscaya, while
the audiencia of Nueva Galicia maintained the judicial control, and its bishop
the ecclesiastical. See Miranda^ ReL , in Pacheco and CdrdauUt Col, Doc^ xn.
^3-73; CaXU, Mem. y Not., 89; Villa Seficr v Sanchez, TheaJbrb, ii 267» olc;
Herrera, dec. iy. lib. ix. cap. xiii.; Mata Padilla, Conq. N, Qal,, I9d, 201-^'
,2243-6; OU, in 8oc, Mex, Oeog,, Boletm, viii. 477-^
SmALOA AND DUEANQO. 549
to take their residencia, and gained the gratitude of
the people by suspending three of them, Lebron de
Quifiones, Contreras, and Oseguera, The latter man-
aged to be reinstated, however, and retrieved himself
so well that he was promoted to a similar office in
Mexico.*^ The bishopric of New Galicia was erected
at Compostela in 1544, including within its ecclesi-
astical purview all the explored regions north of the
Michoacan boundary. The first incumbent was Pedro
Gomez Maraver, and the seat was transferred to the
new capital at or about the same time the secular
government was transferred.**
The audiencia of New Galicia, aware of the great
wealth of the mines in Sinaloa, Durango, and else-
where, with the view of adding area to its rule, and
of controlling those rich deposits, resolved in 1552 to
undertake the conquest of the whole region, begin-
ning with the rich sierras of Guaynamota, Guazamota,
and Jocotlan, situated some fifteen leagues from Com-
postela. On the other hand, Spaniards, both civilians
and soldiers, were already making settlements in a con-
siderable part of the country, and Chametla, a province
lying between Compostela and the villa de Culiacan,
would soon be under Viceroy Velasco's control.
For the chief command of the . expedition was
selected Gin^s Vazquez de Mercado, said to have beeu
a brave officer and a worthy cavalier. He was given
*^ He incnrred the hostility of the ecclesiastics for his looseness of tongue,
the bishop among others being termed a donkey, and in Cabildo, Cedes. ^ In-
formet in Icazb<uceta, Col, Doc,, ii. 484-508, a free-spoken report to the king
on men and afiairs in New Galicia in 1570, he among others is treated with-
out mercy as a vain man, ruled by his wife. In 1563 already he ranked as
president of the audiencia, with Morones and Alarcon among his associates.
Beaumont, Crdn, Mich., v. 652-7; Parra, Conq. XaL, MS., 31. Alarcon's
name became a byword for petty peculation. Morones was succeeded by
Mendiola, afterwards bishop, and he by Orozco, brother of the oidor at Mex-
ico. Quiflones had been reinstated, and came back fuming with wrath
ag^st his accusers, but he died on the way.
"There is much disagreement respecting the date; indeed, there is hardly
ft year between 1550 and 1569 to which the change is not by some author
aflsigned. A royal letter to the viceroy, of July 16, 1550, requested him to
report on the expediency of removing the * chest of three keys ' from Com-
postela to Guadalajara. Puga, CedulariOf 179.
550 END OF MENDOZA>S RULE.
the rank of captain general, with ample powers," and
raised a large force, with which he was first to subdue
the district of Jocotlan. From here he advanced fur-
ther into the interior, and had several encounters with
the natives.
It is unnecessary to follow the steps of this ill-
conducted expedition. SuflBce it to say that they
visited several of the districts that afterward became
famous for their mining wealth; but for one reason or
another no mines were opened. They finally reached
the ci^nega de Sombrerete, where again they paid no
attention to its precious deposits. One night, while
encamped here without precautions, some Zain Indians
fell upon them, slew some of the soldiers, and wounded
others. Mercado himself was severely injured, having
been saved from death by his servant, a Portuguese
negro. This necessitated a delay till the wounded
could be moved. Meanwhile the soldiers revolted,
and, though convinced that with their support he
could have subjugated the country, he was obliged to
return to Jocotlan, where rich mines were expected
to be found; but this hope proved disappointing.
Thence Mercado marched to the Teul, or Tuich, a
town belonging to Juan Delgado."
The audiencia now abandoned the idea of conquest
for the present, more particularly aa the king at this
time forbade all such expeditions without his special
license.^ Notwithstanding this, the audiencia of New
, ** He was a nephew of Bemardmo Vazquez de Tapia, the noted captain
at the conqueBt of Mexico. His wealth was great, for he was married to his
cousin Dona Ana Vazquez de Tapia, who owned rich silver-mineB in Tepio.
Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., t. 229.
s« Mercado died in 1558, after the founding of Zacatecas; and his family
was left unprotected and mined; his remains were interred in the Franciacaii
convent at Juchipila. Beawmont^ Cr<hu Mich., v. 233; Frejta, HiaL Breve^
212-15.
*^The Franciscan custodio and definidores, in recommending, ^y 8, 1552,
measures on behalf of the Indians of Michoacan and Nueva Qalicia, comi^aia
of the cruelties inflicted by military captains, adding that it would be better
to abandon all further attempts at conversion than to allow such tyranny to
continue. The entire work of converBion should be left to the missionanes,
they plead, and the military must confine themselves to affordixig protecttoo.
The oidores of the audiencias should attend to their duties and be held ac-
countable for misconduct. Valencia et al.. Carta ai Emp,, in Cartas de Indiaa^
103-18.
MINBS OF NEW GALIOA. 661
Oalicia winked at more than one raiding excursion^
destined to reenter Jocotlan and gain possession of its
mines. Some sixteen soldiers, deserters of Mercado's
'expedition, with the connivance of the authorities,
started for that region, and on reaching Cacatlotlan,
near Jocotlan, found there the Franciscans Francisco
de San Lorenzo, and another named Juan, who were
rejoiced at seeing them. But that night, while asleep,
most of the soldiers and the two friars were slain by
Indians.^
The story of the discovery of the first mine in
New Galicia is told as follows: When Captain Pedro
Ruiz de Haro died in 1542 he left a poor widow and
three daughters. The widow, Leonor de Arias, re-
tired to the interior, where she owned a little place
■called Miravalles. Being an Indian woman she could
here the better support herself, surrounded by kins-
folk and acquaintance. While standing at her door
one day, there came a poor Indian who begged some-
thing to eat. Roused to pity she cheerfully gave of
the little she had. After three days the Indian returned
and expressing thanks for her kindness handed her a
stone the greater part of which was native silver,
saying: "To you and yours I give the mine in the
Tololotlan Mountains, whence this argent ore was
taken; for it I have no use; haste you thither, take
with you laborers, and may you and yours be happy
-and nchl" Thereupon the Indian disappeared. The
mine thus revealed was named Espfritu Santo, as
though a pure benefaction from above, and for cen-
turies it made opulent the benevolent widow and her
descendants.*' However all this may have been, it is
certain that rich mines were discovered and worked in
"• It IB Dresnmed this occmred in the latter part of ld60. The two Fran-
•ciflcans had been many yean sncceMfuUy at work in New Galicia, and every-
where won the good-will and friendship of the natives. Beaumont^ Cr&n,
Mich, J V. 317-27; Vetancvrtt Menolog., 5, 6.
"Frtiea, HitL Breve, 177-8. It is added that the eldest daughter of the
widow Arias received the title of marchioness of Miravalles, and from her
liave sprang the distinguished family of that title.
552 END OF MENDOZA'S RULE.
New Galicia as early as 1543, beginning with those of
Espfritu Santo. •^ Mines not only of gold and silver
but of tin, copper, mercury, iron, and other metals
were brought to light and drew many Spaniards to
the province from Mexico and Spain. Before the end
of the century some of them, under the wasteful sys-
tem then in vogue, showed signs of exhaustion, but
many good mines, abandoned during the northern ex-
citement, were afterward profitably worked.**
There is little to note in the events of New Galicia,
during the last half of the century, save fluctuations
created by nodning excitements and the vague allusions
to minor revolts and their suppression.*^ The revolts
were to a great extent owing to abuses by encomen-
deros, who tore the natives from their homes to work
in mines and on plantations, and assisted in reducing
the already depleted province. The outrages of Guz-
man and the Mixton war are said to have destroyed
half the population. Following these came a series-
of epidemics which ravaged the country on different
occasions between 1541 and 1590, especially in 1545
and the two following years, and left but one tenth.
*" Tbe others definitely mentioned are Jaltepec, Goachinango, Purificacion»
Jocotlan, £tzatlan» Guajacatlan (Ahnaoatlan), and btlan. MotaPadiUa, Conq.
''The following items serve also as additional information : The Jocotlan
and Ahuacatlan mines, with 30 miners, yielded well, but failed somewhat in.
1669. If^fortM del Cahildo, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doe., ii. 494. Two hundred
houses were occupied by miners at Guachinango in 1550; 214 veins of metal»
were open. Marcna, in Temaux-Compana, BecuHl, 198. The mines of Espfritu. .
Santo first failed to pay in 1562. There had been 14 reduction works. Beau-
mont, Crdn, Mich., iv. 483. It was on account of the B^piritu Santo mines
that a royal treasury was established at Compostela. The mines of Jocotlan,
Guachinanffo, Ahuacatlan, and Istlan discovered by Juan Fernandez d»
Hljar yielded to the king for his royalties in 30 years 200,000 pesos. Mota
Padilla, Conq.N. Ocd., i. 179-81.
^ Ibarra and Camino led several small parties into the Nochistlan region to
tranquillize it by arms and reforms in the encomendero management. Beau-
mont also refers to the revolt of 5,000 Texoquines of Ostotipac, who were
defeated by Diego de Colis. Cr6n. Mich., MS., 615-16, 636-7, 911, 920-1,
1088, 1542-3. In 1550 and 1558 the natives of Tepic and Compostela had Uy
be suppressed. Somewhat later the Yocotequanes killed two friars, but
Oidor Contreras marched against them with 100 Spaniards and 4,000 allies,
and inflicted a loss of 600 men. Torquemada, iii. 622. Visitador de la
Marcha recommended in 1550 the enulavement of the Indians to check revolt
and vice. liapport, in Temaux-CompaM, Becusil, 171-200.
FUBTIIBR DISCOVERY OF MINES. $63
of the original population, if we may believe the
chroniclers. Comets and earthquakes added their ter-
rors, imaginary or real.*^ Nevertheless the province
prospered, thanks to its fertility and manifold re-
sources, and the abundance of mines, which afforded
a ready market for produce and live-stock.**
While not choosing to engage in the severer occu-
pation of farming, the Spaniards could always raise
cattle and sheep, and their broad grants were rapidly
stocked with animals, which offered material for man-
ufacture.**
Information is meagre concerning the early history
of that singularly ill-peopled province of Zacatecas,
as it is denominated by Humboldt, and yet its cap-
ital is even to-day, next to Guanajuato, the most cele-
brated mining-place in that country. From the visit
of Captain Chirinos in 1530 to the year 1546 we
have no definite record that any Spaniard penetrated
farther north than Nochistlan and Juchipila. The
Cascanes, Zacatecs, and other Chichimecs of the north
had, as we have seen, taken a prominent part in the
Mixton rebellion of 1541, and since its suppression they
had continued to some extent their hostile raids on
the frontier. In 1543 the emperor and viceroy were
petitioned by the municipal authorities of the New
Galicia towns to authorize war on these marauders,
and their extermination or enslavement. The coveted
*^The peat of 1545-8 carried off five sixths of the population, according to
Beaumont, and canaed the establishment of hospitals. The malady of 1551
was an inflammation of the throat. That of 1502 resembled the ravages of
1541. Comets appeared in 1567-8, and an earth(^uake which threw down
many churches, and caused the death of two fnars at Cocula. In 1577
some of the hospitals had 400 patients. A shower of ashes preceded the.
pest of 1590. Mota Padilla, Conq. N. OoL, 156-7, 237, 244; Beaumont, Crdn,
Mich., MS., 430, 623-4, 791-2, 913; Oil, in Soc. Mex. Ofog., Boletin, viii.
495-^; Torquemada, ilL 506-7. The thousands of Indians in Banderas
Valley had within 20 years dwindled to 300 men. ToraX, Carta, 1559, in.
Carta» de Indias, 138-9. The Indians tributary to Guadalajara in 15G9
were estimated at 24,300. Informe del CaMldo, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii.
492-501
*' Yet prices were low, a sheep costing 2 reals ; 8 hens, 1 real ; maize, 1 half
real per fanega. A/ota Padilla, Conq, N. Otd., 180.
^Stock-raisinff early assumed such pruportious that semi-annual counciia
irer>e held to regulate it. Herrera^ dec. Vii. lib. v. c»p. ii.
€54 END OF MKNPOZA^S RULE.
license was refused, but the subjugation of the north-
ern savages by peaceful means was ordered.
Oiiate and other officers seem to have made several
attempts in that direction, but the first one definitely
recorded was that of Juan de Tolosa, twenty-six
years after the fall of the city of Mexico. On the
8th of September 1546, Tolosa came to the sierra
of Zacatecas with a few Spaniards, four Franciscan
friars,** and a band of Juchipila Indians, and pitched
his tent at the foot of the Bufa mountain. By kind
treatment the natives were gradually conciliate, and
for over a year Tolosa and his companions labored
earnestly and successfully to pacify and convert them.
In return the Spaniards were told of the existence of
rich silver lodes in that vicinity and they determined
to investigate. In January 1548 Tolosa was joined
by his friends Crist6bal de Oiiate, Diego de Ibarra,
and Baltasar Trevino de Banuelos, all Spanish ofi&cers
of rank; and on March 21st the quaternion started on
an exploring expedition.*^ No particulars are known
of these adventures; but it seems that during the year
the Spaniards were rewarded by the discovery of the
rich mines of San Bemabd, Alvarado de San Benito
on the Veta Grande, and Tajos de Pdnuco; discoveries
so brilliant as to make these four enterprising men at
the time the wealthiest in America, as the chroniclers
assure us. The town of Nuestra Sefiora de Zaca-
tecas** was founded during this first flush of pros-
^ Fray Qer6ni]no de Mendoza, a nephew of the viceroy, was one of them;
the names of the rest are unknown. Morfij in Doc. HisL mex,, s^rie iiL torn.
iv. 329-30. BectumotU, Crdn. Mich,, v. 77, eaya the names are lost throagh
the destraction of the Zacatecas convent by fire. See, also, Arlegui, CiHiiu
Zac,, 12.
^ Juan de Tolosa was married to Leonor CorUs de Montezoma, dao^^hterof
the conqueror and granddaughter of the Aztec monarch. On the lives of
these pioneers of Zacatecas see Arltgux^ Crdn. Zac, 58, 134-5. ^emonle^
.Zoc., 28-32. Frrjea, Hist. Breve, 178-9.
^ The name of Zacatecas comes from the Aztec sactUe, meaning ffrass. A
writer in the Museo Mex., iv. 115, derives the name from a Spanish general
who i>receded Chirinos in the country ! The town was first founded wtween
the mines and the present site. Arlegui, Cron, Zae,, 16. For historical and
descriptive account of the city, and a plan, BeeBemardez, Deacrip, Zac,, 1-90L
Brief notices on various towns and mining districts appear iniSoe. Meat, Qeoa,.
BoUtin, viu. 21^; x. 114-17.
FOUNDING or ZACATBCAS.
555
Mexico.
506 END OF MENDOZA'S RULE.
perity, and it flourished from the beginning. The
fame of the mines spread rapidly over the country,
and other parts of New Galicia were almost depopu-
lated for a season^ the Zacatecan recdes, in their turn,
suffering from the superior attractions of Guanajuato,
Catorce, and the regions to the north.
The diocese of Mexico was raised to an archdio-
cese by papal bull of July 8, 1547, with jurisdiction
over the suffragan bishoprics of Tlascala, Michoacrrn,
Oajaca, Nueva Galicia, Yucatan, Guatemala, Chiapas,
Honduras, and Nicaragua. Bishop Zumdrraga was
designated first archbishop; but after the bull and the
appointment he declined the position on account of
advancing age. Nine days after the arrival of these
documents, on June 3, 1548, he died, being then in
his eightieth year.*^ His death was said to have been
miraculously made known all over New Spain on the
day of its occurrence; it certainly excited universal
interest and produced wide-spread sorrow. A per-
vading sense of impending loss had caused profane
dances, which hitherto formed an important feature
in the Corpus Christi procession, to be omitted in
the one immediately preceding his demise. The odor
of sanctity*^ which had clung to him in life embalmed
his memory.
" Four days before his death, on May 30, 1548, ZoxnArraga wrote to the
emperor tliat the letters and bolls making Mexico an archbiahopric had
arriyed five days preyious, but that he was too feeble to accept, and he felt
that his end was near at hand. Carta, in Bamirez, Doc,, MS., 387-9. Here
the good bishop also states that he performed an ecclesiastical feat which,
if true, would certainly make his last days eclipse the gloiy of his former
achievements. 'I es verdad qne havra quarenta dias qne con aynda de
Religiosos comenze a oonfirmar los Yndios desta Cibdad i mni examinados qn»
no recibiesen mas de una vez la confirmacion; pasaron de quatrocientas mill
animas los que recibieron el olio.' It was indeed severe work closely to
examine 400,000 souls during 40 days, and to see that they had not been
previously baptized. Other authorities on the elevation of Mexica to an
archsee, and the appointment and death of Zumdrraga, are: Vetanevrt, CituL
de Mex,, 22; Giraua TarragoneZf in ApiaiiOf Cosmog,, 76; Dice. UfUv.j x.
113'2-3; Ddvila, Continuacion, MS., 307; Torquemaday iiL 454; Mendieia^
Hist. Eclea,, 635-6; Beaumont, Cr6n, Mich,, iii. 248-^52; v. 61-3; FemtmdeL,
Hist, Eclea,, 60; Caile, Mem. y Not,, 45-6; Medina, Chron, 8. Diego, 236;
VUla Sfiior, Theatro, i. 28. Gk>nzalez Ddvila, TeairoJSdea,, i. 23, assumes that
Zum&rraga actually was archbishop.
** Among the miracles attributed to him was that, when an attempt was
DEATH OF ZUMABRAGA. m
The life of this prelate had been humble in the
extreme, not differing from that of the lowliest mis-
sionary. He was held to have denied himself many
of the necessaries of life; to have worn none but the
coarsest of garments, and voluntarily to have made
his long and frequent episcopal visits on foot, attended
by but few, lest he should be a burden to any; and
though while officiating in his sacred calling he would
maintain the dignity and exhibit the splendor of his
station, at all other times he was the servant of all.
Oblivious of self, he was profuse in providing for the
<5onvents of Mexico, and Uberal in alms. He loved
books, though he hated the Aztec manuscripts; it was
in his collection of devotional works, and in the study
of them, that he took the greatest delight. He was
a man preeminently just, according to the light that
had been given him; austere, to the full mortification
of the flesh; chaste, not suffering a woman to enter
his house on any pretence whatever. Gonzalez Ddvila
says that he had no occasion to make a will, being
destitute of worldly possessions. But this I find was
not true. There was a will, and there was property.^
There were the houses which the bishop possessed in
Mexico and Vera Cruz; the encomienda of Ocuituco;
numerous personal male aaid female slaves, held con-
trary to law; horses and mules; with important money
donations and many minor matters, directions for the
distribution of which were fully set forth.*^
made to introduce those unseemly dances in the Corpus Christi procession,
he moved the heavens to pour down incessant rain, which made them impos-
sible. Vetanevrty Menclog., 62.
^It was duly executed before a notary and witnesses on June 2, 1.548, one
day before his death. An attested copy of the whole document may be found
in Ramirez Doc., MS., 77-112.
^In the will Zumirraga speaks of a house he had leased to his major-
domo, Martin de Aranguren, for ten years; of several other houses he owned
in Vera Cruz; of female slaves, one of whom he had given to Aranguren per-
sonally and now wishes exchanged; of a man slave who is to work six years
and then be manumitted; of ouier slaves whose services had been hired by
Father Torres; of his own attendant slaves, and provision is made for their
emancipation. The episcopal building is set apart for hospital purposes, to
which he gives for the use of the sick three of his chairs, out is careful to
mention tuit 'they are not to be taken from the silk ones.' To Juan Lopez
lie donates 100 pesos de oro de minas, for having married, at that price, &
I
K8 END OF M£K1X)ZA*S BULB.
According to this document it is manifest that
Zumdrraga was a prosperous citizen as well as an
honored prelate; that he conducted a regular trade
with the Indians through his majordomo, Martin do
Aranguren, advancing money on future crops at good
interest, and that these transactions and others of a
similar kind had been systematically carried on for a
number of years. The old man finds himself cum-
bered with many things when he comes to die, and
et, on the day of this last distribution of his estate,,
e indites a farewell letter to his king, in which he
reiterates the oft-made statement of his poverty/^ as
though to the last he would preserve this painful con-
trast between the outward life of the prelate and the
inward and real life of the man.
But all else we could readily forgive the bishop,
even the occasional burning of a few old witches, but
the destruction of the Aztec libraries, the mountains
of native historical documents and monumental works
at Tlatelulco, must ever be regarded as an unpardon-
able offence. We cannot deplore deeply enough this
irreparable loss, the hieroglyphic history of nations
unknown, reaching back a thousand years or more.
In conclusion we may say that the business ability of
the bishop assisted somewhat to temper his zesl io
certain directions, and to guide his labors as adminis*
trator and head of the church, whose interest he ably
promoted.**
daughter of 'Flay Gutierrez,' undoubtedly a oonqaeror who had taVan tt*
habit; this gift was made with reluctance, but the bishop had prondbed it.
To others he gives his horses and mules with appurtenances, and to soUie, for
services rendered, various sums of money; to the nuns bo gives fifty fanegaa
of wheat. To the majordomo he leaves all the tithes of the prebend, and
directs him to pay therewith the debts he may deem proper, and no o^ers,
and no accounting shall be required of him; there are many minor provisions
and bequests which the viceroy is asked to execute. There is no aonbt that
Zumdrraga had given a building for hospital porposee, besides the episcopal
dwelling, but it is also shown that he had received it from a deceased Span-
iard for that very purpose. Bamirez, Doe., MS., 77-112, 134-200.
'^ He also begged tne king to pay any debts he might leave, and Gonzales
D^vila, TecUro Ecles,, L 28, says an order to that effect was subsequently
issued.
*^ In connection with Zumdrraga may be mentioned Andres de Obnos, ^
Fnmciaoan, who was selected by him as a feUow-laborer when appointed
AK mSTOBICAL IMPOSTOR. 809
After the death of Zumdrraga the Mexican see was
oflTered to several of the old and distinguished friars,
such as Father Gante, who declined the honor, and no
appointment was made for a time.^
Some months after Zumdrraga's death, which had
followed so closely upon that of his friend Cortes,
Viceroy Mendoza, who had recently been engaged in
reapportioning the repartimientos throughout the
country, asked permission to visit Spain, his private
affairs needing attention after an absence of fourteen
years. The following year several petitions were made
to the crown, praying that Francisco, the viceroy's
son, be appointed to succeed his father, in case the lat-
ter should resign or be removed. * Indeed, his health
began to fail and a change in the government was
therefore soon expected. The several petitions were
disregarded by the emperor, and during the same year,
1549, Don Luis de Velasco was appointed to super-
sede Mendoza. Before this took effect an impostor
created quite a stir in the country, and lorded it for
a short time over all the royal officials, including
Mendoza.
A month before the arrival of Velasco, there landed
bishop of Mexico. For 43 years Olmos labored in New Spain, and many
miracles are ascribed to him. lighted arrows shot by savages at the roof of
his dwelling Woald fail to ignite it, and when directed against his person
they woald return as if shot by an unseen force against themselves. He died
about 1571, being over 80 years of age; and when this event occurred, per-
fumes and celestial music were observed by both Spaniards and natives.
Torquemada, iii. 475; Mendieta, Hist, Ecles,^ 644-51; Vaaquez, Chron,
Oval., 529.
^ Padre Pedro Gante was offered the diocese, but did not accept. Vetau'
evrtf Menohg., 67-8. He nevertheless remained the power at the episcopal
court, owinfl to his ffreat experience, ability, and influence, as archbishop
Montlifar admits, and this till his death in June 27, 1572. He was interred
in the chanel of St Joseph, one of tlie many temples built by himself, and
there round his grave concentrated all the vast love he had won from Span-
iards as well as natives, by his apostolic zeal, his benevolence, and his self-
denying life. PancCf Hel,, in Col. Doc. In^d., Ivii. 181; Mtndietay Hist. Eclea.,
607-11; TorquemadcL, iii. 426-32; Kemesal, Hist. Chyapa, 10; Cartas de
Indias, 762. Padre Francisco de Soto, then in Spain, was elected to fill the
episcopal vacancv, but he also declined. In 1550 he returned to Tlascala, and
died in 1551. /a., 92. Bishop Francisco Marroc^uin of Guatemala was then
recommended by Licentiate Cerrato, but the petition was returned with the
remark 'Sin dnda eato seria soUcitacion del opo.' Carta, in Squier*8 MSS,,
MO END OF MENDOZA'S RULE.
at Vera Cruz a person announcing himself as Licen-
ciado Vena, visitador from Spain. He was accom-
panied by a beautiful and accomplished woman from
Seville and at once became the recipient of honors
corresponding to one who might have many favors to
bestow, Mendoza, who was notified by the authorities
felt much surprised at this, not having received any in-
formation of such procedure on the part of the crown.
The audiencia trembled, and office holders and seekers
were eagerly expectant. The new visitador, making
no secret of his intention to bestow honors and emolu-
ments as he listed, quickly reaped a rich harvest from
his audacity at Vera Cruz, and the pair proceeded to
Mexico. Knowing that his time was short. Vena
fleeced wherever he could, assisted therein by his
fair companion. When hints were oflTered as to his
credentials, he said that they were in the hands of
the new viceroy, who would soon arrive. When the
new viceroy came the presumptuous pair departed
from Mexico, ostensibly to meet and receive that
official; but meanwhile suspicions had been aroused.
The fraud was detected; the impostors were arrested
and stripped of all that had been given them. Vena
was sentenced to receive four hundred lashes and ten
years' service at the gallevs; the beautiful Sevillana
was shipped to Spain, and thus, remarks the caustic
Torquemada, "the impostor was left poor in silver
but rich in stripes." This act of justice, the last exe-
cuted by Mendoza in New Spain, received the warm
applause of the community.
During the month of November the new viceroy
arrived, and Mendoza proceeded to Cholula to re-
ceive him, a custom which was observed by subse-
quent out-going viceroys. When the ceremonies of
transmission were over, Mendoza delivered to his suc-
cessor lengthy written instructions concerning vice-
regal duties, indicating the necessary measures to be
followed in the government of the country. This
information was of great value to the new viceroy.
HE GOES TO PERU. 561
x^ming as it did fix)m one who had governed so long
and so wisely
Great, indeed, had been the progress of New Spain
during the fifteen years of Mendoza's rule. The tu-
multuous events of the last decade had given place to
peace and order, and conspiracies, revolts, and rebel-
lion had been suppressed. Even the storm raised by
the new laws, which had threatened social and polit-
ical disruption, under mild management had wrought
but insignificant evils. The conquest of provinces
in the north and south had been achieved; mines
had been discovered and developed; numerous towns
and churches, covents, hospitals, and schools, had
been founded; roads, bridges, and other public works
had been constructed, and agriculture, industry, and
commerce had greatly increased. It is unnecessary
to dwell upon the character and deeds of Mendoza,
His acts are before the reader. He was not wholly
faultless; he was not altogether without enemies; but
in the main he was a just man, and his conduct met
the approval of both the crown and the colonists.
The king could not well afford to dispense with such a
servant. The commotion in Peru had become chronic,
and Charles desired Mendoza to establish there a
stable government. He was permitted, however, to
retain the viceroyalty of Mexico should he so prefer,
in which case Velasco would proceed to Peru ; but,
desiring a change of climate, in the hope of restoring
his failing health, he concluded to make the transfer.^
^ Some say that Mendoza made the trip from Mexico to Panami by land.
This, howerer, is improbable. There was no highway through (Central America
to the Isthmus, and the viceroy was in delicate health; furthermore, the trip
would have been hazardous even with a large escort. Mendoza took charge
of the government of Peru in Sept. 1551, and died July 21, 1552.
The authorities consulted for the preceding three chapters are: Herrtra^
dec viLlib. ii. cap. x.-xii.; lib. v. cap. v.; lib. vi. cap. vii. xi.; lib. vii. cap.
xiv.; dec. viii. lib. iv. eap. xii.; lib. vi. cap. xi.; Torquemada, L 608-616;
iu. 106-8, 258, 340-7, 468-76, 589, 610-11, 623; Oonuira, Hist, Ind., 135;
Ordenes de la Corona, MS., ii 712; Squier^s MSS., xix. 39-42; Puga, Cedu-
lario, 100-91, passim; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 160-2, 203, 257-62, 404-68,
525-6, 714; Orijahfa, Cr&n,, 61-77; Recap, de Indiae, I 212j ii. 17, 108, 197;
Hist. Mix., Vol. IL 86
682
KND OF MEXDOZA*S RULE.
OgiSnf's Am,, 96, 266-7; Cartas de Indku, 33-4, 8^-81, 119^20, 776; OviedOr
iL 1^; iiL 589-44, 552-4, 578; iv. 26; Packeeo and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc, uL
118, 128, 369, 377; vi. 170-3, 484-515; vii. 209, 236-8, 538; viiL 30, 199-206?
xiv. 151-65; xv. 447-8; xviii. 328-30; Benzoniy Nwvo J\£<mdo, 38-9; Burgoo,
Oeog. Deaerip. Oajaca, ii. 377; Oonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Bela,, 22-8, 761,
86-9, 179; Mindkta, Hist, Ecks., 275^58, 471-7, 515; Provmda Santo^
Etxmg., MS., No. 1, 21-58; Mex. AcUu Prov., MS., 36; Mkhoacan, Proe. 8.
Nicolas, 34-69; Medina, Chron, 8. Diego, 236-57; BemalDiaz, HisL Verdad.^
235-7; Kingaborough's Mex. AtUiq., v. 156; DdvUa Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex.,
117-18, 169-75; CondUos Prov. 1556-S5, 246-6, 351-67; Ddvila, Con. de la
Cr6n., MS., 312-13; Beaunumt, Ordn. Mich., iv. 105-504, pasaim; v. 6-109,
134-40, 299-307, 483; Id., MS., 323-1089, passim; Arlegui, Chron. Prov.
ZaccUecas, 12-16, 143-6, 342; Vazqv^, Chron. Ouai., 629; MonumerUos Domin.
Esp., MS., No. 5, 8, 50-1, 242-3; CaUe Mem. y NoL, 45-6, 62, 89-91;
Cortis, Escritos Sueltos, 333-5; Cortis, IHario 181S, xii. 348; Pajpeles Fronds-
camoB, MS., s^rie i.. No. 1; Vetancvrt, Menolog., 49-68, 126-92; Veianevrt^
Trot. Mex., 23-7; 8oc Mex. Oeog., BoleUn, iii. 347; vi. 277-8; viii 21, 617-27;
ix. 48; X. 114; HumJboUU, Essai Pol., L 131-2, 217, 318-19; Fernandez^ HlsL
EcUs., 61-2, 131-4, 156-9; Temaux-Compans, Voy., serie i. torn. x. 259-66,
289-306, 349-51; Pap. Var., cii. pt. vi. 7-12; cxciv. pt. vi. 12; Bobertsons
Hist. Am., ii. 1005; Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 62-154, 198-230, 307-32; Pe-
ralta. Not. Hist., 19-20, 31-2, 158-74; Bamusio, i. 414; Pimentel, Menu, 151-88;
NouveUesAn. des Voy., xcix. 192; AJaman, Disert., ii 183-5; Id., JTisL Mej., ii.
38; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 93-4, 200-5, 227-9; it 125-7; Bumey*s
Discov. South Sea, i. 219-20; Cabrera, Escudo Armas, 184-6; Bemardez, Zac.
2; PimenUl, Econ. Pol, 1^-25; Id., Mem. Lit. Actual, 97-188; Bamirez^
Proceso, xviii. xxiii.; Bamirez, Doc., MS., 77-114, 134-200; Prescott*s Mex.,
ii. 97; Mex. Hierogl, 92; Lacunasa, Diseursos Hist., 479-661; Masa&n, OUa
Podrida, 91; Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 131-57; Lerdo de Tejada, Armnt., No. 5.
262; Museo Mex., i. 64-7, '537-40; iv. 116-19; Monette, HisL Disc Miss., i.
63-4; Linaehoten, Voy., 226-8; La Cruz, ii. 613-16; v. 686; Chevalier, Mex,,.
293-310; Oalvano's Discov., 231-9; VUla SeAor, Theatro, i. 28 et seq.; Sola-,
zar, Mex. en 1564, 59; Fossey's Mex., 51-2; Bioera, Gob. Mex., I 31-3, 100-1;
Bivera, HisL Jalaapa, i. 62-4; Id., Descrip. Zac, ii. 3, 4; Frejes, HisL Breve,
161-73, 206-9, 261-70; Sanson, L*Amer., 34-5; Zamora, Bib. Leg. UU., v.
449-62; Fonseoa, HisL Hoc, 411-518; Zamacois, Hist. M6j., L 691-715-^
V. 6-28; Dice Univ., i. 173-4, 35; vii. 39, 66, 150; x. 788, 918-21; Oardlam>
dela Vega, Com., ii. 80-1; Id., La Florida, 255-65; Nueva Sspafla, Breve
Bes., MS., L 226-45; Parecer de Salamanca, 1541; Jalisco, Mem. HisL, 154-
169, 178-190; Id., NoL Oeog. y EsL, 15; El Indicador, iiL 37-52; OreetUiou's
Mem., 30-1; Id., Or. and Vol., 62; Oonzalez, Col. N. Leon, xiii.-xviL
CHAPTER XXVIL
IKBIAN POLICY.
1560-1600.
LOn DB VXLASOO, SbOON1> ViCXBOT— RoTAL iNSTBUCfTIONS AKD SUBSXQUXmP
Bjsoulations—- Entobckmjbnt of thb New Laws—- Constxbkation
Caused bt theib Exscittion— Slaves Set Free— Diboo Bamibez*
CoioiissioN — Caciques' Abuses Checked— The Cbown Assumes Full
JuBiSDicnoN— Encoioekda Entail— Opposition of thb Audiencia —
Bad Effectts of the New Laws on Minino and Revenue— Popula-
tion AND Its Characteb— Kefobm Measubes— Powebs of the Vice-
BOT Restbictbd— Thb Audiengia Made his Councii/— Philip IL
Pboclaucbd Kino— He Bbos fob Monet.
Thb newly appointed viceroy, Luis de Velasco, was
a member of the noble house of the constable of Cas-
tile, and a knight of Santiago, who to his illustrious
birth and high merits united the experience gained
by nearly thirty years of military service and as a
ruler in l»f avarre. During his long career he had dis-
played sterling personal worth and practical states-
manship. He was of industrious habits, and in him
patience and firmness were united to a winning affa-
bility. He seemed fitted in every particular to fill
the responsible position to which he had been called
by his sovereign.^ Indeed, it was necessary that the
government so judiciously organized by Mendoza
should be as faithfully administered by his successor.
^Merrera, dec viii. lib. vii. cap. xiv.; Alaman, Disert., iii. app. ii. One
lelifions '^iter erroneoTulv states that Velaaco had served in the campaign
against the ChicMmecs. It was probably his son that was referred to, w no at
a later time rendered service there. Medina, Chron. S. DiegOy 253. Velasco,
in a letter of Joly 12, 1552, to the emperor, says that the secretary of the
royal council, Francisco de Ilraso, assorecl him at the time of his appointment,
that if Mendoza, after serving three years in Pern, desired to be a second time
viceroy of Mexico, he, Velaroo, was to give up the office to him, and go to
( M8 )
66i INDIAN POLICY.
After the conference at Cholula, Velasco proceeded
to the capital, which he entered the 25th of Novem-
ber 1550.^ His reception by the municipaUty and
people was cordial, every one expecting the best results
from his rule.'
There were the usual instructions, under date of
April 16, 1550, from the king to the viceroy, contain-
ing much upon the already hackneyed subject of Indian
policy and Indian treatment. It made little difference
to the colonists how much was said or ordered by
Spain and Rome regarding freedom, conversion, and
the like; but when there was talk about enforcing the
so-called new laws of 1542,* that was indeed a serious
matter.
Among other details to insure the further relief of
the natives it was ordered that the compensation to
collectors of tribute should be paid, not by the Indians,
but out of the proceeds from vacant corregimientos.
Peru with the same rank. With this anderstanding he left hiB family and
interests at home. He was willing to continue his most faithful serrioee to
the crown, but if required to go to Peru the king should allow him an ade-
quate salary, say 30,000 ducats, and 3,000 more for travelling expenses; aa
nis means v/ere quite limited and the coming tio Mexico brougnt him 12,000
ducats in debt, which was being paid out of nis small income in Spain. Caria
al Emp. , in Cartas de Indiaa, 260-2, and fac. sim. 5. He was allowed 2,000
pesos a year more than Mendoza had received. The salary of the oidores was
at the eainc time Increased to 150,000 maravedis each. This increase of oom-
peDsation was coupled with the obligation on the part of the favored officials
to abstain from all money -making, and to devote their whole energy to their
official duties. Puga^ Ceaulario, 144. At a later date the viceroy bitterly com-
plains of his inadequate salary, which compelled his wife and children to be
separated from him, in despite of which his expenses in Mexico necessarily
exceeded his pay, and he was sinking his small patrimony with increasing and
unavoidable debt, adding, ' lo que pretendo es no yrlas & pagar d la otra vida.'
He wants the crown either to allow him sufficient compensation or send him
his recall, before he is utterly ruined, reminding the tdng that he deserves
some consideration at his hands after his 30 years of faithful service, the peti-
tioner being an old man 2,000 leagues away from his home, family, and rela-
tives. Vc'lasco was a ' caballeix) profebo ' in the order of Santiago. When ho
left the government of Navarre ne ^'as granted 200,000 maravedis a year
during his life, or until an equivalent was allowed him. Vekuco, Carta al
JSmp., in Cartas de fjidias, 266-7.
' Lorcnzana gives his arrival in Mexico city Dec. 5th, and several anthoirB
follow him; all evidently in error, for the government record-book shows hia
first order to have been dated Nov^28th, and the last one of Mendoza on Oct.
4th. Gob. Pol., in Cort^, Hist. N. JSsp., 14; Torqu&nada, I 617, makes him
arrive in 1551.
' 'Para dicha y felicidad de la Nueva-Espafia. ' Vetancvri, TraL Mex,, Si
'hombre cabal y pio.* Cavo, TresSiglos^ L 154.
* Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc^ xxiii. 52(M7v
VELASCO, VICEROY. 565
The royal officials were not to be called to other duties
than strictly those of their; respective offices, experi-
ence having shown that such officers, under the pre-
text of collecting the revenue, often inflicted much
injury/ Churchmen must not interfere in matters
foreign to their calling.^ Another most important
injunction by the monarch was the advancement of
public education, and the estabUshment of a unwersity
in Mexico.
As in duty bound, Velasco set himself at work
energetically to carry out his instructions and con-
tinue to the best of his ability the work so well begun
by Mendoza. His straightforward course won for him
the respect and love of his subjects, and confirmed
the confidence of the sovereign. One of his first
acts was the enforcement, in 1551, of the new laws
which it had been deemed expedient by Mendoza and
Tello Sandoval to suspend in 1544 at the importunate
petitions of the colonists. The king's commands were
now peremptory to make effective the laws for the
manumission of the natives. By an affirmatory decree
of July 7, 1551, the crown ordered that all Indian
women taken prisoners in war, and males who at the
time of being captured were under fourteen years of
age, whether already branded or not, should be forth-
* The crown in the first three years of this viceregal term issued several
decrees to govern the treasury officials and other royal officers, notably: Ex-
amination of accounts now proceeding not to be interfered with even on appeal.
Treasurer, contador, factor, and veeuor to furnish each an additional bond of
10,000 pesos in gold. Escribanos de minas to have their fees Curtailed. Duties
an. smelting and marking gold and silver, hitherto allowed to the marquis of
Camarasa, the secretary Cobos, to be hereafter accounted for to the king.
Treasury officials to sell all confiscated goods without delay at public vendue,
an oidor to be always present at sales for treasury account. Masons, tailors,
tinkers, and others of low degree, not to be made corregidores. The audiencia
was inhibited from making appointments to offices held in perpetuity, and
rendered vacant by death or resignation of the incumbent. PugOy Cedulario,
126, 128, 134, 136, 139, 181, 183-5.
•There being in New Spain many friars and clergymen who had come there
without the requisite royal permission, some of thelatter disguiseil as laymen,
stringent orders were issuea to the viceroy and audiencia to return all such
to Spain forthwith. The first order of 1550 was reiterated May 31, 1552.
Puga, CedulariOy 1^-4, 179. In the same year, 1552, to avert *lo8 desmanes
de los eclesi^ticos en asunto de mugeres, the king forbade the taking by
churchmen to the Indies of women, even though the latter might be their own
sisters. Caw, Tres Sigio8, i. 160.
566 INDIAN POUCY.
with set free. This decree likewise included the pris-
oners taken in the last Jalisco war, as there was no
right to make them slaves. Full-grown men taken
prisoners and held in slavery, if the possessors could
not show that they had been captured in a just war
and after all the requirements of the royal ordinances
on the subject had been fulfilled, were to be at once
liberated, the burden of proof being laid on the masters;
brands or bills of sale or other titles of possession were
to go for nothing in such cases, the presumption being
that those Indians were free vassals of the king/
The colonists came forward with their opposition
stronger than before. Old arguments were revived ;
they begged and threatened and wailed. The king's
officers were firm, and one hundred and fifty thousand
male slaves, besides great numbers of women and
children, were set at liberty. It was a grand consum-
mation, a most righteous act ; and when we consider
the times, the loss of revenue to the crown, the unpop-
ularity, nay, the absolute danger of the movement in
regard to the colonists, and also that it was volun-
tarily done, we cannot but bless the religion which
manufactures consciences productive of such resultsj.*
Another important injunction was embodied in a
c^dula of September 21, 1551, from Prince Philip,
who now governed Spain, forbidding the viceroy and
audiencias to keep Indians in their service unless for
fair wages. All demands of personal service as trib-
ute were to be discontinued; the king and council
knew that the natives preferred to pay their tribute
in money, and not in labor, and this preference here-
after was to be respected. The viceroy, oidores, and
^ If any such natives had been allotted to the crown for its fifths and sold,
the sale money was to be returned to the purchasers out of the royal treaftuiy
and the natives freed. Other natives held as slaves, not as the result of war,
and claiming their freedom, were to be listened to, and their cases adjudicated
according to the existing laws. The decree was to be circulated far and wide,
that it might become known to all Indians; the Franciscan friars were also
directed to instruct the Indian slaves to demand their liberty. PugOy Oedml-
rio, 124-8, 144r-5, 154, 186, 209. drdenea de la Corona, MS., ii. 16, with asto-
graphs of Prince Maximilian and Queen Juana.
^ * Quedando del todo sin esclavitud, y molestia. Veiattcvrtf TraL Mex,p flL
REFORM MEASURES. 5d7
archbishop were directed to assess the tribute the
crown Indians were to pay in future, in lieu of per-
sonal service.^
Persons having slaves in the capital were forbidden
to remove them. This policy was earnestly recom-
mended to Velasco by his predecessor, on the ground
that the slaves would thereby be enabled to obtain
their freedom with greater certainty.^®
In pursuance of the royal command of June 1, 1549,
the viceroy determined to check the practice of forc-
ing the natives to carry heavy loads, and gave orders
accordingly.^^ It was even found necessary in some
cases to check the clergy who had assumed temporal
as well as spiritual authority. But as their acts could
not be openly corrected without bringing disgrace
upon the church, the viceroy asked for the privilege
of exercising more private measures, which request
the crown granted. Likewise the crown interposed
its authority as late as 1558, to prevent caciques from
abusing their subjects, capital punishment, mutilation
of limbs, and other inflictions by their order being
forbidden. The supreme jurisdiction in civil as well
as criminal cases was formally assumed by the crown;
and July 8, 1557, it was ordered, to prevent the ca-
ciques from robbing the wages of the laborers they
employed, which had become a common practice, that
such wages should be paid before the ministro doc-
trincro.
The thraldom of the chiefs over the TnacehucUes, or
* An earlier c^ula, July 7th, had enjoined the fixing of Indian tribute, and
•did away with the necessity of its beinff paid in gold-dust by any native.
Mendi^tOy BuH-, i^c^., 471-4; Torquemada, iii. 254-5.
^^ * Con cargo que no le saque de la ciudad, porque ddndoles lugar que los
Ueveu fnera, no consiguen tan en breye la libertad. Mendoza^ Bel., ApurUam,
y A t}v>09, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas^ Col, Doe., vi. 509.
*• Some say they could not carry for money, because they were so ill-paid.
'Ki que fnese de gracia, 6 per voluntad de los propios Indios, ni oprimidos, y
for^adoB.' Torquemada, i. 618. In June 1552 the king commanded that
orders of the viceroy should be obeyed, even when appealed from and the
appeal allowed by the audiencia. Puga, Cedulario, 132. The king had also
contemplated the reappointment of a protector of Indians in New 8pain, but
for some reason failea to do so for some time. M^ndieia, Hist. Ecles., 481;
BeaumoiU, Crdn, Mich., v. 143-5, MS., 8C0-1.
IM INDIAN POUCY.
laborers, was a heavy one. Many held the position of
caciques by their own assumption, without being the
rightful heirs of deceased chiefs. As a matter of fact
many of the old lords and chiefs had died, since the
Spanish conquest, leaving no succession. Others had .
become rulers by the favor of the friars or corregi-
dores, who had made them governors, alcaldes, or
sheriffs; and as soon as an Indian began to hold such
an office he called himself a chief. The next year
another set would be created, and this was continued
from year to year till the number had so multiplied
that about one fourth of the native population called
themselvea principales, or chiefs. Cortes brought the
subject to the attention of the crown with the addi-
tion that these self-constituted caciques, having the
rod of power in their hands, had seized a large portioa
of the taxable lands, claiming them as patrimonial,
and settled on them native rent^ayers, from whom
they exacted high rents besides the royal tribute of
one dollar, and a half fanega of maize.^^
Had the yearly tribute been no more than this, the
burden might easily have been borne; but as a matter
of fact the natives had many burdens laid upon them,
such as personal labor, providing firewood, and supply-
ing fodder for animals. The king, the communes, the
friars, and the head-men who ruled the towns, all
were entitled to a share. The exactions other than
crown receipts were called "sobras de tributos y bienes
de coinunidad," and at one time were no less than
300,000 pesos, and together with personal service were
pure impo^tion on the macehuales. They had, more-
over, to serve for nothing whenever the authorities
" The marques del Valle urged the discontinuance of the system. The real
old chiefs might, however, have their pillaUi, or patrimonial lands, cultivated
by fairly paid native laborers. CartOj in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc.,
iv. 449-51. In time many macehuales deserted their lords, which the Span- .
ish court discountenanced. Oct. 20, 1568, it ordered that such deaertert
should be restored to their natural caciques. However, in 162S and 1654
royal orders were issued to investigate false titles and set such aside, to pro-
tect the rightful caciques in their privileges, and at the same time relieve tha
plebeians from unjust burdens, i^o mestizo could become a cacique; a law
of 1576 expressly forbade it Zamora, Leg, UU,, ii. 153.
FRAUDS OF THE OFFICIAIS. 509
called upon them to build town-houses or to make
other improvements. Under such a system towns
could get along without funds, and the surplus spoken
of was appropriated by the unprincipled collectors."*
A common trick was for the collectors to ask every
two or three years for a new count, on the ground of
a decrease in the population, which they made appar-
ent by hiding a number of the natives. Then with
less to account for they would collect from all and
keep the surplus. The remedy suggested by Cortes
to check these frauds, and to do away with all undue
thraldom, and at the same time offer an inducement
to the macehual to acquire industrious habits and
improve his fortunes, was to give each man or head of
a family a title for himself and his legal heirs, to a
share of land, conditioned upon his faithful payment
every year of a certain rent, under penalty of for-
feiture of the leasehold. By this arrangement the
tribute would be laid on the land, and not on the
laborer. The surplus shares of land remaining at the
first grants should be awarded to those born there-
after in the district, and of proper age, who had no
land to cultivate because their parents had not a suffi-
cient quanity." This proposal met with favor on
the part of the crown. Early in 1560 it was ordained
that all scattered natives should be called to dwell in
*'An abuse injurious to both the payer and the royal treasury. CorUs, in
Pacheco and Cdnlenas, Col. Doc., iv. 441-2, 446-52, 456; V alderrama, in Id.,
iv. 359; Rel. Aridn., in Id., vi. 166-7. Cortes seemed, however, to have
the interests of the crown more at heart than those of the victim. He wanted,
the tributes increased in more favored localities, where many could make in
two or three days the amount of their yearly tax, but being too lazy to work
and benefit themselves, needed to be forced to it. In fact, they chose to pay
four or six reales rather than the half fane^a of maize, when a whole fanega
was worth only four or five reales. The gram should be demanded, he urged,
in lieu of money; otherwise in a short time there would be a famine. There
was another imposition the natives were called upon to suffer; tliat of Span-
ish travellers buletiug themselves with their servants and animals upon them.
A royal order in 1563 required that travelling Spaniards should be put up at
inns, if there were any, or if not, to pay for what they had. Zaniora, Leg.
UU., ii. 656.
** In 1575 the royal tribute continued at the old rate. A number of natives
had become the owners of large haciendas and other property paying no other
tax. Enriquezj Carta al Rey (Sept. 23, 1575), in Cartas de Indias, 307-8;
JJailuyfs Koy., ill. 463.
i
570 INDIAN POLICY.
towns, where they were to hold lands, and to pursue
their useful mode of obtaining a livelihood This was
really the reiteration of an order of October 1558.
If carried out in a proper spirit this law would have
proved beneficial; but the avariciousness of the white
men charged with its execution defeated its object
They gave the natives only the more barren lands,
reservmg the best for themselves and their friends."
On the other hand it was true that the natives did
not like to work, and the government felt obliged at
last to compel them to raise more grain than thej
actually required for their own use and for tribute."
The viceroy Velasco attended faithfully to the car-
rying-out of these orders. Towns within five leagues
of Mexico city were to be visited for the above pur-
poses by the oidores. For visiting more distant towns,
and enforcing the measures for the benefit of the
natives, the crown ordered that the licentiate Diego
Kamirez, an upright man,^^ should be specially com-
missioned. The audiencia was made to render him
all possible aid, and to countenance no appeals from
his decisions. Ramirez' term, originally limited to six
months, was afterward extended for as long a time as
he might need to complete his useful tasks.
It was enjoined on the visitadores, whether Ba-
mirez or an oidor, to prevent among other abuses
that of inflicting corporal punishment on the natives
by friars who had usurped the power of imprisoning,
whipping, and clipping the hair of native offenders.
They were also to cause the removal of all herds of
cattle and flocks of sheep grazing on lands to the in-
jury of the natives; and to see that the latter had the
requisite spiritual aid.
1* This injuBtice caused a dispersion, and the project had to be abandoned.
Torquemada^ iii. 263.
^' I judge that was the object in view when the Ticeroy and audiencia
decreed December 5, 1578, in obedience to a royal order of May 7, 1577, tfiat
the encomenderos should not sell to or exchange with their own Indians the
maize received in tribute. Montemaior, AtUoBAeord., 33.
" From the beginning to the end of his rule Velasco was careful to appoint
none to office but the moral and upright. Torquemada, L 622; BetsumomL
Cr&iu Mich,, V. 549, MS., 1133.
TENURE OF ENCOMIENDAS. 571
One of the objects of Ramirez' trust was to officially
apprise the encomenderos that their tenor would be
only for the natural life of themselves and their next
legitimate son or daughter, but at the death of the
second holders the repartimientos were to revert to
the crown. This was pursuant to the royal decree of
April 5, 1552, providing the succession to an encomi-
enda in the eldest son or direct heir lawfully begotten.^
Not long afterward the succession was extended to
the second, and later to several more generations,^ so
that in effect it became perpetual.
The royal order giving preference to the con-
querors was extended to their sons, notably by a law
'^ In the event of his inability or unwillingness to accept it, then the sec-
ond son, and so on to the last; if there were no sons, then the eldest daughter,
and in her default, the next in succession, under certain obligations; if there
were neither sons nor daughters, then the widow. After the death of this
second holder, the encomienda was to revert to the crown. Under the king*s
general regulations no mulatto, mestizo, nor any one of illegitimate birth
could hold an enconiienda. If any was so holden, it was to revert at once to
the crown. The order was subsequently modified, allowing the viceroy of
Peru in 1559 to legitimize children bom out of wedlock, even where the
mothers were Indians, upon the payment of a sufficient sum to secure the
«ncomiendas they were to inherit. That privilege was rescinded in 1561; its
revival asked for, was refused in 1573, and had not been allowed as late as
1612. It is likely that the same rule held good in Mexico. PugOj Cedulario^
136.
'*The ri^ht of transmission to the third generation having been tolerated
in New Spam in 1555, Viceroy Velasco was in doubt if, in default of cliildren,
the privilege extended to widows and other heirs. This was at first refused;
but on the 9th of February, 1561, the viceroy and audiencia were directed to
permit, when there were no sons or daughters in the third generation, surviv-
ing husbands to inherit the encomiendas of their wives, and vice versa, until
the crown should enact some general law. This led to abuses in marriages
between old women and young men, or of old men with young women, to
secure the inheritance of encomiendas, which were frequent amd continued
until iu later years the king adopted measures to prevent such unequal alli-
ances. February 27, 1575, and July 8, 1603, such inheritances were forbidden
in the second and third generations, unless the parties had been married and
lived together at least six months. Puga^ Cedulario, 132, 136, 139, 149-50,
184-6, 192-3. TesUmonio, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col Doc., xiii. 478-80.
MonUadaroSy in Id., vi. 284, 288-90. In 1563 the crown resolved that encon-
miendas should no longer be transmissible to heirs in tlie third generation.
Thia project exasperated holders of the second generation, and much trouble
arose in consequence. PeralUi, NoL HwL, 195. But it was not carried out.
And there were cases, on the contrarv, in later years, where the tenure
passed to the fourth and even to the fifth generation. The encomenderos
were required by law to dwell in the provinces where they held their enconii-
endas. The provision was, however, often disregarded Those living in
Mexico with permission were not authorized to compel their Indians to bring
the tributes tiiither; nor had they the right of takmg from the Indians any
article of food without paying therefor. Puga, Cedulario, 1*54.
572 INDIAN POLICY.
of 1553 ordering that the sons of the first conquerors
of New Spain who were not possessed of encomien-
das should be preferred for the position of corregidor
and other offices, in order that they might derive a
support therefrom.^ The pension-hst to widows and
offspring of the old conquerors at the time amounted
to about 24,000 pesos per annum.^^
Even these broad and searching measures were
deemed insufficient by Friar Pedro de Gante, for in
1552 we find him writing to the king setting forth
the great suffering of the natives from excessive labor
and heavy taxation,** He beseeches the monarch to
look with merciful eyes on his red suWects not only
of New Spain but of New Galicia. Nor were these
prayers disregarded by the crown. Orders were issued
for the benent of the natives, and issued again, and
several oppugnant decrees of the viceroy and audiencia
were repealed by royal command. And yet many
and gross evfls continued. The archbishop confirmed
Gante's statement, yet added that the natives were
vicious, given to carnal pleasures, drinking, and gam-
bling, and excessively fond of litigation. They were
^ The second marques del Valle, soon after his arrival in Mexico, showed
himself to be not unmindful of the old conquerors, now few, and most of
them poor. It was true, he said to the monarch, that they received some
assistance from the royal treasury, but it did not suffice to support them. To
further aid them he wished that of the 400 public offices at least 100 should
be given them; considering the fact that a great many of those offices existed
merely to afford a maintenance to some man; otherwise 200 might be abol-
ished. Cort^y CaricLy in Pacheco and CdrdenaSy Col. />oe., iv. 4o9-^.
'* Those pensions were paid out of the fund of indios vacoa, or unap-
propriated Indians; the lowest was 30 pesos, and one, the highest, of 450
pesos; many were of 300 pesos; a few of 400 pesos; the rest ranged from 250
pesos downward. Agurto, Pensiones^ in Id,, xiv. 201-20. In l5Si there wer^
18 encomenderos, who were aged and without heirs; at their death the Tjidimis
would revert to the crown. A list appears in Belacion, xiv. 220-2. The
veedor of New Spain, Santander, in a letter to the sovereign of July 15, 1557,
recommended the perpetuity of the tenure of Indians, on the ground that
therti v/ould be less w^u^are and mortality; the Spaniards would be better dis-
posed to serve their king, and the royal revenue would be augmented without
taxing the white settlers. It seems that for him the Indian had no rights
that should not be made subservient forever to the interests of the crown
and the benefit of the Spanish conqueror. Santander, Carta, in Col. Doc,
IvM., XX vi. 351 et seq.
*^ This condition oi thin^ made it impossible, he said, for the natives to
advance morally or otherwise. The effect was to debase them more and
more, and to rapidly decrease their number. Oanie, Carta at Emp, , in Cartas dc
Jndiaa, 92-102; Zamora, Leg. UU., ii. 152-4; 6rdenes dt la Corona, MS., iL IX
FUTILE EFFORTS OF THE KING. 673
ground down by heavy taxes and personal service, a
portion of which went to the priests, and the rest was
consumed by the caciques, governors, and chiefs in
eating and drinking. The tributes had been lowered,
but the common laborers felt not the benefit of the
decrease, as they were made to pay at the old rates,
the chiefs reapmg the advantage of the difference.
They were virtually held in slavery.** On the matter
reaching the ear of the king the audiencia was directed
January 19^ 1560, and again July 12th, of the same
year, to check such abuses.
It was the audiencia as much as unprincipled enco*
menderos and infamous tax-collectors that thwarted
the beneficent designs of the king and his viceroy.
As a court of appeal this tribunal would render
nugatory many of the viceroy's decrees. Then the
affairs of the natives would be postponed and im-
peded in such a manner as to defeat the ends of justice,
and render of no effect the beneficent royal purposes.^
This was folly on the part of the high court, and a
cause of inconvenience to the litigants. The condition
of the natives, as a matter of justice and charity,
called for prompt despatch in their suits at law, and
freedom from costs; no pettifoggers should have been
allowed to meddle with them. In their ignorance,
and for several reasons, the Indians permitted the
mestizos and others to exercise over them a baneful
influence, in inducing them to keep up litigation, par-
ticularly about their lands. The best course that
occurred to the viceroy was to expel all mestizos and
" Arxob. de M6j,, Carta, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc,, iv. 499,
M5-22. Father Toral, who had invariably shown himself a warm friend of
the natiyes, did acknowledge, however, that Velasco had done much toward
Improving their condition, as he had abolished personal service, slavery, and
many abuses. Toral, Carta d 8, Af. el Rev, in Cartas de Indias, 138.
**The emperor's attention was called to the matter by the Franciscan
oomirario ana other fathers of that order, among them Motolinia and Saha-
gon, who complained that the audiencia's course made much confusion be-
tween tiie Spaniards and natives. Bustamante et al,. Carta al Emp., in Cartas
de IndioB, 121-2. The viceroy told the king that were it not for his for-
bearance much trouble might have resulted from the insolent behavior of
some of the oidores; he then begsed for the appointment of a visitador of the.
•ndiencia, and for the removal of those objectionable oidores.
W4 INDIAN POUCY.
obnoxious Spaniards from the Indian towns. He
also insisted that the authorities, both high and low,
should be ever watchful, in order that the natives
might QLCcept as real the government's protection.
Among the measures favoring the natives the pro-
vision of hospitals for the care of their indigent sick
was worthy of much commendation. Prince Philip,
at the suggestion of Viceroy Velasco, decreed in 1553
the construction of a suitable building for that purpose
in the city of Mexico^^ and other hospitals and infirm*
aries were founded.**
Obviously the enforcement of the new laws soon
began to tell on the royal revenue. This had been
predicted to Velasco in the beginning of his rule, but
he had said that such considerations were of little
import; the freedom of men was of more importance
than all the mines in the world.^^ Velasco waa forced
to admit, however, that the new laws had caused
trouble and poverty, partly because of exemption from
personal service, but in a great measure owing to the
fact that the Spaniards would not exert themselves.
He feared that the royal treasury would long feel the
bad effects of this state of things, unless a timely remedy
was applied.®
" It waa to cost 2,000 pesos de arc. An extra allofwanoe of 400 pesos de
oro yearly was also granted. The fond having been ezhaasted b^ore the
edifice waa finished, the prince, now King Philip IL, in 155G gave a farther
sum of 2,000 pesos de oro from the royal treasury. This, together with the
aid the natives themselves could afford, was deemed aU-snificient. This hos-
Sital, and others which were subsequently established, proved very uaefnl
uring the desolating epidemics of 1555 ana later. Cavo, TresSiglos, 163. In
1556 Father Joe^ de Ansulo was at Brussels, where Philip's court then was,
and heard from the royal lips high praise of Viceroy Velasco's Indian policy
and of the loyalty of the natives, velasco was commended in a letter of Jan-
uary of that year. Felipe II., Carta, in Padieco and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc., iv.
403-6. Puga, Cedulario, 187.
** Viceroy Enriquez, who ruled the county from 1568 to 1580, saw their
necessity, and made provision accordingly. He distrusted his countrymen,
who, he feared, cared little for the Indian. In his suggestion to his snocesaor
he spe&ki* clearly; ' despues de servirse de los indioe, mas cuidado tienen de
sus perroB que no dellos/ Hwriquez, Intirucdon, in Pacheeo and CdrdenctB, CoL
Doe,, iii. 482-6.
*^ Cavo, Tree Sigloa, L 158-9, piously ascribes Velasoo's first act of justioa
to the natives to his anxietv for bespeaking Qod's favor to his rule: 'para
•omenaar su gobiemo con la beadidon de Dios.'
^ Velasco, Carta al £mp., in Cartas de Imiias^ 267.
HARD TIMES. 575
The Spanish population was discontented ; a consid-
erable part of it was in a state of indigence, partly
owing to the number of vagrants and to extravagant
habits which had again increased notwithstanding the
restrictive sumptuary laws. On the other hand, among
the natives there was more independence and comfort;
and the viceroy had become apprehensive of evils to.
come. He told the king that the land was full of
negroes and mestizos, greatly exceeding the Span-
iards in number, and all anxious to purchase their
freedom with the lives of their masters. To accom-
plish this end there was reason to fear they would join
whichever side should rebel, Indians or Spaniards.
To avert revolt he recommended expeditions to be
made, the companies to be formed of white men,
negroes, and mestizos. No more Spaniards should be
allowed to come to the country, much less negroes,
there being twenty thousand of the latter present,
and their number increasing. It would be well also to
send to Spain as many of the mestizos as possible.
To satisfy the Spaniards he favored the plan of
giving the conquerors and first settlers or their heirs
the promised encomiendas, but without political or
judicial powers, and making them pay a portion of
the taxation, say one sixth or one seventh, for the
support of the church, conversion, and instruction of
the natives; committing, at the same time, the care
of teaching the aborigines to the prelates, which duty
hitherto had belonged to the encomenderos. These
should be required to dwell at their encomiendas, and
in the town with the prelate.*^
"^The council of bishopfl in 1555 also said to the crown that the country
was full of vagrants from Spain; men who had neither occupation nor means of
livelihood; and it was necessary to stop the emigration of more of that class,
ifo:., in Pachtco and Cdrdenattf CoL Doc., iii. 52G-7. This condition went on
from bad to worse for several years. The veedor, Doctor Santander, a resi-
dent of 16 years in America, recorded July 1557, that there were 4,000
white persons bom in Mexico who were unemployed and without support; to
which number were to be added the white persons from Spain, and tne half-
breeds Santander, Carta, in CoL Doc, In^d., xxvi. 351. To check vagrancy
a royal order of Oot. 3» 1558, exacted that Spaniards, Indians, and mixed
breeds should dwell in towns. Puga, Cedulario, 205. In some parts of New
576 INDIAN POUCY.
With corruption present in the grand tribunal, and
purity of intention on the part of the king's repre-
sentative it was natural that questions regarding the
powers of the viceroy should arise. Velasco, as well
^,8 others, appealed to the emperor to make clear his
duties. Theoretically, the viceroy's powers had been,
. and continued to be till 1560, unlimited in matters
of government. As a matter of form, Velasco had,
on difficult aflfairs, invariably asked the audiencia's
advice. That body together with some wealthy
Spaniards, whose abuses he had suppressed, or at-
tempted to check, labored not only to undermine his
standing at court, but to restrict his powers. They
were aware that they could not influence the king
against Velasco personally, whose pure motives and
good services were much valued; still, they brought
to bear plausible pretences, and won to their views
some of the king's counsellors. Velasco's health was
represented as broken, which might affect his mind,
and render his decisions not always judicious. For
this reason they claimed it was expedient to appoint
him a council, whom he should consult upon state
affairs before adopting any resolution. Such a course
would insure the proper deliberation, and relieve hiro
of much responsibility. By such means the king was
finally brought to accede to the suggestions of his
counsellors, and decreed that in future the viceroy of
New Spain should adopt no action without the pre-
vious advice and consent of the audiencia, which be-
came thus constituted as a viceregal council. All the
Spain provisions were scarce, and the villas of Purificacion and P^uco were
in 1553 already becoming depopulated. Vakuco, in Cartas de hidias, 263-^.
The women were so extravagant in the use of jewelry that the country felt its
had effects. No improvement was gained by the royal measures to check vice.
The second marques del Valle complains bitterly of indolence, increasing
want, and vice; truth was almost a stranger in the country; lying and perjury
had become a staple, 'porqnes cosecha desta tierra.' Cortes, Carta, in Packeeo
and Cdrdenaa, Col Doc.y iv. 455-6, 458-9. Still later, in 1570, Tii«abonda^
and lawlessness were still rampant. Mendida, Carta d Joan de OuandOf m
Prov. del Sto Bhxing. , MS. , No. 1 6, 208-9. An Englishman who visited the city
of Mexico in 1572 declared, 'the men. . .are marvellous vicious; and in like
manner the women are dishonest of their bodies.' Hawks* Bel., in HaMvyi*9
Voy,, iii. 463.
PHILIP, KINO. 577
authorities who treat of this subject agree that the
new system was productive of confusion and evil con-
sequences, and that Spaniards as well as Indians
suffered from it.**
A large portion of the most worthy Spaniards dis-
approved of the course adopted toward Velasco. Even
the ayuntamiento of Mexico objected to it without
showing any factious spirit. It chose two of its
members, Ger6nimo Ruiz de la Mota and Bernardino
Albomoz, to represent at court the evils arising from
the late enactment. They were joined by three promi-
nent fathers of the Franciscan, Dominican, and Aus-
tin orders, who had been despatched on the same
errand, one of whom was Francisco de Bustamante, the
Franciscan comisario general. The viceroy, on his
party while obeying the royal mandate, reiterated to
the king his desire that a visitador should be sent
out. The agents reached Spain in 1562, presented
their case, and the royal counsellors, to quiet them all,
advised the appointment of a visitador. The licen-
ciado Valderrama was accordingly commissioned with
instructions to consult public exigencies, and promote,
as far as possible, the welfare of New Spain. In due
time will be presented to the reader his arrival, and
the manner in which he discharged his trust.
Most of the measures enacted of late years by the
crown for the administration of affairs in New Spain
emanated from Prince Philip, who was in charge of the
government, owing to the emperor's failing health and
absence in his German dominions.*^ In January 1556
^ * Se experiments que encallaban cada dia mas los negocios de los Es-
paftoles, y se olvidaban de los naturales.' Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 170. Mendieta
speaks of the contempt that was thrown upon the royal representatives in the
country. Even the natives had learned to pay no respect to their decisions, hav-
ing been prevailed on to look to the audiencia as the real superior authority; ' no
hagais cuenta de lo que este os ha dicho, ni de lo que dexa mandado, que no
€8 sine vn hombrepor ai, que pasa de camino, y no puede nada, qiie all^ en
Mexico, estim loe llatoques . . . que nos favorecerim, y harkn lo que quisi^remos. '
Torauemada, i. 625-6.
" He wrote to the audiencia of Mexico, May 10, 1554, to announce his
approaching marriage with Queen Mary of England, and to order that during
Bin, Max., Vol. H. 87
i
.B78 INDIAN POLICY.
Philip was in Brussels, where he had come according
to his father's instructions, to be present at the king's
abdication, and to receive the crown of Spain. The
official notification was made by both Charles and the
new monarch, who assumed the name of Philip II.
on the day after the ceremony, but it does not seem
to have reached the city of Mexico till early in 1557,
although rumors of the change had been rife during
the year. The official announcement was received by
the ayuntamiento of the capital on the 5th of April,
1558, and with the approbation of Viceroy Velasco,
the 6th of June was fixed for the act of recognition
and of swearing allegiance to the new king, when
among other ceremonies the banner was raised, Arch-
bishop Montiifar celebrating, as pontifical at high
mass.
On the 17th of June, 1556, Philip had repeated to
the viceroy the notice of his elevation to the throne,
confirming him, the members of the audiencia, and
others in their respective offices. He then spoke of
the distressed condition of his treasury, directing the
viceroy to appeal to the wealthy Spaniards for pe-
cuniary assistance. He was not to use coercion, but
only most persistently to ask, and to assure them that
their aid would be of great service to their king and
country. The viceroy was to arrange with the lenders
for the mode of reimbursing the loans. Father Jos6
de Angulo, who had visited the court at Brussels on
ecclesiastical affairs, was directed by the king to return
to New Spain without delay, and exert himself in
procuring the much needed funds.
his absence the commands of his sister, the princess of Portugal, should be
obeyed. Puga, Cedulario, 149.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
VICEROY VELASCO'S RULE.
1651-1564.
Arrival of Mabtin CortAs, Second MABQuibs del Valle— yisiTADOB Val-
DERRAMA AND HIS RELATIONS WITH CORT^S — NeW PoUCY REGARDING
Encomiendas — Cortes' Troubles — Threatened Revolt and Velas-
oo*s Wise Course — Royal Orders Affecting the Audiencia — The
Visitador*8 Exactions of the Indians — His Efforts to Check Abuses,
AND Proposed Reforms — His Disagreements with the Viceroy — Con-
dition and Character of Velasco — His Death, Burial, and General
Regret— Public Education — Floods in the Mexican Valley — Dis-
astrous Expedition to Florida— Settlements in Zacatecas and
Guanajuato — Conquest of the North-western Region — Kingdom of
Nueva Viscaya — Expedition to the Philippines and its Results.
I HAVE stated that Martin Cortes, the lawful heir
of Mexico's conqueror, was taken to Spain in 1540,
being then eight years of age. After his father s
death he came into possession of his title and of its
vast estates. He had received a liberal education and
had been trained, as became his rank, for the profes-
sion of arms; he accompanied Philip to Flanders,
where he served with distinction, and also in the
famous battle of Saint Quentin, being the first native
of Mexico to render service to the Spanish crown in
Europe. He likewise was one of Philip's suite when
that prince went to England to wed Queen Mary.
After the Flanders campaign he married Dona Ana
Ramirez de Arellano, his niece, ^ for which it is pre-
sumed he first obtained a special dispensation of the
pope.
He now determined to return to his native land.
* CUxvigfro, Storia Mess,, iii 236.
(679)
580 VICEROY VELASOCS RULE.
Before leaving Spain, however, he sold to the king
his chief house in Mexico, that which has since been
the national palace, with the whole block, including
the mint, barracks, and other offices. The deed of con-
veyance, dated January 29, 1562, stipulated that the
quarters occupied by the oiders, that is to say, the
monteplo building of later years, should be surren-
dered to him.^
About this time was brought to a final decision the
suit left pending by the old conqueror at his death
on the counting of his vassals. It was against the
marquis' cla^m. The court's rendering was that every
house and hereditament should count for one vecino,
and young Cortes was condemned to restore to the
crown all excess over the 23,000 vassals that Charles
had granted his father ; also to pay all sums till then
<;ollected by his agents from the vassals exceeding
that number. This last part of the decision was tantsi-
mount to utter ruin for the young marquis. How-
ever, Philip, who held in high esteem the great services
of the conqueror, and also those of the son, exempted
the latter from the payment of the excess above men-
tioned, and, in the c^dula issued at Toledo March
16, 1562, not only confirmed the grant made to his
father, but also renewed it without restriction ; that
is to say, all vecinos of the twenty-three towns, what-
soever their number, were to be reckoned as his vas-
sals. The only exception was the villa and port of
Tehuantepec, which the crown reserved for govern-
ment uses, allowing in compensation therefor the
tributes it yielded.
All his affairs being thus advantageously arranged,
the marquis, now aged thirty years, embarked for
Mexico with his family, excepting his eldest son and
heir presumptive, whom he left in Seville, bringing
'The property so conveyed the viceroy and audiencia removed to in 1502.
It waa destroyed June 8, 1692, by a conflaffration durinff the riots. The old
palace was also situated on the pUia» and bounded by the streets of Tacuba,
Plateros, La Profesa, and San Joa^ el Real, and served for government pur-
poses till given up.
THE MABQU& DEL VALLK 681
also his half-brothers Martin, Marina's son, and Luis,
son of Antonio Hermosilla/ There is nothing to
show the date of their embarkation, but in September
1562 they arrived at Campeche in a small ship, during
a severe gale, the family having experienced much
suffering.* After a sojourn there of two months they
continued their journey, and arrived safely in Mexico
early in the spring of 1563, there to be received with
the great demonstrations due his rank and the memory
of his father/
The marquis' high rank and large income, united to
the memory of his father's illustrious deeds and his
own honorable services, gave him the most prominent
standing in the country, second only to the chief rep-
resentative of the crown. Indeed, he thought it but
due his father's name that the son should set up an
establishment on the footing of a prince, where his
friends were at all times welcomed and entertained
with lavish hospitality. This augmented his influence
and made him a power in the land. When he rode
out he was followed by a page wearing a steel helmet
and carrying a raised lance, the point of which was
enclosed in a bag with small silken tassels tor closing
it; and to attend church he caused his servants to
take there for himself and the marchioness two velvet
prie-dieux with two cusliions and two chairs. This
could be done in Spain by persons of rank without
' Martin had been taken to Spain in 1528. Charles V. made him a knight
of Santiago; and when old enough to enter the military profession he served
in the campaigns of Alters and Germany, distinguishing himself and receiv-
ing several wounds. His fortune was scanty, and it may be said that he
derived his support almost entirely from his brother, the marquis. Ue mas-
ried an estimable lady, Doiia Bernardina de Porras.
* The alcalde mayor and the bishop visited them and rendered all the aid
in their power. The marchioness there gave birth to a boy. Quixada, Carta
al Rey (March 15, 1563), in Cartas de Indtas, 385. The boy was christened
Gerdnimo. PeraUa, Not. Hist., 146-7, 187, 340-1.
^ Everywhere on the route the marc^uis was greeted with marks of affec-
tion. The capital gave him an enthusiastic welcome. Upwards of 300 mag-
nifloently attired and mounted gentlemen escorted him into the city; another
body of 2,000 horsemen with black cloaks followed in the procession. After
promenading the streets, cheered by the people and greeted with the smiles
of the first uidies of the country, the marquis and his friends visited Viceroy
Velasco, who gave him a hearty welcome. PeraUa, Not, Hist., 191-2.
i
582 VICEROY VELASCO'S RULE.
exciting comment, but in Mexico it awakened envy,
and later was brought forward as a serious charge.
The friends and associates of the young nobleman
were among the first families of the city, including
the viceroy and his son. Among his most intimate
acquaintances were the brothers Gil Gonzalez and
Alonso de Avila, sons of the conqueror Gil Gonzalez
de Avila and his wife Dona Leonor de Alvarado.* Bom
in Mexico of pure Castilian blood, they were for their
high character and agreeable manners generally es-
teemed. The first-named was now twenty-four years
of age, a widower, quiet, and grave though affable,
and held in encomienda the town of Ixmiquilpan.
Alonso was a year younger, handsome, elegant, brave,
and jovial, and possessed the valuable encomiendas of
Quautitlan, Jaltocan, Zirdndaro, and Guaineo, which
yielded him a considerable income. His wife, Dona
Maria de Sosa, was an estimable young lady. The
marquis was often seen in company with the two
brothers, and the intimacy brought upon them all
great grief, as we shall see.
Society in Mexico had rapidly developed during
the last two decades, and was now becoming in many
respects individual and pronounced. Upon the Old
World manners and customs was cast the New World
influence, and the result was an order of things never
before witnessed. While holding to ancient tradi-
tions, there was less restraint, more freedom of
thought, more room for aspiration and respiration
in American airs than in European. Side by side
were the descendants of the conquerors and the
Spanish nobility which constituted the aristocracy.
The opening of mines and the slavery system in its
several modified forms had brought on flush times.
Money was abundant and freely spent.
Banquets, balls, and other entertainments were of
daily occurrence in high circles, all vying with one
' Alaman, Diaeri., ii. 142, and others say they were the soxu of Alonso da
^vila.
THE SILVER SEAL. CS3
another in reckless expenditure. Having once placed
themselves on the slippery declivity of human folly,
it was difficult for the young nobility to stop short of
ruin. Most of the first faraifies soon found themselves
deeply in debt, and with their property encumbered.
A large portion of the debts had been incurred at the
gaming-table and by the practice of other vices. The
young men were wont to indulge in masked prome-
nades on horseback, and failed not to take advantage
of their position and wealth to corrupt women.^
The marques del Valle, however, seems to have
behaved well, never giving himself up to vicious prac-
tices. Like his father, he was respectful to the church
and its ministers, often dismounting to bend the knee
and kiss the friar s hand, which example the natives
were not slow to follow.^ The friendship between
the marquis and the Velascos was not of long dura-
tion. The great display of wealth by the former in-
dicated his determination to hold the first position in
the country, even overshadowing the viceroy, who,
as the monarch's lieutenant, could not brook such
pretensions. And when the viceroy showed signs of
temper, Cortes arrayed himself in yet greater ostenta-
tion. He ordered made for himself a silver seal, some-
what smaller than the one used by the king, on which
was engraved the words "Martinus Cortesus primus
hujus nominis Dux marchio secundus."* When it
was taken to the royal treasury officials to pay the
fifth duty, the chief official, Hortuno de Ibarra, con-
sidering it too large for a subject to use, delivered it
to the viceroy, who being of the same opinion re-
tained the seal, instituted proceedings, and sent them
to the king. This action of course displeased Cortds,
and widened the breach. Their feud was so warm
^Viceroy Velasco tried to check it, but met with poor success. Peralta,
Not. Hist,, 193.
' When asked who taught them to kneel and kiss the priest s hand, they
would answer, ' £1 gran capitan Don Martin Cortes. ' Zevalhs, Hist, y Vtaae,
361-2.
* Martin Cortes, first captain (or duke) and second marquis of his name.
Orozeo y Berra, Not, Hist., 79.
S84 VICEROY VSLASCO'S RULE.
that on the arrival of the visitador, Yalderrama, it
broke out disgracefully. For the reception of the
visitador the viceroy invited all officials and persons
of rank, among them the marquis, who paid no heed
to the invitation and resolved not to appear in the
viceregal suite. He would go in advance with some
fiiends, and be followed by the page with the lance,
his object being to meet the visitador in Cuitlahuac,
four leagues out; but he came upon him in fact at
Itztapalapa, a league and a half from Mexico.
Valderrama was gratified at this mark of attention,
and with the marquis' manner, and together they
rode toward the city. Though chagrined, Velasco
smothered his resentment as best he was able until
he saw the page, when he sent Antonio de Turcios,
the secretary of the audiencia, to tell Cortes that he
should at once send the fellow away. Such an order,
now for the first time given, and in such company,
enraged the marquis, who resolved to disregard it.
When the viceroy threatened him with arrest, the
marquis turned to the visitador and said, "Your wor-
ship has now the evidence of the viceroy's ill-will
toward me. I am glad this has occurred that you
may form your own judgment." Valderrama, in order
to stop the disagreeable scene, supported the vice-
roy's authority. But not to wound the marquis too
deeply, he ordered the' page to keep himself at some
distance from the suite. This reconciled matters, and
the march continued on to the city, where all entered
on the 16th of August, 1563. valderrama became
the guest of the marquis, and there was soon an inti-
mate friendship between them.
The marquis shortly afterward caused his intendente
to form a general statement of his affairs, from which
it appeared that the yearly income from the encomi-
endas amounted to 150,000 pesos. It reached the
ears of the king, who thought the revenue almost too
royal for a subject, and directed the solicitoi -general
to notify Cortes that the crown had been deceived
PETITION OF THE KNOOMENDEROS. 585
with regard to the value of his encomiendas. Doctor
Zurita was consequently deputed by the audiencia to
make the count of the Indians, and the report was
against the holder. **
The crown then resolved that encomiendas should
not be transmissible to the third generation. This
measure was deemed unjust by the encomenderos,
whose wrath against the king and his advisers became
hot.^* Among the more violent wa^ Alonso de Avila,
whose income it is said was twenty thousand pesos
per annum. With him were his brother and Baltasar
de Aguilar, who as they talked of the matter among
themselves, and with others, became more and more
enraged, and in time it was said that the three were
at the head of a conspiracy against the crown, and
fast winning to their plans influential men by the
oflfer of honors and offices, of all which the marquis
was said to be apprised.^* The viceroy hearing of it
summoned to his presence the suspected parties, and
spoke to them with his customary wisdom and kind-
ness. Little more was heard of it at the time, and it
was supposed the affair was at an end.^* The enco-
menderos, however, resolved to bring before the crown
the matter of their holdings. Having first obtained
leave of the audiencia, on the 4th of February, 1564,
they came before the city council of Mexico in a com-
mittee composed of Francisco de Vclasco, Gonzalo de
las Casas, Gonzalo Cerezo, and Rodrigo Maldonado.
The council approved of the plan, and chose young
^ Ck>rt^ complained that the computation had been puroosely excessive,
not BO much to injure him as to blind the king. Carta (Oct. 10, 1563), in
Pacfitco and Cdrdettan, Col. Doc., iv. 460-1. The viceroy on June 22, 1564,
reported his towns to have upward of 60,000 natives that must have yielded
84,387 pesos annually, that is to say, a population of 47,000 and an income
of over 47,000 pesos in excess of the original grant to his father. Orozco y
Berra^ NoL Hut., 29.
^^ Many of them in their excitement threatened to repudiate the king s
aathority in these dominions. Peralia, Not. Hitfl., 195.
'* ' Se habld, que hazian ya maese de campo y ofi9iales, y tftulos en los
pnebloe, de duques y condes; y puesto ya todo en pUtica, dieron parte dello
al maraud.' Peralta, Not. Hist., 196.
^Velasco, notwithstanding, represented the marquis* conduct in dark
ciolors; he could not avoid inflicting some punishment on his enemy.
<l
,686 VICEROY VELASCO'S RULK
Alonso de Avila, one of its members, to repre-
sent the matter in Spain. But afterward, at a meet-
ing held at the house of the marquis, Diego Ferrer,
who had been his tutor, was selected for the mis-
sion.
The king's instructions to Visitador Valderrama
were quite explicit as to the course he was to pursue
toward the audiencia. He was to enforce the royal
decrees w^hicli forbade their engaging in expeditions
of discovery or in any business foreign to their official
duties. They had, it seems, remonstrated against that
strict rule, and their requests had been refused by the
crown; it was now notorious that they engaged in
unlawful business, and from the profits paid the fines,
when they could not escape them.^* The viceroy was
empowered to try offences of the oidores, who were
commanded to testify whenever called upon. The
instructions provided that in the event of his death
or inability to discharge his duties, the audiencia
should rule temporarily. It was certainly well to pro-
vide for the succession, but it was not wise to let it
fall to corrupt men.
After the king's envoy had recovered from the
effects of his journey, he went to inspect the king's
towns. Under the impression that the tribute the
natives were paying was too little, he doubled it, in-
cluding now those who lived in the city of Mexico
and had been heretofore exempt from tribute. Under
the new law all must pay two pesos instead of one
every year. The natives presented a petition to the
visitador against the change, but it availed nothing ;
nor were the viceroy's representations iu their favor
more successful. Valderrama's heartlessness and ob-
^* The warning to be ^ven them by the visitador was that such offences
would be punished with dismissal from office, forfeiture of estate, and a fine
of 1,000 ducats; and persons acting in copartnership with them would alao be
subjected to confiscation of their estates. The visitador himself was forbidden
to send any relative to visit provinces in his name. He was to make the viaits
in person. Cavo, Tres Sitjloiff i. 172-3.
KATJflS UJT TAXATIUJN. 6W
stinacy disgusted all classes, and won him an unenvi-
able name.^"*
In his report to the king on judicial matters Feb-
ruary 24, 1564, he said that the officials were not as
they should be, hinting that the viceroy and his son
and brother, as well as the oidores, had too many rela-
tives in the country, all of whom were interested in
affairs and aided one another;^® hence the quality of
justice was not always reputable. He had also con-
cluded upon the retirement of two of the oidores, one
of whom was aged and the other deaf; recommending
at the same time the appointment of alcaldes to pre-
side over the lower courts of judicature. He hinted
that some infamous rascality, without saying what, was
practised under cover of authority, which he would
in due time expose and punish, and endeavor at the
same time to clear the country of such characters as
its authors. ^^ His interference was salutary in most
instances. In lieu of the tax of two pesos, some paid
one peso, and half a fanega of maize, or each paid
his proportion on the quantity of land held. A few
years later negroes and mulattoes were also required
to pay a tribute of two pesos yearly. ^^
The king's financial affairs were not in a satisfac-
tory condition. Martin Cortes, who had perhaps
ceased after his rupture with the Velascos to be an
impartial authority, suggested that the counting and
taxing of the crown Indians should not be left to
^That of *afligidor de los indios.' Torquemada, i. 624-5; Cavo, Tres
Siglos, i. 174.
!• Valderrama even represented Velasco as an incompetent, who, together
"witii his favored Dominicans, had brought the countrv to the brink of ruin.
The Dominicans, a little later, took sides in tlie troubles with the audiencia
and its faction, whilst the Franciscans, their rivals, for a time favored the
Oort^ clique.
^"^ 'Aquf hay escribanos y testigos para lo que los quisieren.' Valderrama,
Oartasy in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iv. 355-7, 368-9. His undoubted
zeal and ability, however, were of little avail against the x>ower and influence
of the oidores and the force of long-established usage.
^If married within their own class; if single, one peso. A female negro
or mulatto married to a Spaniard was exempt; if to an Indian, the husband s
rate was paid. The ofifspring of a negro and an Indian paid as an Indian.
JkfanUmaior, AtUoa Acord,, 148-9; Zaniora, Bib. L&j. (/U., iv. 401-2.
588 VICEROY VELASOO'S RULE.
the viceroy if his Majesty desired a large revenue
fipom them, but to the visitador should be given the
entire control ^* He also boldly asserted that there
was a manifest lack of integrity in the officials which
unfavorably affected the royal treasury. The evidence
appeared in the fact that the crown from upwards of
440,000 Indians drew only about 160,000 pesos yearly,
and he was sure that more than 300,000 pesos re-
mained in the hands of certain officials. To support
this assertion he mentioned a case in point that con-
cerned him personally, by which he lost heavily every
year.^ Besides the savings from vacant corregimi-
entos there were the quitaSy or four months' pay out of
every sixteen served, much of which was taken from
those who rendered service, to give to others who did
nothuig. The fund was thus exhausted, and the really
needy got no relief The king's orders on the dis-
tribution of moneys appropriated by him were not
faithfully obeyed, and hence the numerous complaints.
Only the old conquerors and their sons received money
on the treasury drafts.
Valderrama sought to correct these abuses, and
wrote the king, February 24, 1564, of the treasury
officials having notified him that the first outgoing
fleet would convey to Spain but a small sum of money,
and they would have certainly carried out their
original intention but for his timely arrival; in conse-
quence of which, it would take away a larger amount
than ever before, namely, not less than 40,000 marks
of silver." Nor did the visitador in his reports con-
^Of course he gave plausible reasons, to wit: the viceroy had so much to
attend to in governmental, judicial, and other affairs, that he could not bestow
the proper care on the finances. CorUSf Cartas, in Packeoo and Cardenas, CoL
Doc., iv. 452, 461-2.
* Detecting in one of his towns a deficit of about 8,000 pesos a year, he
inquired into the matter, and learned that 400 or 500 pesos nad sone to th«
friars, and the remainder had been consumed in drinking by chieu, alcaldes,
and regidores. Id., 441-2. The veedor, Santander, h^ m 1557 reported
that the revenue was defrauded to the amount of 1,000,000 pesos, and that
another million went abroad, carried away by foreigners. Santander, Carta,
in Col Doc. IrUd., xxvi. 343.
'^ In this connection he urged the prompt remittance of quicksilver, which
was much needed to keep the mines productive; then money would circulate^
DEATH OF VELASCO. 689
fine himself to financial matters; he suggested a rad-
ical change in the tenure of ofiice. He disliked that
public officers should take root in New Spain, as if
they expected to pass here the rest of their lives. He
preferred that the meritorious should have their re-
wards elsewhere; those who had been neglectful or
criminal should be punished. The corregimientos had
been often improperly bestowed, and the old settlers
thereby much offended.^ The accounting by viceroys
and oidores he recommended to be at short periods,
and not as heretofore in many instances at intervals
of sixteen or twenty years. They should certainly be
held to account before they died. He also rejected
to the presidency of the audiencia being vested in the
viceroy, instead of in a jurist. The oidores, he said,
usually voted as the viceroy desired.^
Velasco was much annoyed at this meddling of
Valderrama, as he termed it, with viceregal afiairs,
and in the midst of the dissensions^* which followed,
he threatened to throw up the office; but Valderrama
dissuaded him, saying that he was simply doing his
duty.^ Death, that great comforter and final rest,
soon came to the viceroy s relief. He had been ill for
some time, when a diseased bladder suddenly termi-
nated his career the 31st of July, 1564.
The funeral was conducted with a pomp such as
tributes would be collected, and the treasury benefited accordingly. Valder-
rama, in PacJieco and CdrdenaSy Col Doc., iv. 306-7.
**It had been provided by royal order of September 4, 1560, that no cor-
regidor appointed by the audiencia for two years should have another term
without havinff first been subjected to a residencia and come out of it with a
<dear record. Pupa, Cedulario, 210.
*" D& i panentes, amigos y criados de Oidores, y ansf todos le han
menester. Y es cosa recia votar un Oidor contra lo que el Virey quierey
dice.' Valderrama, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc., iv. 357-9, 364. The
appointment of a jurist to preside over the court became the practice some
years later.
** On announcing to the crown the visitador's arrival he spoke of him as a
'persona de tanta calidad, letras, y con9en9ia.' Carta, in Cartas de Indias,
* The old man was poor and overburdened with debt. A letter from him
in his son*s handvrriting, of August 1, 1562, to the king's secretary, Francisco
de Eraso, shows how depressed he was: * estoy viejo y pobre, y con poca salud,
J quan olvidado me tiene S. M. para no me hazer mer9ed ni a mis hijos, y que
la muerte esti cerca.' In Id,, 275.
590 VICEROY VELASCO'S RULR
had never before been seen in Mexico. The remains
left the vicergal residence escorted by all the civil
and ecclesiastical corporations, directed respectively by
the audiencia visitador, archiepiscopal and municipal
authorities, and were carried to the Dominican con-
vent on the shoulders of four of the bishops who had
come to attend the ecclesiastical synod. The troops
organized for the Philippines expedition formed part
of the funeral cortege. All classes of the population
spontaneously manifested their love by following the
remains to their last resting-place. Mourning was
both officially and publicly observed for a month.*
His death fell as a bereavement upon the commu-
nity. However Martin Cortes might scowl, or Val-
derrama write to the king, the verdict of the people
was **E1 prudentlsimo, tutor, padre de la patria," and
" Liberatador de los indios." He had been indeed a
father to the oppressed, a man conscientious in the
discharge of his duties. He was never rich, partly
because he did not pilfer from the king's chest,
and partly because of improvident and extravagant
habits. He had a fondness for entertaining ; he was
a fine rider, and liked to display his horsemanship,
which often led him into undue expense ; but all this
only added to his popularity among those having
similar tastes.^
It was conceded by all that Valderrama had con-
demned Velasco too severely, and had praised himself
^ Some years later his son Lnis became vioeroy, and the new church of
the Dominicans being finished, he had his fathers bones transferred to a
beantiful sepnlchre built expressly to receive them. Loreraana^ in HisL JT.
Esp., 14, 15; Torquemada, i. 626-7; Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 175; Beaumont,
Cr&n, Mich., v. 142-3, 558-9.
" Peralta speaks glowingly of him, and of the enthusiasm he awakened
whenever he took part in the games: 'Eramuy Undo hombre de i, caballo.
Yo conoBci caballerous andar, quando sabian que el virrey abia de jugar las
cafias, echando mil ter9eroe para que los metiesen en el regozijo; y el que
entraba, le parecia tener un abito en los pechos segun quedaba onrrado.' I^
had been remarked that were Velasco to take away all the towns and enco-
miendas, he could still make the proprietors forget their loss by causing his
horse to sound a breast-strap of bells in the street, so great was the erase for
this species of amusement. PeraUa, N^ot. HisL, pp. xiii.-xiv. 175-6. See, also^
Torquemada, I QP:^-4; Gonzalez Ddvila, TecUro £cles., I 33-4.
FOUNDING OF THE UNIVERSITY. 501
too highly in speaking of the royal revenue and other
matters. In letters to the crown from the ayunta-
miento, the chapter of the archdiocese, and the pro-
vincial and council of the Franciscans, full justice is
done to the memory of Velasco.** He had undoubtedly
promoted the public welfare, and fulfilled his duty to
the king by carrying out the policy of Viceroy Men-
doza.
One of the viceroy's first acts on assuming ofiice had
been to summon the teachers of schools and colleges,
and to urge upon them the education of the young,
not only in letters, but in morals, meanwhile assuring
them of his protection. Shortly after, under royal
orders, were established and endowed in the city of
Mexico one school for poor girls and another for poor
boys; and the authorities were enjoined to watch over
and foster them. And still lator the site on which had
8to6d the house of Alonso de Avila was given them.
Likewise the higher branches of education no less
than Christianity and material improvement had been
thought of by the king. In fact, we know from
Herrera, that a dozen years previously the court had
adopted measures toward that end, which for some
reason had not be carried out. Now all former re-
solves culminated pursuant to three royal orders of
September 21, 1551, in the founding of a university
in the city of Mexico, together with the appointment
of professors and the appropriation of funds for its
support, namely, one thousand pesos de oro annually.^
No time was lost in carrying out the project, and
the institution was inaugurated with great eclat Jan-
uary 25, 1553, its professors being at the same time
^This last memorial, dated August 28, 1566, tells the king he would soon
mias the wise rule of Velasco in New Spain. His son was strongly brought
forward for preferment. Torquemada, i. 627-8; Peralta, Not. Jiist,, 380-1;
FrandscanoSf Abandono, in Prov. del S. Evang., MS., No. 12, 172; BeaumorU,
Cr<hi. Mich., v. 558.
* Philip II. confirmed it Oct. 4. 1570, and decreed an increase of 3,000
pesos June 25, 1597. Soc. Mex. Oeog., BoUtiiiy iv. 207. The foundation of a
university had been decreed by the king as early as 1539. Herrera, dec. vi.
Hb. viL cap. vi.
S92 VICEROY VELASCO^ RULE.
formally installed," The institution being under royal
patronage used the arms of the crown of Castile, and,
in fact, enjoyed the same privileges and preeminence
as the famous university of Salamanca.'^
A calamity that befell the city of Mexico in 1553
was the occasion of the display of interest, ability,
and energy so common with Velasco. A long drought
followed by heavy rains lasting twenty-four hours
resulted in a flood, attended with great damage to
property. It was the first inundation since the Span-
ish conquest. The Spaniards became greatly alarmed,
but the Indians, who were well informed regarding
several previous floods, took the matter coolly.® The
^ The site fixed upon was the housoB of Catalina de Montejo. GhifcUua, Cron.
S. Aujttstt 8^1. In 1584 the rector, Doctor Sanchez de Paredes, an older,
being authorized to select a snitable building for che university, chose the
property of the marqu^a del Valle in the pla^ela del Volador, and seized it
at the price fixed by appraisers. Notwithstanding much opposition on the
part of the owner's attorney, Guillen Peraza de Ayala, a building was erected
upon the ground, and the university brought to it. The suit was continued
and decisions issued from the supreme government in favor of the marquis;
but the vicerov, ViUamanrique, for divers reasons, ordered the construction
to go on, ana the university to hold possession. However, on the 9th of
July, 1589, the edifice fell to the ^^uno. The rector, Dr Sancho Sanchex de
MnCLon, then applied to the audiencia for a new building, and the house of
the marques del Valle, on Empedradillo street, was taken at the valuation of
9,000 'pesos. In the course of time a second story was added, the 9ala del
funeral waa adorned in the reign of Carlos II., and nearly the whole edifice
renovated in that of Cdrlos III. Alaman, Disert,, ii. 216-20, 261.
'^ The rector or president had judicial authority over the doctors and alnmni
in light offences, and in all matters strictly withm its province. The alumni
were exempt from personal service, and had the privileges of the nobility.
The title of Pontificia was conferred some years later by the pope. At the
time of ics foundation the university had seven endowed chairs, the appoint-
ments to which were made by the viceroy. The classes were of fframmar,
Latin and Greek, philosophy, rhetoric, theology, and law in all its branches,
mathematics, astronomy, physic and medicine; the Otomi and Mexican lan-
guages were aljo taught. The first rector or president was the oidor Dr
Antonio Rodriguez de Quesada. The chairs of civil law and Greek "were
placed in charge of Dr Frias; the otiers had the following teachers: holy
scriptures, the Austin friar, Alonso de la Veracruz; theology, the Dominican,
Fr Pedro Pefla; mathematics, Juan Negrete; canon law. Doctor Marrones;
grammar, Juan Bustamante. The other branches were also committed to
competent men. It is said there was also a chair of Mexican anti^uitiea.
Dunng the remainder of this century several laws were enacted affecting the
tmiversity and its professors and officers. Recop, de fndkuj 191-5, 201, 204;
Puga, Cedulario, WS; Zcumora^ Bib, Leg, UlL, vi. 106-12; Oonzakz Ddvila^
Teairo Ecka., i. 32-3; Calle, Mem. y Not,, 51-2; drdenes de la Corona, MS.,
ii. 109; Vekincvrtf Trot, Mex., passim; MontemayoTt Svmarioe, 61-3; Alegre^
HUt, Comp. Jeat8, i. 194U5; Satazar, Mix. en 155J^ 1-17; Cato, Trt» Saglot,
159-^1.
*^ Three are recorded: one in 1419, during the reign of the first Monte-
THE TREASURE FLEET. 608
city was under water three days, according to some
authorities, and four, according to others. Canoes
were used for transit. As soon as the waters receded
the viceroy bestirred himself to prevent, if possible,
the recurrence of such a calamity, and with this view
he resolved to surround the city with a dike. The
caciques of the cities and towns of the valley were
summoned to bring their vassals and go to work.
All came cheerfully and promptly forward. To avoid
confusion they were divided into squads, and placed
in charge of skilful foremen. To give prestige and
'Cxcite enthusiasm during the first day, the viceroy
worked like another man, spade in hand; afterward
he superintended the operations, though often seen
with a mason's tools in his hands. He frequently
visited the field to praise those who worked with
alacrity, and to inspire with greater activity the lag-
gard. The work was finished in a few days,** and
made more secure by changing the bed of a small
river whose current was doing injury.
Early in April 1553 the treasure fleet sailed from
Vera Cruz for Spain. When in the Bahama channel
the ships were thrown out of their course by the cur-
rents and finally experienced heavy gales which drove
and stranded most of them upon the Florida reefs.
Out of one thousand persons, among them many of
high position," only three hundred reached the shore.
zama; the second in 1500, in the reign of Ahuitzotl; and the third in 1509,
Montezuma II. then niling the Aztec empire. For full particulars on these
inundations and the measures that were adopted, see Native Race^y v., this
aeries, 412-13, 453-4, 468; Akgre^ Hist, Comp. Jesus, L 435; Inundacumes, in
<JoL de Diarios, Not. y Var. Pap,, MS., 356.
" Torquemada, i 618-19; Cejpeda, HeL, 4-6; Panes, Vireyes, in Monum.
J>om, Esp., MS., 82.
^ One was the general of the fleet; another, the handsome and rich Dofia
Oatalina Ponce de Leon, who was on her way to Spain, as some say, under
seotence of banishment; according to others, to clear herself of an accusation
by a neero, the sole witness, of having aided Bernardino Bocanegra to murder
Jber husband. There is some discrepancy in the accounts of various authors
About the loss of the fleet and other particulars. One says that three of the
lajrger and a few of the smaller vessels escaped shipwreck, mentioning only
-two friars, Mendez and Cmz, as among the passengers, and assertmg in
general terms that everv person who got on shore afterward was massacred.
Xbis Tersion of the total destmotion of life seems to be the generally accepted
Hut. Hex., Vol. XL 88
SH VICBROY VELASOO'S RULK
And these may as well have saved themselves the
trouble, for after a few days the natives appeared,
behaving friendly at first, but soon beginning to kill
and rob. Believing Pinuco to be distant only three
days' journey, the survivors started thither, but they
were mostly massacred or perished on the way.**
The disaster drew the attention of the Spanish
monarch to these natives who had hitherto main-
tained their independence. He now resolved upon
their subjugation, and gave orders to Velasco to
despatch a force for that purpose. Though disapprov-
ing of the measure, Velasco dared not disobey. He
accordingly ordered levies; but this was almost an
unnecessary measure, as there were at the time in
Mexico many who imaguied Florida another PotosL
Large numbers tendered their services. Two thou-
sand were enrolled and thoroughly drilled by the end
of 1558. One thousand Indian archers were also ac-
cepted.
The Spanish force was formed into six squadrons
of cavalry, and six companies of infantry. Tristan
de Luna y Arellano,^ also called Acuna, was given
the appointment of governor of Forida and the chief
command of the expedition, to which were also at-
tached eight Spaniards who had traversed Florida
and acquired the languages. Accompanying the force
were a number of Floridan women who had been some
time in Mexico, and who now returned to inform their
countrymen of the good treatment they had received.
Dominican and Franciscan friars went as chaplains.
Velasco accompanied the army to Vera Cruz, where
he harangued the troops, and directed that mild
one. Torquemada, L 620. A second states that the 'Navio del Cono do
Se villa, que partia con N. P. S. Francisco de las gananciaa,' and two oUier
vessels escaped shipwreck. VeiaTicvrt, Trot, if esc, 8.
» One small craft retomed to Vera Cruz with the sad news; the friar
Mircos de Mena, who had been left for dead by the Indiana, recovered, and
reached Tampico and Mexico. VdvOa PadiUa^ HiaL Fvnd,, 272-90; Cam,
Trea Sigloa, i. 161-2.
** Had been a captain nnder Vasquez de Coronado in the expeditioiL to the
valley of loe CcHnkzones in Sonora. ^eottmont, Cr^n. Mkh., v. 4^1.
IMPORTANT MINE& ^ M6
means should be used before resorting to violence.
After seeing the expedition embarked on thirteen
ships in June 1559, he returned to Mexico. Arrived
at Santa Elena, they suffered from heavy weather at
the anchorage; and, on landing, the natives harassed
them so that they had to send to Mexico for help.
Some companies came, one under Captain Biedna,
and another under Angel Villafane, whom the viceroy
appointed as Luna's successor. But it all proved
of no avail. It was impossible for these Spanish
soldiers, already becoming effeminate from long inac-
tivity, to maintain any hold on the country, and much
less to accomplish its subjugation in the face of the
powerful warlike tribes that had banded to defend
themselves. The undertaking was consequently aban-
doned, and the few who had escaped destruction were
conveyed to Habana and thence restored to Mexico.*^
Nor did Velasco confine his attention within the
former limits of New Spain. His term of office was
marked by conquest and the opening of rich mines
as well as by progress in agriculture, arts, and manu-
factures. Pursuing the policy of his sovereign, he
encouraged and fitted out expeditions for the subju-
gation of the vast countries then bearing the name
of the Gran Chichimeca, and a little later of the
territory called at that time Copala. His first meas-
ures secured the further pacification of Quer^taro,
Zacatecas, and Guanajuato, and were followed by the
subjection of the whole north-western region.
An account has been already given of the towns of
San Felipe and San Miguel. ' These garrisoned places
proved very useful for the protection of travellers,
and led to the discovery of rich mines and the founda-
" A letter of Velasco to the king, of March 1559, speaks of 500 men— 250
honemen and 250 foot — as accompanying Luna to his government. All other
Mithorities who mention numbers are agreed upon those given in the text.
Vekuco, Carta, in Cartas de Indias^ 272; Velasco, Relackn, in Florida, Col.
Doc, i. 10-13; Id., in Pachtco and Gdrdenas, Col. Doc., iv. 136-40; Valder-
rama. Cartas, in Id., iv. 363; Torquemada, i. 620-1; Vetamvrt, Trai. Mex.^
9; Loremana, in Cortds, Hist. 2f. Map., 16; Ddvila Padilla, HieL Fmid.,
177-S, 18^229; Panes, Vireyes, in Monum, Dom, Eap,, MS., 82.
S96 YICBBUX VmiASUO'B RVUSL
tion of other Spanish settlementa As a matter of
fact, the Spaniards became acquainted with the wealth
of this part of the country soon after its discovery.
The city of Santa F^ de Guanajuato, the veritable
Villa Rica of Mexico, had its birth in 1554, and in or
about 1558 the Veta Madre was founded.^ In the
lapse of time that town proved to be the centre of the
marvellous deposits on the porphyritic range of the
sierra de Santa Bosa, perhaps the richest group of
silver mines up to that time discovered, and Guana-
juato itself became the most singularly situated of all
citiea If the spirit of charity revealed the mines of
Espfritu Santo, it might well seem as if the genius
of evil had chosen this labyrinth of mountain ravines
as its seat. From the extraordinary shapes assumed
by the gigantic masses of porphyry in form of ruined
fortresses, one might easily imagine this the battle-
ground of impalpable intelligences, as though the
secret had been wrung from nature at a fearful cost,^
In any event, they proved the most important of any
found during this first period of discovery of mines,
and of immense wealth, yielding large revenues to
the crown.
The prior discovery of the mines of San Lucas,
Avino, Sombrerete, Ranchos, Chalchihuites, Nieves,
and others should be awarded to Francisco de Ibarra,
a nephew of Diego de Ibarra, son-in-law to Viceroy
Velasco, who, starting m 1554 from the mmes of Zaea*
tecas with a company of soldiers, aD at his own cost,
^ Records of exact dates are very meagre and conflicting in thU and the
following decade. The foondinR has been placed even aa early as 1545 and
1548. It is said that some muleteers discovered the mine of San Bemab^
on the Cubilete hill in 1548, and the place was called Real de Minaa, and
later Santa Fe, but retained the Indian appellation of Guanajuato. Soe. Mez,
Oeog., Boletin, ix. 92-3. The growth was slow. Its title of a villa was
not confirmed till 1G79. Medina, Ckrdn San Diego, 258. The first shafts vren
aunk in that lode in April 1558, but it does not seem to have been worked to
advantaee till 1760. UurnhMt, Easai Pol, iL 499; Caw, Trea Sigloe, L 164;
Oeiger'a JPeep at Mex,, 201-2.
'''Humboldt estimated, in 1820, that the Veta Madre of Gnanajnato had
yielded more than a fourth part of the silver ot Mexico, and a sixth part of
the produce of aU Amenca. The production in later years has been aome«
thing truly wonderful. Aa they have sunk deq^r the lode of ore has Iwoome
richer.
PACIFICATION OF COPAUL 697
quieted the natives, making it safe for settlers.*^ Bu6
in 1558 the audiencia of Nueva Galicia despatched the
alcalde mayor, Martin Perez, at the head of an armed
expedition to the same region, who took formal pos-
session of it ; hence the claim that he discovered the
mines of Fresnillo, San Martin, Sombrerete, and
Nieves. Diego Grarcfa Colio, or Celio, was subse-
quently made alcalde mayor of the new settlements.
According to Beaumont the mines of San Martin
were discovered toward the end of 1558, and so
named because found on the day of that saint. The
discoveries brought many laborers of various races
and colors ; on their way they came upon El Fresnillo,
but hastened forward. So many Spaniards about
that time were rushing to the mines that soon were
found the deposits of Chalchihuites, Sombrerete, Sa-
bino, Santiago, and Nieves, over which the alcalde
mayor of Zacatecas assumed authority/^ But if the
claim of Ibarra is disputed in some instances it is cer-
tain that he was the first discoverer of many of those
mines whose rich deposits so quickly depopulated not
only the city of Compostela, but the mining district
of Zecatecas. To maintain continuous possession of
the mines was, however, a difficult matter, owing to
the frequent attacks of hostile bands from the Mixton
and Zacatecas mountains. The settlements to the
east and south of Zacatecas seem to have fared better,
protected as they were by the haciendas in that vi-
cinity, which soon became thickly populated.
As it was impossible for the foreign inhabitants of
New Galicia to hold in subjugation all its new terri-
tories, Velasco resolved in 1558 to take the matter
into his own hands. First he thought of sending an
^ He claimed it in a representation to the king, asserting that no Span^
iard had set foot in those regions till he went there. Ibarra^ Rel.^ in Pac/ieco
and Cardenas, CoL Doc., xiv. 463; Daioa Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 779. The
honor of being the first settler of Sombrerete, San Martin, and surrounding
coantrv has been awarded, however, to Juan de Tolosa, one of the conquer-
om and founders of Zacatecas, aided by Cristdbal de OUate, captain-general
of Nueva Galicia, and settler of Zacatecas.
^Bexmnumi, CrUn. Mvch., v, 481-2.
596 VICEROY VELASOO'S RULE.
expedition under Ibarra, from the mines of Zacatecas
to pacify Copala."
This was a favorite project of the king's, but Florida
aflfairs prevented it for a time. Meanwhile the viceroy
concluded to send three Franciscan f iars to the mines
of San Martin, which were between those of Zacatecas
and the province to be brought under rule. The fri-
ars were to engage in missionary work, ascertain all
they could about the coveted province, and prepare
the field; his intention being to despatch thither a
small expedition, at little expense to the crown, to
occupy the country and make Spanish settlements.
It was expected to find valuable mines in that region.
When the time arrived for military operations, the
Franciscans had 'made considerable progress in their
labora Francisco de Ibarra was then commissioned as
the governor, captain-general of the so-called province
of Copala, to which he gave the name of Reino de la
Nueva Vizcaya, and which embraced the country lying
to the east and north of existing settlements, though
he did not confine himself to that region. His efforts
proved successful, as he established friendly relations
with the sever^ native nations, seldom having to
resort to force. He founded the villas of Nombre de
Dios, Durango, San Juan de Sinaloa, and others and
discovered many mines and agricultural tracts on
which he established permanent settlements of Span-
iards, a full account of which is found in my History
of the North Mexican States. In his famous expedi-
tions he visited Durango, Sinaloa, Sonora, and Chi-
huahua; and on his return, availing himself of the
powers granted him to bring into his government all
towns that were not provided with a church and mis-
sionary, he despoiled many encomenderos, and seized
their holdings. The terrible hardships Ibarra was
called on to endure brought on consumption, to whidi
*^The departure of the expedition was suspended by a vioer^al order ia
September o! the same year, as a more pressinff one had to be fitted out lor
Santa Elena in Florida. This explains the cnange of plan above statedL
VelascOf Carta al Bey, in Squier*a MSS., x. 4, 5
jbAAjM *. ■■■ iiir *■ Mj:*t» MaMJt\k-% a^kj*
he succumbed some time after 1570, though the date
and place of his death do not appear in the recorda
His remains found their last resting-place in the city
of Durango. From all accounts his services were
never rewarded ; his estate dwindled away, and after
his death hardly yielded enough to pay off the large
debts he had contracted in fitting out and supporting
his great enterprises.
The Philippine Islands had now been in the hands
of the Spaniards for more than ten years. Acting
on the glowing accounts of Andrds de Urbaneta, a
soldier and a famous navigator and cosmographer,
who had been with Garcfa de Loaisa, and of his com-
panions, Garcia de Escalante and Guide de Labazares,
who had visited those parts, the Spanish sovereign
directed Velasco to fit out an expedition for the
Philippines, with the view of making settlements
there, to which were to be sent as many colonists as
could be procured.** In 1563 the expedition was
ready to depart the following year.** After consulta-
tion with Urdaneta, the command was given to
Miguel Gomez de Legazpi, a resident of Mexico, who
made Mateo de Saiiz his maestre de campo, and the
young Basque Juan de Lezcano, his secretary. Guide
de Labazares was appointed the king's factor. The
missionary part of the adventure was placed in charge
of the Austin order, and six fathers were chosen.**
^The captain was now Friar Andres de Urdaneta. Viceroy Mendoza had
tendered him the command of Alvarado's fleet, but he declined it, and soon
afterward, tiring of the world, joined the Austin order in Mexico; and yet he
J8. August., 109-12
^ There has been some discrepancy as to the strength of the military force,
— ' ' i700, byi
went to the Phmppines as a missionary with much alacrity. OriJcUua, Cr&n,
" ' -^-^ 12.
been
which is stated by one at 600 men, by another at 700, by a third at 450, and
by a fourth at 400. The crews are adso given at various figures. Caw, Ttm
Stgloe, I 176; Oryalua, Crdn. S, Augusi,, 109-20; Bumey's Hist. Discov,
South Sea, L 250, 272. 'La grita era que yban ^ la China. . .y que allf abian
de enrrique9er, y asf se hizo muy buena armada.' Peralta, Not. Hist., 185-7,
346.
^Fathers Urdaneta, Martin de Bada, Diego de Herrera, Andrfo de
Agnirre, Lorenzo Jimenez, and Pedro de Gamboa. Jimenez died before the
embarkation. Lezcano, the secretary, in later years became a Franciscan in
Mexico, and rose to the head of the order in his province. Torquemada, L
621; OaUe, Mem. y Not,, 133-4.
600 VICEROY VELASCO'S RULE.
The fleet consisted of four ships, and lay at Navi-
dad, in Colima, ready for sea, when the viceroy fell
ill, which caused further delay. Finally on the 21st
of November, 1564, the squadron sailed, and after a
prosperous voyage reached Luzon, where Legazpi
founded the city of Manila, which in after years be-
came one of the great emporiums of the east.^ The
audiencia's orders required that as soon as a settle-
ment was effected the commander should try to dis-
cover a practicable route back to America. Where-
fore the flag-ship iSan Pedro^ Captain Salcedo, sailed
from Zebii, June 1, 1565, having ou board fathers
Urdaneta and Aguiire, After going eastward to the
Ladrones tlie course was north to Japan, and still
northward to latitude 38°, whence the prevailing
winds bore her across to New Spain. The voyage
was a long and severe one. She had started short of
men; the maj^ter and pilot died early in the voyage,
and fourteen others before it ended, Urdaneta and
his companion had to sail the ship, to look after the
sick, and to prepare a chart. On their arrival at
Acapulco they had not men enough to cast anchor.
Captain Alonso de Arellano with the San L/icas had
deserted, and sailed from the Philippines to the lati-
tude of Cape Mendocino, arriving at Acapulco three
months before Urdaneta. The two men met at court
in Spain, Arellano had reported the rest of the fleet
as kjstj and was claiming the reward offered for the
shortest route ; but instead of receiving it he was sent
back to Mexico to be subjected to a court-martial
for his desertion. Urdaneta's chart was used by the
Manila galleons for many years. The route was tedi-
ous in one part and cold in another, but without great
** Acoording to Visttiwior Valderrama 300,000 p^oa were expended in
Mexico Qii the FhilippkieB tixpeditioim dnriug the last six ^ears, basiden the
cxpf^ndituro at SeviJlt} for &nns. Writiug lieforo tho sailing, in 154>4t he
thought if it were not to cost ah£>ve 100,000 fjcdos more tt would be well. He
Htrongly objected to the sidection for moestre de eatnpo of S;ifi£ or Sa^ ^wbom
he c^ed & pardoned ti-aitor* ftirfoj?, in Padtecoand Cdrdettit&t Col. Doc, i\\
363. 'Fn© inuy costoea.' MemiozOf JJiM. CJhirKL, 132--3l See, also, Mtdimt^
Ckr6fu S. DitfjQ, Jfec., ii-lOj Vetwiajri, Trot, Mcs., 9; Mqfrm, Mrphr., L ^.
difficulty or danger save from scurvy, scanty stores,
and a little later, from corsairs. Each year after this
the rich products of the east were received in Mexico
in one or more ships, but there is no record extant,*^
for the government loved to shroud her commerce in
mystery, which course was, indeed, to some extent
justified, as subsequent events made apparent. Expe-
ditions on private account for the discovery of new
countries, whether by land or sea, were now forbidden
by royal cddula of July 13, 1573, unless by express
permission of the sovereign.
^ The San Oer&mmo is mentioned as having sailed for the Philippines in
1566; the San Juan for New Spain in 1567; the arrival of two vessels from
New Spain the same year, and oilers in 1572 to ta^e a coarse farther north
than nsual for purpose of exploration. Bumey*ti Hist. Discern. South Sea, i.
271-2. The ship mtpiritu Santo from Acapulco for the Western Islands
with 11 friars, Diego de Herrera at their head, and some soldiers on board,
sailed January 6, 1676, and arrived there April 25th; about 100 miles from
Manila she was wrecked; those who reached the shore were slain by the
natives. One Indian boy was the only person left with life. The number
lost, poflBengers, officers, and crew, exceeded 100. EnriquOy Carta al Rey,
Oct. 31, 1576, in Cartas de Indias, 328. In the sprins of 1568 arrived in
Mexico Alvaro de Mendano, who had been despatcned in 1567 by the
viceroy of Peru to discover the Solomon Islandfi near New Guinea; he
returned to Mexico by way of Lower California, and anchored near Cedroe
Island in December
CHAPTER XXIX.
THE iVILA-OORTfiS CONSPIRACY.
1564-1568.
The Aupiencia's Wbak Rttls — Ill-fbelino toward the MARQirts del
Valle — Encomienda Pouct — Alonso de ^Vila's Masquebadb — Plot
AGAINgT THE CbOWN — ^VaLD^RAMA RETURNS TO SpAIK — CONSPIRACT
Reported— Great Christenino or the Marques' Twins — Arrest of
THE MarquAs and Others — ^Trial and Execution of the Brothebs
itviLA— MARQUlftS DE FaLCES, ThIRD ViCEROT— MaRQUAs DEL VaLLE
Sent to Spain— Falces Deposed bt Munoz and Carrh^lo — ^Thbib
Cruel Course— Martin CortAs Tortured — His Courage— Cox-
plaints Reach the Crown — Summary Removal of Munoz and
Carrillo— Their Fate— Falces Vindicated — Second Rule of thi
audiencia— sufferinos of the marquis— final acqutetal— lo88
OF Domain and Pbopertt— His Death— Return of Luis Coaris--
Later Life of Martin Cortes.
Upon the death of Velasco the city council of Mex-
ico was seized with a brilliant idea. Would the. king
please send them no more viceroys! For howsoever
ffood they might be in theory, they were sure to bring
friends and dependents, to whom they would give the
offices r^htly belonging to the conquerors and their
sons.^ This request was sent the emperor on motion
of Salazar, by resolution of August 21, 1564. And
they desired further that Valderrama should be made
the governor, and the marques del Valle the captain-
general; and that his Majesty should not regard the
clamor of certain friars for an increase of the revenue,
as they had only their own interests in view.^
^'Pues traen i criados 6 quien hacer las mercedes.' Mex. Col, Lejfe$,
(Mex. 1861), li.-lii. Valderrama urged the prompt appointment of a sue-
cessor who should not have the presidency of the anoiencia; this, he said,
could be given to the archbishop, and at his death to a jurist. Cartaat m
Pacheco and Cdrderuu, Col Doc., iv. 364-6, 371-2.
' ' Frailes bulliciosoB que por conscguir obispados dan arbitrioB para aa-
mento de las Rentas Reales, con perjuicio de la tierra.'
1901}
THE MABQU£S DEL VAIJJL 60S
. It is scarcely necessary to say that the petition was
disregarded by the crown, with whose prerogatives it
attempted to interfere. As the members of the
council were mostly holders of encomiendas, the con-
clusion to be drawn from their unusual and rather
bold proceeding was that, anxious to secure the per-
petuity of their privilege, they looked to the possible
rule of the marquis, the chief man among the enco-
menderos, and of Valderrama, his warm friend, as the
best means of attaining their object The death of
the viceroy having occurred while the audiencia was
still under investigation, the government of New Spain
virtually devolved on the visitador, although under
the instruction lately issued by the king in council
the succession belonged to the audiencia. This body'
was, however, restrained by the authority held over
it by their visitador.
On the whole, Martin Cortes, the marquis, was a
worthy son of his father. In physique, or I might
say in physical development, he was a trifle more
delicate, of finer form but not so robust, as active but
less enduring, as good a soldier, as ready, as brave,
but less suited to the rugged life of a conqueror, less
ready in resource, preferring the pleasures of refined
society to the privations and self-denials of the colonist.
In him the father's finer feelings were intensified, some
of the father's less worthy qualities, his pride and love
of ostentation, were more pronounced.
But comparisons of traits in parent and child can-
not after all lead to much increase of knowledge as to
their real differences of character. It is not possible
so to reverse their situations as to tell what would be
the character of the one in the position of the other.
We may not determine the quality of the high-born
boy in the home of the humble Hernan, or how he
would have conducted himself at school, or how he
*Then composed of the oidores Pedro de Villaloboe, ViUanueva, Vasoo de
Paga, and the senior Ceinos.
e04 THE AVILA-a)RTBS OONSFIBACY.
would have won his way on reaching Espa&ola, or if
he would have succeeded as farmer or lawyer, or
would have made money or love, or how he would
have carried himself with the crusty old Velazquez
on Cuba Island, or what would have been his line of
action when the men mutinied at Villa Rica, at the
meeting with Montezuma, on the arrival of Narvaez,
after the Noche Triste, and in a hundred other cases,
where one mistake would have been fatal. On the
other hand, had the hero of a hundred battles, the
winner in a hundred desperate adventures, been denied
the poverty, the labor, the hardships, and the disci-
pline which he experienced, and had he been bom
on a pinnacle of glory, there is no telling whether he
would have remained there even for these few years.
Whosoever is high must be brought low ; and fortu-
nately it is so; for were it not for tlie certain follies of
successive generations, nine tenths of mankind would
be in a state of slavery.
Look at this high favorite of fortune! Little
dreamed the Estremaduran as he passed from Es-
paflola to Cuba that an heir of his should ever occupy
so proud a position. Cortes, the father, complained
to the king that he had not enough ; for all his great
services and out of all his great conquests there was
next to nothing for him ; and he made his old age a
burden in brooding over the injustice done him, and in
begging for greater rewards. He would have added
to his fame wealth and authority; he would have for
his heir wealth and position. And the heir had it.
At one time he received from the New World almost
as much as the crown, one hundred and fifty thousand
pesos per annum, and he had from forty thousand to
sixty thousand vassals. In his way he was the first
man in Ajoterica, the most famous, the wealthiest,
occupying the highest social position. He could not
be viceroy; he could not hold important oflSce. It
was too dangerous to Spanish monarchy. But he
could be the social sovereign of Mexico. He could
STREET BRAWLS. 606
come and go on terms of equality with the viceroy —
this son of the Cuban adventurer; he could be on
terms of intimacy with the visitador, who for a time
was above the viceroy. The oidores, archbishop, and
all other dignitaries, state and church, hi^h and low,
were profuse and constant in their marks of respect.
The void left by Velasco s death was painfully felt.
The members of the audiencia failed to command
respect; they overlooked small offences, and greater
ones were engendered thereby. An occurrence on
the 5th of April, 1565, showed how slow the audi-
encia was to punish offences committed by persons
in high position. For some unimportant cause the
brothers Bernardino and Hernando de Bocanegra
had an altercation in a public street with several
other gentlemen. Swords were drawn, and the police
stopped the fight with some diflSculty, and only after
one Cervantes had been wounded The audiencia
paid little attention to the affair; the Bocanegras
were arrested, but were allowed to remain at home,
where the marquis often visited them. He also used
his influence to obtain their acquittal, which was an
offence to the others, one of whom was Juan de Val-
divieso, the brother of his brother Luis' wife. From
that time they became his mortal enemies, and offered
him public affront. On one occasion they formed
themselves in groups, Agustin de Villanueva and
Baltasar de Aguilar being of the number, and laid
in wait to insult the marquis as he passed from one
to another. Hearing of it the marquis armed his
servants with cudgels concealed under their cloaks,
and with his brothers and friends went out to face
his foes. The first time they met, the Cortes party
was passed without recognition; at other times the
marquis was coldly saluted, the others then going
their way. It must be borne in mind that hitherto
it had been customary for every gentleman meeting
the marquis in the street to doff his hat, turn back^
«06 THE AVJLA.COKriS CONSPIBACY.
and escort him on his way. Among the prominent
men who would not pay him this courtesy, though
remonstrated with by Luis Cortes on his brother's
behalf, were Juan de Valdivieso, and the high-sheriff,
Juan de Sdmano. The breach between the brothers-
in-law widAied, and Valdivieso had on one occasion
to fight his way down stairs in Luis Cortes house, to
which he had been invited for an interview. All this
greatly incensed the marquis and his retainers, and
open war between the factions was prevented only by
the efforts of the archbishop.*
* Scniriloiis epistles were sent anonymoosly, among tham this quartette:
' Por Marina, soy testigo,
gano esta tierra un buen hombre,
Lpor otra, deste nombre
perdeiA quieu yo dlgo.'
The marquis had, it seems, laid himself open to criticism by his relations with
a lady of the same name as the great Cortes* famous mistress, and by favoring
her relatives, who were the sons of Mb father's bitter enemies, to the utter
neglect of the o£Esprinff of his warmest friends. These likewise became hos-
tile to the marquis, and were afterward found among his accusers. PeraliOp
199-200.
Juan Suarez Peralta's Notiaas HistMoas de la Nutoa B&pafloL, Madrid,
1878, folio, i.-xxiv. 1-392, the work last cited, was published under the
auspices of the minister of Fomento of Spain, and as a part of tke Cartam
de Indiast by Justo Zaragoza, who changea its title from that given, by tke
writer, which was long and not so appropriate. The author was an eye-
witness of most of the events that he relates. What he says of thinas that
happened before this is of little weisht; but his descriptions of the con<
spiracy of the second marqu^ del VaUe and its consequences; of the expe-
ditions carried out during the rules of Mendoza and Velasco; of general
affairs in New Spain from the induction into office of the latter; of the land-
ing of Hawkins and fighting at Vera Cruz, and treatment of the English pris-
oners in Mexico; of the acts of the several rulers down to the administration
of the marques de Villamanrique, including the wars with England and
Drake's career — these are interesting and valuable. The. style is careleas^
unpretentious, but withal superior to that of some writers of reputation.
From page 287 to the end are given notes.
The Cartas de Indiaa, Madrid, 1877, btrge folio, x.-xiv. 1-877, and 20S
unnumbered, with fac-similes, cuts, maps, indexes, and three chromo-litho-
graphic charts, was issued under the auspices of the department of Fomento
of Spain and dedicated to King Alfonso AlL It contains letters from Colum-
bus, Vespucci, Las Casas, and Bemal Diaz; a collection of letters from New
Spain, Central America, Peru, Rio de la Plata, and the Philippine Islanda—
aU such letters being of the 15th and 16th centuries. Several of them and
a considerable number of signatures of the men that fieured in those times
are also given in fac-simile. To the above are added about 224 pages of
geographical notes, vocabularv, bio^phical data, a Klossary, and cuts, msm,
and indexes. The letters and fac-similes, from the Snt to the last, are valu-
able in a historic sense, and the vocabulary is useful; but the biographical
and historical data are not always reliable, numerous errors having oeen de-
tected in comparing their contents with official records, and with tiie memo-
randa of witnesses of the events related.
THE KING'S DECISION. 607
I will mention another incident of outlawry reflect-
ing on the audiencia. On the night of the 17th of
June, 1565, tne alcalde Julian Sak^r while patrolling
the city came upon an armed servant of the marquis,
and relieved him of his sword. The servant reported
it to his master, who despatched two others to claim
the sword; they went armed and haughtily made a
demand, which the alcalde met by disarming them;
but on learning that they were retainers of the mar-
quis he ofiered to give back the weapons, which the
men refused to receive, and on returning home gave
a false account of the afiair. Cortes became very
angry and hurried away to Salazar, whom he grossly
insulted and disarmed. The alcalde complained to
the audiencia ; but after long and tiresome proceedings
the marquis triumphed. The truth is, the audiencia
was hardly a free agent in the matter, because of the
intimacy between the visitador and the marquis.
Velasco's letter of June 22, 1564, had the desired
effect. The king on the 6th of May, 1565, summoned
the marquis to answer within six months the charges
preferred by the royal fiscal, Grer6nimo de UUoa, upon
which he based a demand for the repeal of the grant
to Heman Cortes; his grounds being that it was both
surreptitious and arreptitious, inasmuch as it had been
obtained without stating the correct number of vassals,
or the revenue and jurisdiction, and through a repre-
sentation that it was of little value to the royal patri-
mony. On being notified the 28th of September by
Sancho Lopez de Agurto, escribano de cdmara of the
audiencia, Cortes took the c^dula and placed it on his
head, as became a dutiful subject. Only a few days
before he had been enjoined by a royal order from
using a seal larger than a half-dollar, or having any
ducal device thereon.
A few days lator there arrived at Vera Cruz Pedro
de la Roelas' fleet from Spain, and rumor soon had it
that the king's final decision on encomiendas had been
unfavorable to holders. Without ascertaining if the
«06 THE AVILA-OORTES OONSPIRACY.
report was well founded, the encomenderos became
excited, and used strong language in expressing their
discontent. The fact that neither the audiencia nor
the visitador spoke of the matter made it look worse
to them; the authorities were going to spring upon
them some great injustice, they thought. Complain-
ants began secretly to declare that a vassal's allegiance
was binding only so long as the sovereign respected
his pledges; and as they had humbly laid before his
Majesty their grievances, claiming only their rights,
which were denied to them, they should fall back upon
force, not in the spirit of rebellion, but by way of de-
fence.
Among the more angry and active were the brothers
Avila. In expressing their views they failed to ob-
serve common prudence. They had no regular place
of meeting, and held no formal conferences. A num-
ber of those most in earnest assembled a few times
*at the house of Alonso de Avila, but for a while they
arrived at no line of action; they talked over the
proposed movement, and welcomed any one disposed to
join them. With those who were truly friendly came
spies, pretending to be on their side, but in truth
wishing only to learn their secrets in order to destroy
them. Thanks to the stupidity of Alonso de Avila,
enough knowledge was in the hands of the opposing
faction to bring the necks of the encomenderos very
near the halter.
As reported by these same enemies, the plan was to
proclaim as king of New Spain the marques del Valle,
whose father had conquered the country without aid
from the sovereign of Castile ; then to call together
in parliament the proxies of the cities and villas to
recognize and swear allegiance to the new king; to
despatch to Rome as envov a prelate to ask the pope
for the investiture of the kingdom ; and to solicit from
the French sovereign a free pass through his domin-
ions whenever the new government desired to send a
messenger to the holy city, offering in return to open
THE MASQUERADE. eO»
the ports of New Spain to trade and intercourse with
all nations.
The persons who with Alonso de Avila appeared as
chiefs in the plan were Baltasar and Pedro de Que-
sada, Crist6bal de Onate, the younger, and the preb-
endary of the cathedral, Ayala de Espinosa. They
now resolved to invite the marquds del Valle to their
leadership, and Alonso de Avila was to bring their
plan to his knowledge ; he felt certain that Cortds in
his present state of mind would readily assent to it.
In the process afterward instituted against the brothers
Avila, there is nothing to show how Cortds received
the proposal. But Alonso de Avila's last confession
clearly indicates that the marquis pronounced the plan
impracticable, one evidently devised by hot-headed
men, a "cosa de burla," one which would not only
bring upon its authors the vengeance of Philip, but
the ill-will of the natives whose servitude they were
thus thriving to perpetuate. Thus far the revolu-
tionists could count only on their own limited resources,
and the aid of a few adventurers from Peru.
In truth, Cort(5s had no thought of joining the
insurgents. There was present first of all too much
of the father's innate loyalty for the son to turn traitor.
It would add nothing to the glory of the name to
seize the government of the land won by his father
for the crown ; and above all, the marquis was clever
enough to see that it would be madness for him to
risk his present proud position, second in this country
only to royalty, and cast his wealth and destiny in with
a band of adventurers having comparatively little to
lose in case of failure. But for all this there were
those who from this hour did not cease to proclaim
the disloyalty of the marauds del Valle. ^
Ayala de Espinosa, durmg a short absence of Avila
^ Some say that he temporized with them in order to learn their secrets
that he might divulge them to the king, and thus, like hia father, secure the
ooontry to the CastiUan crcwn. But by a strange fatality the authorities
After a time began to feel hostile to the marquis. PercUta, NoL HmiL, 198-9^
HiflT. Msz., Vol. U. 29
■»v
«U TUJfi AV1LA-UUKTI£S UOWSFIKACY.
in October, on his own business, won over to their
party Pedro de Aguilar, and wrote Avila to return
at once. His letter remained unanswered ; but some
days later, on a Sunday, and just before sunset,
Alonso de Avila entered the city at the head of a
fantastic cavalcade, consisting of twenty-four men
richly clad as Indian lords, and with masks in repre*
sentation of divers personages. Thus Avila appeared
as Montezuma, and his attendants as members of the
royal family and subordinate rulers. Riding through
the town they reined up at the house of the marquis,
where the sound of music was heard as at an enter-
tainment. Dismounting, they entered and found
present many ladies and gentlemen, invited guests,
among whom was the visitador. The table cleared
of European articles, the room was quickly trans-
formed into the hall of a native prince, with native
food, and furniture, and pottery, the performance
assuming in every particular the character of an Az-
tec f§te before the conquest. Then the marquis as
his father, Heman Cortes, and Alonso de Avila as
Montezuma, reenacted the first entry of the Span-
iards into the Aztec capital, and passing the bounds
of history in doing honor to the conqueror, they
placed in the hands of the marquis and marchioness
feather garlands in imitation of the copUli^ or Aztez
crown, saying, "This is indeed becoming to your
senoria!" and "Accept the crown, marchioness!" In
their hands Montezuma's attendants held flowers with
couplets conspicuous, some on gallantry and love,
others hinting at intended revolt. The motto on the
zochitl given to Cortes bore words of encouragement,
saying "Fear not."*
In this way the conspirators might test the ground
on which they stood; but it was dangerous sport,
when taken in connection with the times, the disaffec-
* ' No temeus la cayda paes es para mayo subida.' itvila confesaed he had
done it to afford pleasure, and without other intention. Oroeoo y Btrra^ NoL
Canj. Doe., 8, 38-9.
HOW rr SHOULD 3E DONE. 611
tion concerning encomiendas : dangerous for Cortes;
exceedingly dangerous for Avila.^
Two days afterward the conspirators held a meet-
ing at Avila's house to perfect their plans. Accord-
ing to the report of the informers it was then arranged
that on Friday, the audiencia's government council
day, they would divide themselves into groups, each
under a determined leader ; and that while one band
posted themselves at the door of the council-chamber
to prevent ingress, another would go into the hall and
seize the arms; a third rush into the chamber and
slay the oidores and visitador ; after which one of their
number was to make a sign from the corridor to
another standing by the fountain in the court-yard,
who in his turn would repeat the signal to a third
posted at the outlet into the square ; this last person
was to wave a red cloak, at the sight of which Ayala
de Espinosa would strike twice one of the bells of the
cathedral, this being the signal for the conspirators
scattered throughout the city to massacre Francisco
and Luis de Velasco, and every one known for or sus-
pected of hostility to their plan. The bodies of the
oidores were to be thrown into the square, which was
to be held by the marquis with as large a force as he
^ Avilak that evening told Espinosa and Agnilar, * todo era aplicado para
lo que estaba concertado/ according to Zamacois^ Hist. Mij.^ 80. Torque-
maoa, i. 629-30, wrongly places this feast later, after the birth of twins to
the nuu*quia. He has been followed hy Alaiiuin, Disert., ii. Ill; Cai», Tres
SigloB, i. 17S-9; MorOy Mtj. Rev., iii. 208-9, and others. But the proceed-
ings against the conspirators fix the time plainly enough. Peralta, Not. Hist.^
205, agrees with Torquemada, but speaks of the birth of one son, Pedro, now
christened. He adds that neither Luis de Velasco nor his friends were at the
festival, which was something very fine; that on some of the earthen vases
-was the letter R under a crown; and that Avila gave the marchioness one
bearing a crown over J, which the informer at once interpreted as lieitiards^
thou wilt reiffn. This, if true, would signify prearrangement, which could
hardly have Been the case. During the feasts Dr Orozco, he concludes, sallied
Got with a number of followers, carrying concealed arms to prevent a possible
revolt. The real fact was that the feast in question was long before the
marchioness bore twins, which occurred in 1566, their christening taking
place with ffreat pomp on the 30th of June. This was subsequent to the
receipt of the supreme government's final decision, unfavorable to the per-
petuation of the encomiendas. It is possible that Torquemada and his fol-
I«»werB have unwittingly confounded the two feasts, and quite probable that
the follies of the first were wholly or partially repeated at the second.
612 THE XVILA-COKTAS 00N8FIRAC7.
could get together, in order to awe the populace into
acquiescence. The next step was to burn all the gov-
ernment archives so as to entirely eradicate the name
of the king of Castile from their government. Monej
out of the royal treasury would be liberally used to
gain adherents. Luis Cortes was to take possession of
V era Cruz, San Juan de Ulua, and the fleet which was
then getting ready to sail for Spain, and every means
must be used for preventing knowledge of the insur-
rection from reaching the king's ear. Martin Cortes,
the half-breed, with a strong mounted force, was to
advance into Zacatecas and adjoining regioni^, and
bring them under subjection to the new govemmeni
The capture of Puebla was to be intrusted to Fran-
cisco de Reinoso, and that of other more or less im-
portant places to commanders chosen for that purpose.
After the proclamation of the marquds del Valle as
king, and the assembling of the parliament, Dean
Chico de Molina would take his departure for Europe
with valuable presents for the king of France and the
pope, to win from them the favors before mentioned.
At the same time Espinosa was to secretly visit Seville
and bring away the marquis' eldest son and heir. The
revolution achieved, the new king would make grants
of the whole territory, create titles of nobility, and
surround his throne with the nobles, that is to say,
Spaniards and half-breeds bom in Mexico.
Economic measures were likewise considered. The
outward flow of precious metals would be checked;
with the specie which otherwise would go to Spain,
and the cochineal, wax, hides, sugar, and wool, and
the products of the Spice Islands, might be built up
a magnificent commerce, infinitely superior to any-
thing possible under the auspices of the avaricious old
parent. And throughout all time New Spain should
never again be placed under the Castilian yoke. Of
the insurgent party were several learned men and
ecclesiastics, who gave courage to the timid and char-
acter to the movement; and it is said that one fiiair
DEPARTURE OP VALDERRAMA. 613
actually supported the measure from the pulpit. Avila
kept open house and encouraged games of ball, dice,
and cards; by this means the conspirators could meet
freely without attracting attention, and fresh adher-
ents were thus won to the cause. Neither Cortds
nor his brothers attended the games, although they
were sometimes at the secret conferences; the mind of
the marquis vacillated, and notwithstanding Avilas
efforts Cortes deemed it expedient to await the arrival
of a new viceroy, and if he attempted to enforce the
last c^dula on encomiendas, then strike the blow and
the people would support them. At another time he
said he would wait till the authorities should attempt
to ship him off to Spain; and still again he would
leave the whole matter to his supporters, promising
the cooperation of himself and his most intimate
friends at the hour of danger; and finally, he began
to manifest a fear of trusting the Creoles. At the
last meeting in 1565 the marquis had not thrown off
his irresolution. So it was said of him. In the early
part of 1566 Avila fell seriously ill and the plot passed
almost out of mind. The result of the marquis' lack
of conviction, or courage, whichever it was, cooled the
enthusiasm of the leading conspirators; the oppor-
tunity was lost, and the government found itself in a
position to investigate, prevent, and punish.
Much was said on both sides that was false; but it
is quite certain that, if the marquis did not himself
divulge the plot, he spoke of it to his friend the visi-
tador, who as we have seen was numbered among
those to be assassinated. After that he endeavored
to soothe the discontented, and prevent an outbreak.
The visitador never really believed the affair to be of
serious import, as he attributed the words uttered in
public to childishness. Then the marquis went further,
and charged the conspiracy, if there was a conspiracy,
on his enemies, telling the vistador that in Tezcuco,
on the day after the wedding of Alonso de Cervantes
with a daughter of Diego de Guevara, at the house of
i
€14 THE 1VILA-C0RT6S CONSPIRACY.
Hortuilo de Ibarra, the royal factor, the guests under
pretence of a tournament, intended to revolt and
make themselves masters of the country. No action
seems to have been taken by the audiencia on this
charge.
The marquis made preparations in February to
leave Mexico for Toluca, but was induced by both the
audiencia and the visitador to remain in the capital;
the authorities still continuing to show him high con-
sideration.
About this time Valderrama, his duties finished,
prepared to depart for Spain. He had already dis-
missed the oidores Villanueva and Puga, sending them
away to Spain, and filling one of the vacancies with
Doctor Orozco. The marquis was afraid there might
be trouble if aflTairs were left to the audiencia, and he
endeavored to keep the visitador in Mexico until the
arrival of a viceroy, but was unable to do so.
After the departure of Valderrama, at which the
Indians were scarcely less pleased than the oidores
whom he held in check, the matter of the conspiracy
was more openly talked about, and the audiencia began
to investigate. A secret inquiry was started by
Oidor Villalobos to ascertain what it was that the
marquis had said to the visitador. Friar Miguel de
Alvarado, a kinsman of the Avilas, heard of it, and
succeeded in drawing from the oidor a promise to take
no further action in the matter, on the plea that the
country was at peace, and that the objectionable re-
marks had been uttered by unimportant persons and
had not been followed by any overt act. The mar-
quis had renewed his usual pleasant relations with the
oidores, and he observed toward them the same line
of conduct pursued with Valderrama, and seconded
Father Alvarado in his good work. Not long after-
ward Pedro de Aguilar visited the friar and asked him
to apprise Alonso de Avila that Villalobos had begun
proceedings against him. The friar could harcQy be-
lieve this report, in view of the oidor's solenm pledge.
and he even accused Aguilar of having turned in-
former, which the latter stoutly denied. However,
he made the matter known to his kinsman and to the
marquis. Avila called on Villalobos to assure him of
his innocence, which he offered to prove with a sworn
statement by Aguilar. The oidor went through the
form of taking the affidavit, and pretended to be satis-
fied. This was the beginning of a long line of dis-
simulation by the authorities on the one hand, and
the conspirators on the other.
The marquis found himself in a disagreeable posi-
tion; indeed, he now began to realize that his situation
was critical. Threatened by the loss of his father s
estate at the hand of the sovereign power which was
deriving vast benefits from the results of his father's
life, he could not but sympathize with the encomen-
deroa Further than that, the conspirators were his
friends and sought to do him honor: he would save
himself; he womd save them at any cost; and yet if he
appeared too warmly their defender they might drag
him into the pit. Above all, he must appear vigilant
in the royal interests. The sky was threatening ; over
the house of Avila it was dark indeed. To escape
the coming storm he wrote his former tutor, Diego
Ferrer, then in Spain, to propose to the crown an
exchange of his marquisate and estates for others in
Castile, even if he thereby sustained heavy loss.^
On the 5th of April, 1566, a formal charge was pre-
ferred by the audiencia in writing, Luis de Velasco,
Alonso de Villanueva, and Agustin de Villanueva
Cervantes being the chief movers in the matter.
This was not acted, on at once, as the oidores well
knew that they had not strength to carry it through.
The arrest of the leaders of the faction, whoever they
might be, would probably cost them their lives. They
would wait and watch their opportunity, still continu-
* ' Para tratar con la real persona que le hiziese de le dar en los re3rnofl
dd castilla, en traeque de su marquesado la renta y vasallos que la pareciese
aonque fuese la mitad menos/ Oroeco y Berra, Not. Conj,, 90.
i
Qjo xa^ AVJX1A-VA/XWXJQ0 \AJj:%orxsu%\jx»
ing the secret search for evidence such as would con-
vici In the mean time^ as the days went by, to the
now-awakening inhabitants the atmosphere of the city
seemed thick with treason. Certain ill^ible lines in
the scroll of their destiny, on exposure to the con-
stant light, began to show color, and soon the charac-
ters coijJd be all too easily read. The weaker of the
wicked ones trembled, and hastened to save their lives
by turning informers.
Among the first of these was the infamous Pedro
de Aguilar,* who after confession and communion on
palm-Sunday and the next day, the 8th of April,
asked the Dominican friars Crist6bal de la Cruz and
Andres Ubilla to take his statement to the audiencia.
He did not, however, produce it in writing until the
23d of May. The marquis had gone to pass holy
week at the Dominican convent of Santiago, where
he heard from Baltasar de Aguilar on the evening of
April 10th what had occurred. He then demanded
the keys of the convent, locked its gates, and together
with Bernardino de Bocanegra visited the city to see
if all was quiet. After satisfying himself on this
point he went to his own palace, to hold a consultation
with his brothers; these steps betokened a troubled
spirit. On Saturday Baltasar de Aguilar and Agustin
de Villanueva visited the marquis and opened his
eyes to his perilous position. Upon one of the fol-
*The marquia' enemies learned the facts from Baltaaar de Agnilar Cer-
vantes, the man chosen by the conspirators for maestro de campo. He had
near relatives among the former, and was advised to secure liis property
without delay, and then inform the government of all he knew of the plot, and
the names of the parties implicated^ himself included: 'y es verdad, per lo
que vl, que fue llevalle como por los cabelloe, y asl f u6 y hiao su denunda-
cion.* PeraUa, Not. Hist,, 201. This same authority, p. 207, says that
Agustin de Villanueva Cervantes, who had been at the head of the marquis'
enemies, managed to obtain an interview with him on the pretence of join-
ing the plot. Before doing this, however, he obtained leave of the audiencia
under its seal, with written instructions. Then he partook of the oonmra-
nion and went to the marquis' house, kissed his hand, and tendered his ser-
vices. The marquis talked freely about the conspiracy, and the conversation
was reported to the audiencia. It is unlikely that the marquis placed any
confidence in Villanueva, and yet it is possible that he endeavored to diaw
him out. This man Villanueva figured later at an important event in Vaa,
Onxz, which will be duly related.
i
ABABST OF THE MARQUIS. 617
lowii^ easier days he called on Oidor Yillalobos to
renew the assurances of his fealty to the crown.
Again the spirit of rebellion was manifest on re-
ceipt of information from Diego Ferrer that the India
Council had not assented to the perpetuity of the
encomiendas, and had peremptorily refused to hear
any more on the subject. The encomenderos vented
their wrath in violent language, and the rebel leaders
renewed their exertions more openly. Avila bestirred
himself among retainers, who determined to go for-
ward even if they must murder the oidores in the
street. At this jimcture in the affairs of state, the
marchioness presented her husband with twins. The
baptismal feasts that followed were regal.^^ Wine
flowed freely, and toasts significant of revolution were
repeatedly and boldly uttered.
Thus it seemed that rebellion was indeed at hand.
The encomenderos were ready for action, and the pop-
ulace were with the proposed new government. The
audiencia hesitated ; but finally gathering courage they
took a stand, organized a plan of defence, part of which
was to arrest the leaders,^^ the marquis among the
number. First of all they caused it to be reported
through Ayala Espinosa, an unsuspected informer,
that important despatches had reached them by a ves-
sel just arrived from Spain; and the marquis was
invited to attend at the opening. Anxious to learn
their contents, with cool confidence he entered the
^* A raised wooden passage-way four yards wide was constructed between
the marquis* house and the pardon-gate of the cathedral. On both sides his
Tndian vassals had placed platforms with flags and showy ornaments. Luis
de CastiUa and Juana de Sosa, his wife, acted as sponsors, and the children
were taken to the church in the arms of two gentlemen, Cdrlos de Zdiiiga
and Pedro de Luna. Dean Chico de Molina officiated. Salvos of artillery
were fired as the cortege entered and left the church; a tournament, games,
and banquet followed. The common people were also munificently remem-
bered. Orosxo y Berra^ Not. Conj.^4&-i.
^^ Luis Cor£^ kniffht of Calatrava, Martin Cort^, knight of Santiago, and
the brothers Avila. Peraita, Not, Hist., 207. Valderrama, the visite^or, in
1564 made Martin alguacil mayor, and his half-brother, Juan Jaramillo, became
the same year one of the two alcaldes de la mesta of Mexico. Cavo, Tre9
JSigl(», i. 175.
618 TH£ IVILA-CORT^ OONSPIRACY
council-chamber in the afternoon of xne 16th of July,
observing, however, that the oidores had placed guards
and artiUery at the outlets of the building, under the
supervision of Francisco de Velasco, brother of the
late viceroy, who was acting as captain-general ; and
that though he was oflFered a seat no mark of distinc-
tion was extended to him."
All sat down, and one of the oidores addressed
the president to learn his orders. Ceinos then said:
"Marquis, hold yourself under arrest by the king.""
Upon his asking the reason, Ceinos answered, "As a
traitor to his Majesty." Cortes seized his sword and
indignantly gave his accuser the lie." But seeing the
uselessness of resistance, he soon surrendered and was
conveyed to a room prepared in the royal buildings^
where were confined Luis and Martin Cortes, who had
been arrested by the high-sheriff, Juan de Sdmano.
Alonso and Gil Gronzalez de Avila were taken to
the common jail.^^ Nor did the oidores stop there;
many others were arrested and imprisoned. The people
were panic-stricken; every man bethought himself of
what he had said. Certain friars were seized and con-
fined in their convents, and clergymen in* the archi-
^* He wore a sammer dreaa of daniMk, a black doak, and a sword. The
author quoted saw him enter and heard him exclaim: ' Ea, que buenas nuevas
emoB de tener.' PeraUa, Not. HuL, 208.
" *Marqu^, sed preso por el Rey.' Oroasco y Berra, Not. Conj., 48; Tor^
quemada, i. 631.
1* * Mentis, que yo no soi traidor k mi Rei, ni los ha avido en mi linage.' I<L
AcooroUn^ to rendta, NoL Bint,, 208-9, the marquis was commanded to
deliver his sw<nrd, and on asking the reason, was answered, ' luego se diri; '
and that Cortes did not then learn the cause of his arrest, but believed the
order for it had come in the despatches just received from the king.
^^Dean Chico de Molina and another clergyman named Maldonado, and
Friar Luis Cal, ^ardian of the convent of Santiago Tlatelulco, appear among
the number. Those placed under arrest in their own houses, under penalty m
death should escape be attempted, were Luis and Pedro Lorenzo de Castula,
Heman Gutierrez Altamirano, Lope de Sosa, Alonso Estrada and his brothers,
Juan de Guzman, Bernardino Pacheco de Bocanegra, Diego Rodriguez Orozoo^
Juan de Valdivieso, Nufio de Chavez, Luis Ponce de I^n, Antonio de Car-
bajal, Fernando de Cdrdoba, Juan Villafafta, Juan de la Torre, and seversl
others. All these were of the nobility and gentry. Their papers were searched,
and abundance of evidence was found a^inst iivila. Accordinff to Torque-
mada, i. 631-2, some of the strongest evidence was in ladies' bi&ets to him.
Orozco y Berra, Not. Conj., 49; Vetancvrt, Trot, Mex., 9; Cavo, Trea 8iglo8,
I 180.
EXfiCUnOX OF THE AVILAa BIA
episcopal prison. Soldiers, both mounted and on foot,
patrolled the streets, and every precaution was taken
to prevent an uprising." Among the organized forces
were many encomenderos, who presented themselves
in obedience to an order of the audiencia, and the
Tlascaltecs also tendered their services.
Charges of high treason were preferred against the
brothers Avila, and a limited time was allowed them
to answer. They denied the accusation, made ex-
planations on doubtful points, and produced witnesses
to testify on their behalf They pleaded the Q;reat
services of their father and his ancestors. Aionso
de Avila laid stress on the mildness he had always
manifested to his Indians, in not distressing them ror
their tributes ; his wife begged in the name of God
that more time might be granted for her husband
to prove his innocence. Nothing availed, and both
brothers were sentenced to death by decapitation. An
appeal to the crown and a petition of the city council
were disregarded, and the sentence was executed
the 3d of August, eighteen days from the date of
their arrest. They were conveyed from tho jail to
the scaffold at 7 p. m., mounted on mules. ^^ The scaf-
fold stood in the chief square, which was strongly
guarded. Around were the friends of the prisoners,
and a crowd of people. Aionso de Avila at the last
moment confessed the conspiracy; his brother, it is
alleged, never ceased to maintain his innocence. It
was reported that the friar who attended them loudly
proclaimed him an innocent man. This has been
denied, but the people believed him not guilty, and
accused the audiencia of having sacrificed him out
of hatred to Aionso.^®
>* Soldiers attended divine service at church with the matches for their
uqnebuses burning, to the great scandal of worshippers. The excitement
was such as had never been witnessed in Mexico. PeraUa^ Not. Ifutt., 212.
" Aionso de ^vila was dressed in black, and had on a Turkish robe of gray
damask, a velvet cap with a gold plume, and a gold chain round his neck,
this being the same apparel he wore when taken to prison. TorqucTnada, i.
632.
" Peralta, after describing the scene when the sentence was read to Aionso
m THE AVILA-OORTfiS CONSPIRACY.
The bodies were removed between 11 and 12 o'clock
at night by a priest and the two Yelaseos to the church
of Saint Augustine, where they were subsequently
buried, the first men of the city being present at the
funeral ceremony. The heads were discovered next
morning on poles upon the top of the city council's
building. This drew a protest from the council, coupled
with a demand for their removal,^^ which was com-
plied with, and the heads were then nailed to the
pillory as a warning.
Alonso de Avila s house was demolished, according
to the us£^e of the age in Latin countries ; the ground
was sown with salt, and a pillar erected there bearing
an inscription commemorative of the crime for which
the late proprietor had suffered death.^ The better
class of the community declared the sentence unjust.
The provincial of the Santo Evangelio, for himself and
the council of the Franciscans in that province, in a
long letter of August 8, 1566, to the king, pronounces
the charges frivolous. ^^ The audiencia was generally
de Avila in his cell, positively claitnB that both brothers made confession of
their guilt, and impbcated the marquis, ' y condenaron al marques y 6. otros,
como consta por sus coniisiones.' This author, as he says, was among the
men who under Francisco de Velasco guarded the square, and his horse's
head almost touched the scaffold; he saw and heard all that passed; the
unskilful executioner severed the heads only after several strokes, and thus
made the prisoners suffer greatly. As to the words uttered by the friar,
Domingo de Salazar, who later became bishop of the Philippines, he distinctly
heard them to be: * Sefiores, encomienden k Bios i, estos caballeros, quelloa
dizen que mueren justamente,. . .y que lo que abian jurado en sus confisiones
era verdad, ' which Alonso, on bem^ interrogated, confirmed then and there.
The friar's words were purposely misrepresented by many; but the audienciik
gave an authenticated copy of them to any one who desired it. Peralta, NbL
Hist,, 211-23, 227-8.
^* Torquemada, followed by others, asserts that the council threatened to
semove them by force if its demand was not forthwith attended to, as the city
was not traitorous. Orozco, howevei^ throws the entire responsibility on tiie
first named for these details, the protest alluded to not appearing on the coun-
cil's books. Torquemada, i. 632; Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 181; Ovosxo y JSerra,
Not, Cm\, 61.
*It was on Reloj street, comer of Santa Teresa. Alamoai, Disert., iL 142.
* Por ignominia las aran
Y de esteril sal las slembran
Del cincel en una pledra
Padron.|ifrento80 erige.'
Zapata, ReL funebre, in Orozco y Berra, Not, CTonj , 501-2.
^ * Todo debia de ser palabras de M090S livianos, y mal recatados, en sa
hablar, y todo sin fundamento, y sin medioe ningnnoe, para poner nada ea
obra.' Torquemada, i. 632-4.
VICEROY FALCBS. 081
censured, and there would have been serious disturb*
ance had not the streets been so thoroughly patrolled.
Some of the encomenderos, pulling their bejELnls, swore
to revenge the innocent blood of Gil Gronzalez."
In a measure appeased by what it had thus far
accomplished, the audiencia was proceeding more
leisurely with the trial of the other prisoners, when
on the 17th of September arrived at Vera Cruz the
third viceroy, Don Gaston de Peralta, marques de
Falces. He was a lineal descendant of Alonso Car-
rillo de Peralta, first marques de Falces and second
constable of Navarre, under appointment of the king,
in 1455. The new viceroy was known as a man of
generous sentiments, who had rendered valuable ser-
vices in the field and council, and was also a good ju-
rist.® He was accompanied by his wife. Dona Leonor
Vico, an estimable lady The title of excellency was
given him; his predecessors had been addressed only
as senoria.
Before arriving at Vera Cruz the new viceroy
learned from the master of a ship of the occurrences
at the capital, the imprisonment of the marquds del
Valle, and others, the beheading of the brothers Avila,
and the grounds on which the audiencia had based its
course. On reaching port he ascertained that no rev-
olutionary movements existed or were contemplated.
He passed the first night on board, and landed at 10
A. M. the next day, there being no sign of disturbance.
In the evening messengers arrived from Mexico to
greet him and deliver letters. Some assured him
that all was quiet, others thought he should have a
strong guard during his journey to the capital After
'^ Antonio Ruiz de Castafieda full of wrath swore to revenge Gil's death
if it cost him his whole estate. For this he was brought to trial, when he
qualified the remark, saying he meant 'juridically,' even if he spent his estate,
and had to go from door to door begging for funds to carry an appeal to the
crown. Oroioo y Berra, Not. Conj., 401.
"'Sugeto oeparticulares prendas, y virtad.* Loremana, in CorUSf HUL
jy. Eap.^ 15. 'Hombre pnidMite y enemigo de persecuciones.' Jfbru, Mej*
£eo.^ lit 216.
09» THB AVILA-OORTES CX)NaPIRACY.
ordering the works of San Juan de Ulua enlai^ed, he
set out for Mexico with a light escort of twenty-five
or thirty halberdiers, and his twelve servants armed
with pikes. In Jalapa he rested eight days, and be-
came satisfied that the country was peaceful. At
Tlascala and Puebla he was accorded a warm recep-
tion, and in return he thanked the caciques and the
people for their loyalty, in the king's name. On the
19th of October he arrived at the capital, and took
formal possession of his oflSces.
After due investigation he became convinced that
the audiencia had acted with severity, and he so
wrote the crown. On the day of his arrival he
ordered away the mihtary force at the royal buildings,
leaving a few men to guard the prisonera**
Meanwhile, contrary to the viceroy's orders sent
them from Puebla to stop proceedings in the con-
spiracy cases, the oidores had hurried them forward,
and now Cdspedes de Cdrdenas, fiscal of the audiencia,
demanded the sequestration of the marques del Valle's
estates. This the viceroy and a majority of the coun-
cil refused to grant, and Falces resolved to send the
marquis to Spain. *^ As regards Luis Cortes, the cx)urt
sentenced him for high treason to be beheaded, and to
forfeit his estate. The viceroy at first affixed his sig-
nature to the sentence; there may have been treason
in the heart of the accused; but in the review of the
case it was modified, and tne prisoner was condemned
to loss of property and ten years' service in the north
of Africa at his own cost. Most of the other pris-
oners were released.
** According to his report the monthly cost of the guard was 2,060 pesoB,
without including the captain's pay, the powder, and. other neoenary ezpenaes.
Falcea, Ir\formef in Mora, Mej, Rev., in. 429. Oeinos, the senior oidor^ and
vthers tried to persuade him that a revolution was certain, and referred to
the fVanciscaa friar Diego Gomejo to oorrohorate their statement^ but he
felt satisfied that no revolt was intended. Id,, 431-4.
^ Much kind attention was paid Cort^ by Falces, who allowed his friends
to see him at all hours, day and night, and even visited and was visited bv
him. This offended the oidores. Tlie marauis also became reconciled with
BaltMar de Aguilar Cervantes and others of his former enemies who m»de
Advances on hearing ibatjuecespeaquiddortB would soon oome out from Spain*
PUNISHMENTS OF THE OTHEBfi. m
Falces made much of Baltasar de Aguilar, with the
•view of obtaining the facts respecting the alleged con-
spiracy, and finally Aguilar told him that Cortes had
no hand in it.*^ Falces then wrote the crown that in
his opinion there had been no conspiracy; the oidores,
on the other hand, accused the viceroy of apathy and
disloyalty, and thereafter they did all they could to
annoy him.^
It was a great monster of rebellion the oidores had
crushed — so they would have the king believe, and so
they wrote to all Spain about it. They went further,
even accusing Falces of favoring the plot, and of hav-
ing a plan of his own to separate New Spain from the
crown of Castile, in support of which he had already
thirty thousand men enrolled.^ Not satisfied with
this, by collusion with the factor Ibarra, who had
charge of forwarding the official correspondence, they
succeeded in keeping back the viceroy's report, so that
the tales of his enemies alone might reach the court.®
Yet more and more the people lelt that the conduct
of the oidores had been infamous, and the informers
were held in contempt.*^
** Later on, being tortured by order of the visitador Mufioz, he retracted
that declaration, saying that his first statement had been the correct one, and
ad<JUng that his deposition to the contrary had been instigated by Falces.
Peralta, Na. Hist., 230-2, 238.
S7 The annoyance had beeun even earlier, as may be judged by the conduct
of the oidores Villalobos aod Orozco, who occupied the viceregal apartments
in the royal buildings, and only vacated them upon a peremptory demand
by Falces. This gave rise, as may be seen, to disagreeable correspondence,
which Falces alluded to in his report to the government. PercUia, Ir^orme, in
Mora, Mej. Rev,, iiL 429.
^ Falces as a lover of the fine arts had caused a battle scene to be painted in
one of the halls of the palace, which represented men in action. Torquemada,
i. 634. The king of France at one time had shown much regard for the mar-
qu^ del Valle, and as the viceroy had relatives at the French court and in
Navarre, these facts were adduced and made much of by the enemies of the
two accused marquises. Peralta, Not. Hist.y 232-3.
^ ' Las cartas, que el Virrei escrivid, y causas, qu en su descargo embiaba,
las hizo detener Ortuftode Ibarra, que era Factor del Rei, y Hombre poderoeo,
y favorecido.' Torouemada, i. 636; Peralta, Not. Hist., 233; Cavo, Tres Siglos,
1. 183-8; Oroeco y Berra, Not. Com., 57.
** Ayala de Espinosa said to the audiencia that society was treating him
with contamely for what he had done, and that the object was to make the
evidence of himself and others sippear as unworthy of credence. Pedro de
Agnilar was allowed to leave for Spain. Orozco y Berra, Not. Conj., Doc., 161 j
J^aloea, Inf,, inMora^ Mej, Bev., iii. 44&-6..
i
4D4 THE XVILA-OORT^S GONSPIBACY.
It was finally agreed to send the marquis to Spain;
but difference of opinion arose as to the best way of
getting him to Vera Cruz. The oidores, in further-
ance of their plans of compromising Falces, threw
the responsibility upon hinL Reflecting that a large
military escort might creat alarm, and a small one
be useless if the friends of Cortes should attempt a
rescue, the viceroy concluded to let him go on parole
to Vera Cruz, and deliver himself up to the general
of the fleet, Juan Velasco de Barrio,^^ who was to take
him to Spain to be surrendered to the royal authori-
ties. This was done. The marquis was at Vera Cruz
on the day stipulated, the 20th of March, having
placed his children under Falces' protection, who ac-
cepted the trust, but not that of looking after his
estates, as the marquis had also asked him.
Together with the marquis were sent to Spain his
half-brother Luis, Dean Juan Chico de Molina,'^ and
a Franciscan friar. The informer Cristdbal Ayala de
Espinosa also went in the fleet to seek preferment for
pretended services. Philip was ready enough to dis-
trust his agents in America, yet he disliked to believe
evil of the marques de Falces. But why did not his
viceroy write if he was innocent of the charges ad-
vanced by his brother oflScials? Probably it were
SI He based his action not solely on the reasons given in the text, bat aim
on the fact that Cortes' high rank entitled him to trust; ' pues prlncipes, gale-
ras, fortalezas, oficios, y otras cosas de gran calidad se fiaban y entregalMui i
caballeros hijos dal^o con un pleyto homenage, el cnal tenia tanta fuena de
iidelidad y obligacion.* The old chivalrous spirit animated him, it seems.
Faices, Informe al Rey, in Mora^ Mej. Bev., 424-48; and FaleeSj Pfvcao, in
Orozco y Bei-rOf NoL ConJ», 411-40. The official report of the marques de
Falces, viceroy of New Spain, on the alleged conspiracy of the second marquis
del Valle and others to wrest the country from the Spanish crown, is a clear
and detailed account of political affiurs as he found them on his arrival, and
as they continued to the time it was written in 1567. As such it is, judging
from the writer's character, well deserving of consideration and credence. It
was the same document, wilfully kept back by the king's factor, from which
resulted Falces' temporary disgrace and untold evils to Mexico. In the Be-
gistro Trimestre, and also in Mom, Mej. Hev,, it is stated that the memorial
was delivered to the king. But as a matter of fact it was presented to the
royal commissioners Dec. 6, 1567, when the fiscal of the andienoia in Mexico
preferred charges against Falces.
» In Madrid he was subjected to the torture, by which he lo«i the nse of
one arm. He was also deprived of his rank. PeraUa, NoL HuL^ 256.
TW9 ATROCIOUS JUIXJES. 025
better the viceroy should be deposed; and so the
licenciados Jarava, Alonso Munoz, and Luis Carrillo
were despatched to Mexico as jtieces pesquisidoreSy or
royal commissioners, armed with' a peremptory order
to Falces to turn over the government to them, and
forthwith proceed to Spain, tliere to answer the charges
preferred against him. Jarava died at sea; the other
two entered the capital early in October 1567,^ and
demanded the government from Falces. We may well
imagine his indignation at this insult so unjustly and
cruelly inflicted; but he obeyed the royal command,
and then labored to ascertain the cause of it. He soon
discovered the trick that Ortuno de Ibarra had played
him, and at once made it public. Much regret was
felt at his deposal. The so lately dreadful conspiracy
was by this time almost forgotten.
Munoz, a man of advanced age, being senior in rank
as well as in years, took charge of affairs. Flushed
with power, Munoz began to show his character, that
of an inflexible, haughty, and cruel man. He aped
royalty, ignored the audiencia, distrusted the oidores,
and treated with discourtesy all having business with
him. His subordinates he regarded with contempt,
and a distant bow was all he deigned to gentlemen of
high position. When riding out he was escorted by
twenty-four halberdiers."
Early in November Munoz and Carrillo devoted
their whole attention to the proceedings in the political
trials. Munoz as a councillor of the Indies had already
acted at Madrid in the cases ordering torture to be
inflicted on Crist6bal de Onate, whom the audiencia
of Mexico had sent there. This man, to escape the
horrors of the torture, made confessions implicating
a number of innocent persons. He was brought back
to be used both as witness ^.nd victim.
" All the authorities tLgree upon the time except Veitmcvrtf Trot, Mex,, 9,
who gives their arrival in March 1568.
** * Queria hacer suerra al Cielo. . .no sabia baxar la cabe9a i. la Tierra. . .
debia de creer, que u>3 Hoznbres eran bestias.* Torqucmada^ L 637.
Hist. Mix.. Vol. XL 40
626 THE AVILACORTES CONSPIRACY.
Mufioz, taking upon himself control of the case,
ordered the rearrest of those the viceroy had re-
leased on bail, and doubled the guards.^ Any sus-
picion, however slight, against any person would in-
sure incarceration. To save themselves from possible
accusation many turned informers. The infamous old
man became rabid on the subject, and as he moved
from place to place he saw conspirators everywhere.
The jails becoming insufficient, he had some dungeons
built, damp dark horrible places for human beings,
and which still existed and bore his hated name in the
seventeenth century.^
The criminal trials were prosecuted with activity.
Every circumstance, however trifling, was brought to
bear heavily against the victims. The time aflowed
them for defence was short. The result of it was
that the prisoners deemed it useless to attempt a
defence, and an unjust sentence and its execution usu-
ally ended the case. On the 7th of January, 1568,
were sentenced to be hanged and quartered for treason
and attempted rebellion Juan Gomez de Victoria,
Gonzalo Nuilez, and Crist6bal de Oiiate, the last
named being the one taken to and brought back from
Spain. It was believed that the other two were inno-
cent.*^ On the 8th the three were executed, Nunez
and Victoria confessing their guilt, and Onate retract-
ing the falsehoods he had uttered in Madrid under
fear of torture. He declared just before his execu-
^ Among the prisoners the following names appear: Martin Cortes, Balta-
sar and Diego Ariaa de Sotelo, Francisco, Fernando, and Bernardino Pacheoo
de Bocanegra, Nufio de Chavez, Luis Ponce de Leon, Agustin de Sotomayor,
Hernando de Bazan, Diego Rodriguez Orozco, Pedro Gomez 'de CSdcms,
Antonio de Carbajal, Baltasar and Pedro de Quesada, Juan de Valdivieso^
Antonio Ruiz de CastafLeda, Garcia de Albomoz, Gonzalo Nufiez, and Jnaa
Gomez de Victoria (these last two were servants of the late Alonso de ifvlla),
Grist<$bal de Ofiate, Pedro Gonzalez, a son of the conqueror Andr^ de Tapia,
Rodrigo de Carbajal, clergyman. Many others appear incidentally in the
generu proceedings, those of their dwn trials not naving reached us. The
property of such as had any was sequestered. Orozco y Berra, Not. Conj., 59;
I>oc.y in Id,, 217-470; Torquemada, i. 636; Cano, Tree Siglos, i. 183.
'^One thousand workmen were employed, completing them in 15 days.
Peralia, Not. Hist., 237.
" *Dicen, que murieron sin culpa^* Torquemada, i. 636. Orozco y Berra^
Not. Conj., 60, gives only the executions of Victoria and ^ate.
TORTURE OF MARTIN CORTES. 627
tion that all he said about the marques del Valle
having given him a commission to France and to
certain high officials was untrue. The next day,
mounted on mules and bound hands and feet, the
brothers Baltasar and Pedro de Quesada, sexagena-
rians, were taken to the scaflfold to be beheaded ; they
acknowledged having taken part in a plot against the
king. Baltasar de Sotelo met with the same fate.^
It becomes my duty here to record one of those
hellish acts which makes one blush for one's race,
which makes one wonder how superior powers can sit
and smile on them. Sapient philosophers may charge
it to the times, and there leave it, scarcely knowing
what they say; religionists would place it among the
mysteries of providence and expect us to be satisfied ;
there still remains the fact, a most ignoble and worse
than beastly one, and wherein man may see something
of himself as he is to-day.
While the executions of the 8th were going on in
the presence of the people, there lay in one of the
rooms of the royal buildings Martin Cortes, Marina's
son, undergoing bodily torture. The father had con-
quered the country for Spain, and the mother had
been his most devoted friend and helper ; and here now
was the son, stretched on a bed of mortal agony, be-
cause to his grizzly judge at the trial he would di-
vulge nothing of the secrets of his confederates, were
any such secrets in his keeping.
Happy invention ! that of water and cord,** as ad-
ministered at the hands of Pero Baca and Juan Na-
v^arro. by order of Munoz. It does not add to the
*Mora, Mej, Rev.^ iii. 218-19, says that his brother Diego Sotelo was also
pat to death. Torquema^a, i. 636, gives only the execution of Baltasar de
Sotelo. According to Orozco y Berra, Not, Conj.y 61, the brothers were
merely banished.
"Being a knight of Santiago, and the rules of the order requiring the
preeenoe of other members at the act, Francisco de Velasco and the bishop
of Paebla, Antonio de Morales, y Molina were summoned to witness it. The
letter has been blamed for taking part in an act so unbecoming a Christian
prelate; but it seems that he appeared at the special request of Martin Cortes.
^Torqiumadti, i 636.
fS28 THE AVILA-UOBTBS UONSFIICAUY.
merits of the case to know that Martin was conva-
lescing from serious illnesa "I have spoken the
truth, and have nothing further to add," Martin said,
as they stripped him and laid him on the rack. Being
again urged to speak the truth, he replied, "It is
spoken." The executioners then proceeded to bind
with cords the fleshy parts of the arms, thighs, calves,
and large toes, and gradually to tighten them all at
once, "Speak the truth," they said. "It is spoken,"
was ever the reply. Six times they poured a quart
of water down his throat, demanding each time a
truthful declaration. With wonderful firmness the
poor fellow held to his first position. **Kill me if
you will, I can tell you nothing more."*" And the
judges at last believed him, and allowed a little rest,
intending to continue after the sufferer should have
recovered sufiicient strength. Strange that in any age
men in the possession of common reason could hope
by such means to arrive at the truth ! But after all,
in the affairs of men there is a happy compensation.
Martin's mother is sold into slavery ; Martin's father
tortures the Indians; Martin himself enslaves and
tortures ad libitum; Munoz imprisons and tortures
Martin ; death and the devil seize and torture Muftoz.
It was not convenient to torture Martin further.
Eighteen days afterwards he was sentenced to exile
for life from all the Indies, and from within five
leagues of the court of Spain, and to pay a fine of
five hundred gold ducats. Others were exiled ; some
from New Spain, some from the city of Mexico, and
all must pay money into the king's treasury.*^
*^ * Ya he dicho la verdad, y por el Sacratisimo nombre de Dios que s
duelan de mf, que no dir^ mas de aqal k que me muera. ' Orozeo y Berra^ JVoC
Co/y., 61; Doe., in M, 231-2.
^^ Among the most noted were: Diego Arias Sotelo, transported to Orua
on the north coast of Africa. The three brothers Bocanegra soffered tortaz«,
confessed nothing, and were sentenced to Oran. Bernardino de Booanegra
had b<)en first condemned to death for the murder of Juan Ponce de Leon.
but was saved through family influence and finalW sent to Oran. OC tfaoee
exiled I find the following: redro Gomes, son of Captain Andrea Tapia^ An-
tonio Ruiz de Gastafteda, Garcia de Albomos, and Juan de ValdiYiesa. Only
one of those sent to Oran ever left that place. TorquemadOf i 036: PeraUa^
J^ol. Hist,, 247-8.
THE VICEBOY SUSPECTED. fi29
Even the marques de Falces was brought before
the dread court of the royal emissaries; charges of
disloyalty as well as offences of omission were made
against him, to which he pleaded that his conscience
was at peace, for he had done nothing incompatible with
the duties of a loyal subject and servant oi the crown.
In view of his rank, the judges abstained from ren-
dering a decision in his case, and referred it to the
king. This was all Falces asked, and a few days later
he went down to Vera Cruz to embark on the first
ship for Spain.
Munoz continued his abuse of power almost with-
out a limit. The jails as well as his pestilence-breed-
ing dungeons were filled with innocent victims, whose
sons and wives dare not move in their release lest
worse befall them. For once in their battered ex-
istence the Indians were saved by their insignificance
from the horrid notice of their present rulers. It was
the Spaniards and their descendants, and particularly
those of high position, conquerors and sons of con-
querors, who had themselves gloried in practising
enormities on others, even as they were now wrought
upon by fiends of injustice ; it was these who were now
the sufferers, and at the hands of those of their own
race.*^
*' * No avia Hombre con Hombre en la Tierra, y de tal modo vivian todoa,
^ne no aabian de si, ni como defenderae, nl ampararse de tantas crueldades, y
tiraniafl, como hacia. ' Torquemada^ i. G36. It must be here stated, however,
that the Franciscan province of the Santo Evangelic, to which Torquemada
afterward belonged, had by this time changed its opinion respecting tho
political condition of the country. It may have been from an honest belief,
or from a feeling of gratitude to Mu&oz for favors received, that fathers Mi-
guel Navarro, provincial, and Diego de Mendoza, Juan Focher, and Joan
Ramirez, definidores, in a letter of May 24, 1568, commend in glowing terms
his rule, adding that if he could have retained his powers two or three years,
the country would be in much better state than it ever had been since tho
conquest. He had already set everything in order in both spiritual and tem-
porau concerns, and hia name stood now very high, In the prosecution of the
marques del Valle and others, both Mu&oz and Carrillo haa done their duty
Hke good Christians, using no more severity than was needful, and the
evidence produced at the trials should be considered dispassionately: *8i eu-
sangrentaron algo las manos no devia conuenir otra cosa para la entera pacifi-
cacion destos reinos.' They conclude wishing for Mufioz' return, or the
coming of some one possessed of his spirit, and with freedom of action.
Ifamtrro et cU., in Cartas de Indiaa, 159.
690 THE iVILA-CORTiS CONSPIRACY.
Mexico could no longer patiently endure the yoke.
The remedy was worse than the disease; if anything
could make traitors it was Munoz' conduct. Public dis-
content had T^y this time reached such a point that the
country's peace was really in danger, far more in dan-
ger than at any time previous. Measures were taken
by the best men to rid New Spain of the crown agent;
if the king would do it, well; if not, they would do
it themselves. Evading the watchfulness of Munoz
and his minions, they forwarded to Madrid corre<it
accounts of the past and present condition of things
over their own signatures. Petitions went to the
king from all quarters in Mexico, showing the whole
country to be in mourning, in dread and constant
alarm, and in actual danger of revolution. And this
would cease, the writers said, if Munoz and Carrillo
were at once removed; not otherwise. The crafty
and cruel, cold and unscrupulous Phihp, saw at once
that this was no case of iron-heel justice; moreover,
he was really indignant at the conduct of Mufloz, who
had so infamously misrepresented him. He there-
fore immediately despatched to Mexico the oidores
Villanueva and Puga, the same persons whom Val-
derrama had dismissed, with orders to depose Munoz
and Carrillo, and compel them to quit the capital
within three hours. The two dismissed rulers were
to repair to Madrid and explain their acts.
The oidores arrived the 13th of April, 1568, which
was holy Tuesday. These officials knew what it was
to be up, and what it was to be down. They had
been displaced, and they knew how to displace an-
other. The other members of the audiencia were
pleased to receive them; nothing could be worse than
as it had been. Mufioz was a pious man; for so old
and so rank a sinner he was exceedingly pious. He
was spending holy week at the convent of Santo Do-
mingo, deep in kmg-craft; for as he had ruled here,
so would he if possible rule hereafter. The oidores were
all a little afraid of him; nevertheless it was not aa
MUMU2. AJMD UAKKlUiU i>£FU»lflD. 631
unpleasing task to depose the old tyrant; so plucking
up courage the two commissioners, with the secretary
Sanchez Lopez de Agurto, early next morning re-
paired to the convent and asked for ^ufioz. The
page hesitated to disturb his master's rest or devo-
tions, but finally conducted the visitors to his room.
Munoz received them sitting, and barely returned their
salutation. Without further preamble Villanueva drew
forth the royal cddulaand directed Agurto** to read it.
The effect on Munoz was as if he had been struck.
Without uttering a word his head fell" heavily on his
breast, and after a time he signified his acquiescence.
The news that the tyrant had been deposed spread
through the city, and the jubilant inhabitants appeared
upon the streets just in time to see the so lately proud
and haughty representative of royalty, now a poor
and trembling old man, friendless and comparatively
alone, wending his way out of the country, an object
of scorn and execration. His weaker but scarcely less
detested colleague Carrillo was with him; and it is
said, though probably with exaggeration, that had it
not been for the compassion of certain citizens they
would have been obliged to perform the journey to
Vera Cruz on foot. However this may have been,
they received marked demonstrations of antipathy
ever3rwhere on their journey. Sharp corners of fortune
were those which the king-servers and king-defiers used
to turn then in the Indies. Going on board the vessel
which was to carry them to Spain, these who had been
^ It is presumed he was the same known also as Sancho Lopes de Recalde,
^who was secretary of the royal council in Spain in 1544, and afterward a
notary public in the city of Mexico, where he died in 1575, leaving two sons,
■8ancho Lopez and Diego; the latter of whom became a canon of the cathe-
dral; the former was a notary public before 1572, and in 1575 was made
notary and secreteiry of the audiencia, holding the office till November 9,
1582, on which date he wrote a letter to the king in council It seems he
had often written the king on public affairs. During the disturbances of
the so-called conspiracy of the marquds del Yalle, he contributed with his
estate and personal services, together with those of his relatives and subor-
dinates, to the preservation of peace and guarding of the city. In October
1576 the secretary of the civil department was Juan de Guevas. * Till lateW
lie had a colleague, Sancho Lopez de Recalde, who died recently.' Enrtquez^
Carta al Bey, in Cartas de Indias, 333.
I
632 THE AVILA-CORTES CONSPIRACY.
driven forth found there him whom they had driven
forth, Falces, but for them viceroy, and now a king^
beside them.
Carrillo died at sea.^ On arrival at Madrid, Falces
at once went to the king and told him all Philip
listened, believed, and gave the faithful servant kind
treatment — ^that is, for a king. Munoz also went to
his master and was received very sternly. " I sent
you to nourish, not to destroy," said the king. Munoz
tried to explain, but Philip turned his back upon him.
It was enough; disgraced, driven forth, spurned, the
old man went his way, and that same night was found
dead, sitting on a chair with his head resting on his
hand/"
It was not generally believed then, nor has it beea
since, that any plan of independence really had exist-
ence at the time. The chief encomenderos, it was
explained, angry at the systematic provocation, the
arbitrary persecution by the ministers and delegates
of the king, in their fear and wrath had endeavored to
find Borae means to defend their threatened interests;
but there was no evidence of their ever having ceased
to be loyal subjects, tlieir only offence being that
some of them squandered their estates. The so-called
conspiracy was declared to be nothing more than an
invention of the enemies of the marques del Valle^
his broth el's J and their friends, to bring them to ruin-
Some thought it a plan concocted at Madrid for
despoiling the encomenderos. Juan Suarez Peralta,
one of the victims, who left his views in writing,
throws out hints in this direction, but nothing more;
it was dangerous in those days to speak one s mind
** His death W4I.S caused I / r atroke of a|K>jjlexy. The botly was carried
to Habujii, Per-fiUti, NoU HhL, 252, Ml.
^ MufSo^ was cnicl as well as pioua, ajid Camllo was pious as well oa tTuel;
at tho torturea the former fthoweil greater pitVj a eofter heart; w^hereas the
other buing weaker was moro harah. The people, however, had an idea that
MuHoK was the more monstrous of the two, and they feared him beyond
compare. One man actually took a fever and died in two day* itpon reeeiv-
iug a harsh mi^BsaijG from MuCioz. Id.^ 250-1.
LITERATURE OF THE BAY. 6dS
on New Spain government policy. The impudent
utterances of Alonso de Avila cost him his life.
Many effusions in prose and verse were written to
commemorate this bloody episode, the most notable
being the funeral narrative by the Mexican poet, his-
torian, and political writer, Luis de Sandoval Zapata,
who lived early in the seventeenth century. A notice
of this composition will be given elsewhere. Its
author exonerates both the Avilas from any treason-
able intent, and assures us that the king's council
also did so at a later time.** He lays to the malice
of informers and the envy and blindness of judges
the deaths of many innocent men. We must admit,
however, that during the epoch under consideration a
plot to bring about the secession of New Spain from
the mother country was brewing, so much having
been confessed by Alonso de Avila first, and by the
brothers Quesada later ; though it certainly was not
worthy of the consideration given it by the oidores in
their zeal or animosity. Indeed, the depositions of
the persons having knowledge of the circumstances
show that treason had not been seriously considered.
The viceroy, who carefully read the evidence, could
not believe that criminality had been intended,*^ and
this seems to have been the conclusion arrived at by
the king in approving the course of Falces and con-
demning that of Munoz and Carrillo.
But, whatever opinion we may hold of the conduct
of the Avilas and others, it is quite certain that the
marquis, Martin Cortes, took no part in any plot
against the crown. Not that there was wanting cause
or inducement; but the risk was too great. With
**Bieii que despues el Consejo
De la Magestad exelsa
Declard con su clemencia
No hubo culpa de traidores
En lo8 Avilas
In Orozeo y Berra^ NoL Conj., 502.
*^ His words in one place were ' el alzamiento que en esta tierra dicen se
pretendi<$ hacer; ' and in another, 'despues de la sospecha de alzamiento.*
In Jiara, Mfj, Rev,, iii. 424, 435-6.
eS4 T±U£ AVLLA-UUKlJiS UUWSl:'li4AUY.
Spain and so many Spaniards and the native Amer-
icans against them, the insurgents could not possibly
have sustained themselves. And then his name, his
proud position, his princely estates: failure would in-
volve the forfeiture of all these. Yet here there was
little to choose; if the godly Philip desired any one's
property he usually took it if he could. For an inno-
cent man the penalties inflicted on the marquis by the
king and council were grievous; but they assisted to
foster suspicion until a good share of his wealth was
secured.*^ His case was not terminated for several
years. Whether it was that nothing could be proved
against him, or that he paid over sufficient money, or
that the court deemed him no longer dangerous, he
was finally acquitted, and the family reinstated in all
its honors, rights, and privileges, but not till a large
fine had been exacted.*® Most of the sequestered
property was restored in 1574. Tehuantepec was
taken by the crown on the pretext of ii» being needed
for a port and navy-yard, and as a point from which
to make discoveries.^ During the period of seques-
^ The marquis was sentenced to serve in Oran and to perpetual banishment
from the Indies, to the payment of many thousand ducats, and the jurisdic-
tion in his estate was also taken from him. PeraUa, NoL Hist,, 255-6.
^ Fifty thousand ducats, and to make a forcad loan to the crown of 100,000
more for war expenses. He must have been kept confined. He certainly was
in custody from January 1 to October 13, 1572, at the fortress of Torre jon de
Velasco, during which time 73,888 maravedis were expended for his support,
which were paid to the officers holding him, by the treasurer-general of the
kingdom, under an order of the royal council. VcMaracete, Petidon, in Pa-
checo and CdrdenaSf Col. Doc., xiii. 456-8; Conaejo^ BetU, Mctmiamienta, in
Id., 458-61.
^The deprivation of the privilege to appoint governors and alcaldes may-
ores was repealed much later, when Fernando, the third marquis, married
Mencia de la Cerda y Bobadilla, a lady of honor of the princes IsabeL
The Cort^ family remained in Spain till Pedro, the fourth nuutiuis, a
brother of his predecessor and whose wife was Ana de Pacheco de la Uerda,
a sister of the conde de Montalvan, came to Mexico, where he died January
30, 1629, without issue. It is said that at his funend were in attendance 300
Franciscan friars from the city of Mexico and neighboring towns. The entail
went to his niece, Estefanfa Coit^ wife of the liea^litan nobleman duke of
Terranova and Monteleone. The estates and seignorial rights remained in the
house till the war of succession to the Spanish crown, when, the duke having
taken sides with the house of Austria, they were placed under sequestration.
This was raised after the peace of Utrecht confirmed Felipe V., the first Bour-
bon to wear the Spanish crown. Ihey were again sequestered at the time
of the invasion of r^apoleon, and restored to the family after Fernando VH.
recovered his throne. The family retained the estates till 1820, with tho
DEATH OF THE MARQUES DEL VALLK. 635
tration, the government had paid the pensions of
Dofia Juana de Ziiniga, the dowager marchioness,
and of her brother the friar Antonio.
The marquis died the 13th of August, 1589. It is
beheved that the sentence of exile in the case of Mar-
tin, Dona Marina's son, was never carried out On
the 17th of March, 1568, he was still living in his own
house, as appears in a petition asking for an extension
of the time he was allowed to enjoy that place as his
prison. As he was in bad health it is likely the peti-
tion was granted, and he was troubled no more after
Munoz was dismissed. Nothing further is known of
him or his family. It is probable that he left no legit-
imate descendants. Luis Cortes returned to Mexico
after the acquittal of the marquis in 1574, and lived
almost in obscurity. He never took part again in
public affairs, and at his death left to his descendants
the name of Cortds de Hermosilla.
exception of the Beignorial privileffes, the Spanish cortes having abolished all
«ach. Upon the independence of Mexico the estates were sequestered a
fourth time, for a while, during Iturbide s short imperial sway. In 1833 they
were declared national property, and in 1834 restored to the owner. Such
has been the devious course of tenure in the Cort^ estates. Terranova y
MonUleone^ Eapoa., 63; Mora, Mej. Rev,, iii. 22&-7; Datoa Biog., in Cartas de
ImL, 858; Alaman, DiaerL, ii. 171.
I would here offer my tribute of respect for the prominent writer and
accomplished scholar Manuel Orozco y Berra. Probably no Mexican historian
of modem times has been so generally held in high esteem both by his coun-
trymen and by scholars everywhere. Blnjoying the fullest facilities, with the
confidence of the government, and of all who held in possession materials for
history; with a sound mind, a facile pen, and a generous sympathy for the
just and humane on all questions relating to society and civilization, he was
a man of whose name his country may well be proud.
Most important in writing the present chapter, and a work I have freely
used, is his NoHcta Histdrica de la Conjuracton del Marqii^s del Valle, Aiios de
1565-1568, Mex. 1853, 8vo, xii. 72, 605 pp. It contains an historical ac-
count of the afiE&ir which has hitherto somewhat improperly been known as the
Martin Cort^ conspiracy, some having attributed it to the second marques del
Valle. A sketch of his early life is also given, accompanied by copies of the
legal processes against the persons implicated, including the deposed viceroy,
the marqnes de Falces. I notice that the greater part of the legal proceed-
ings, many of the answers of witnesses, and the pleadings of the accusation
and defence are omitted, probably on the ground that they would have
696 THE IVILA-CORTfiS CONSPIRACY.
thrown but litUe light upon the subject. More valuable is an extract givm^
the confessions of the prisoners and the sentences decreed against them,
together with interesting acts and documents, in which the original orthog-
raphy and punctuation are retained. The editor also gives foot-notes wher-
ever he regarded them necessary. At the end of the volume is a ballad or
romance in verse, the subject of which is the execution of the two brothers
Av'Aai, written about the beginning of the seventeenth century.
Subsequently Orozco y Berra s studies were directed to scientific subjects^
and he published several valuable treatises on ethnography, hydrography^
and kindred topics. Still later, however, as the fruit of many years of dili-
gent researches during liiii leisure liours, a work OippcarcJ whii:h eutitlf^s liim
to ha numbered atriong the di^tinguijihed historiaiia of hia coimtry. It bears
the title I/lfttitria Ant^ijtta y d^ In Conrfuistn de M^ica, Mexico, 1880, 8vo, 4
vola,, pp, ix. 584, 603, 527, 094, and com prises four parts: La CivUij^oion,
El H ombre Prehistdricri ea Mi^xico, HiatoHa Antigua^ and Conqui^ta de Mex*
ico, based on the beat autboritios extant. Tlie iirat tbit?e divisions give an
in teres tiug description of the general conflition of ancient Mexico and part
of C'f^utral America, of the rite^, religioEL, social a»d intellectual standing; the
prelibtoHcal iubabitant^, their relations to tlioae of the Old World; the his-
tory of tlie different regicins, beginning with tlie ear!}'- tratlltioiiB of the Ma^'aa,
and ending with the AuibuapC empire previoua to its overtlirow by the Span-
iards. Nnnicrans foot-notes are given in siipport of the text; also ititeresting
bibliographical notices, and essays on ancient laws, taken from unpublished
documents, and on hieroglyphic writings and chronology of the Aztecs and
Majiis, all of which gives indubitable evidence of tlte an thorns poin^taking^
laljor. The faurth volume, romarkatde, like the third jiart, for a great num-
ber of explanatory notes, begins with the earliest exptditiona, from which
originated the final conquest of the Mexican empire, and concludes with the
departure of Cristobal de TajHO,
It is to be regretted that the narrative of this eventful period fihonld have
been given ao largely in extn^cts, rather tlian in the author a own wortLk His
interpretatioua are \muaUy fa^r, and his criticisms on Prcscott and others
se^cbing aed pertinent. Perhaps for the early part of tlio conquest he iji in-
eliued to favor unduly the somewhat prejudi<jed narrativt: of Lau Casaa, and
the atatoments of v^irioiis persons made during the reaidencia of Coirtes are
frequently given more crodit thaji they deserve, though here the letters of
the conqueror hiiaself and the veraions of Bemal Dia^ Herrera, Gomara, and
other standard chroniclers have biaen used, ajiU also the native reconls, Tsbken
£ui :v whole, it is a work redectiag the highest credit both ou the author, tind
on the govermueut whieh lu }}^t appreciAtiou facilitated itfi ptiblicatioa.
CHAPTER XXX.
RULE OF VICEROY ENRIQUEZ.
1568-1580.
TeMPORABT GoVERNMEirr OF THE AuDIENCIA — JOHN HaWKINS InYADES
Vera Cruz — His Defeat and Expulsion— Fate of the English
Prisoners — Viceroy Martin Enriquez de Almansa — Drake's Oper-
ations— Foreign Raids — Yucatan, Its Government and Indian
Affairs — First Acts of Enriquez — Organization of Military
Forces— Campaigns against the Chichimecs — Presidios and Mova-
ble Block-houses — Matlalzahuatl Epidemic and its Havoc — Fam-
ine— Inundation — Recall of Enriquez — His Government Policy —
His Death.
The tyrannical visitadores having been divested of
power, the audiencia resumed the reins of government,
and profiting by past experience adopted a mild policy
which gradually allayed public fears. With restored
confidence the people returned to their vocations, and
soon nothing was left to remind them of the late horrors
but the black dungeons of Mufioz and the pillar on the
salt-sown ground where Alonso de Avila's house had
stood. This happy state of things continued until the
arrival of the fourth viceroy. Previous to the coming
of this official, however, there was quite a flutter of
excitement at the capital, owing to the seizure of the
island of Sacrificios, opposite the castle of San Juan
de Ulua, by the famous English corsair, John Haw-
kins, with nine armed ships, on the 14th of September,
1568.^ Hawkins surprised the garrison and captured
the fort. Among the prisoners were the king's treas-
urer and factor. He then removed the artillery and
^ Miles Philips, one of the men, gives the 16th as the date ef their enter-
ing the port. Diacouraey in Uaklvyt^s Voy.t iiL 471.
6S7)
CKJo KVLJ& ur viuiiinux j&niut^uJSM^
fortified his camp without opposition.* His ships
were much damaged, having been long from home
trading on the coasts of Spanish America. Needing
water and stores he resolved to take this port, after
first securing every vessel in the vicinity, that the
people of Vera Cruz might not receive warning of his
approach. The gentle pirate was at present fatigued
and desired rest. He would hurt no one if left alone.
Indeed, he assured the commandant of the port, Her-
nando Dqlgadillo, and the other ofiKcials that he
intended them no harm, having captured the place
only as a matter of form. He wished them to supply
him with water and provisions, promising to pay in
money and merchandise. The king's officials, how-
ever, declined these irregular overtures, and would
make no arrangements without orders from Mexico.
The audiencia finally agreed to furnish Hawkins what
he required on the terms proposed, with the under-
standing that none of Hawkins' men should enter
Vera Cruz, or leave Sacrificios for the interior.
Thus all was going on well with Captain Hawkins,
who could ride up and down the ocean's highways and
rob at pleasure, never waiting for cover of the night,
and who now demanded charity from the injured
nation with an air of peace and innocence truly re-
freshing. But alas! the daring navigator was in some
way so out of his reckoning that he could not calcu-
late his eclipse. His negotiations with the Vera Cruz
officials were scarcely ended when a Spanish fleet of
thirteen vessels came in sight. The poor pirate was
taken at a terrible disadvantage. His cargoes were
valued at £1,800,000; he had beached several of his
ships for repairs, and was in no humor to kill the
people who were coming toward him; yet he must
open fire on the Spanish fleet.
Now it happened that the new arrival had on board
• He waa * mny gran soldado j marinero, y en sn proceder muy hidaigo; *
with him waa hia relative Francis Drake. PeraUa, JVoL Hist., 257, and nota
40. For a full aooount of the piratical expeditiooB, see HiH. CeiU. ^m., ii.
this series.
FIRAT£» AT Y£RA CKUZ. 639
the last appointed viceroy of New Spain, Martin
Enriquez de Almansa, knight of Santiago, brother of
the marques de Alcanices and the marchioness de
Poza, He was, moreover, connected with the highest
nobility of Spain, among whom was the famous duque
de Candia, who became the second general of the
Jesuits, as successor to Ignatius de Loyola, and after
his death was canonized as St Francis Borgia. He bore
the reputation of a man of sterling character, whose
amiable and charitable disposition* was united with
firmness, and who possessed good administrative abil-
ities. Enriquez was much alarmed at seeing his mas-
ter's dominion in the hands of a foreigner. He wished
to bring the fleet into port; he had been long confined
on shipboard and he desired to land. Moreover he
had come to rule at Mexico, and not to be shot at
Vera Cruz. Hence, when Hawkins sent the Spanish
commander word that he had no intention of inflicting
injury on any one, least of all on honest and courteous
Spanish gentlemen ; that he had only fired from habit,
or by way of bull-dog salute; that he had permission
of the audiencia to purchase at that port certain neces-
saries; and that as soon as his ships were repaired
he would gladly depart — Enriquez listened. The
commander answered bluntly that he would hold no
intercourse whatever with Hawkins until he should
be allowed peaceably to enter the port.* Enriquez,
however, who thought a viceroy's wits should equal at
least those of a pirate, was quite ready to enter into
negotiations. Then Hawkins said that if the Span-
iards would pledge him their honor and good faith to
permit him to depart in peace as soon as he should
have completed his repairs, they might enter unmo-
lested. The viceroy agreed, and an exchange of host-
' During his residence in Mexico he won himself the name of a good
Ghmtian, giving alms to the poor without ostentation. Peralta, Not. Hist,,
270; Torqwmada, L 638; Mix., Not. Ciudad, 70; DcUoa Biog., in Cartas de
IncUas, 754-5. He was very strict, and exalted the vicere^l office, which till
hiB time had been a plain, unassuming one. Torqttemada, i. 647.
* ' En lo demis le harian oomooidad y le despacharian. Peraita, Not,
Migt.,2S3.
JDt\JAJM!l SJC TXVXU£Wl/X fdl'ViVX^^J JBii:*.
ages was made. Hawkins selected ten of his chief
officers and sent them elegantly attired to the Spanish
flag-ship.*^ The viceroy dressed up as gentlemen an
equal number of men of the lowest class and de-
spatched them to Hawkins' quarters. After the stip-
tdations had been concluded and proclaimed, the
Spaniards entered the port, and the two fleets, as
Hawkins tells us, saluted one another, according to
naval custom.*
This was the 24th of September. All right now,
thought Hawkins: the word of a Spanish nobleman
is as good as his bond, if /either is worth anything.
Agustin de Villanueva Cervantes, however, he of
whom I have often spoken in connection with the
late troubles of Mexico, and who was now a prisoner
in the hands of the English, well knowing the quality
of Spanish honor and good faith when pledged to a
pirate, on seeing the kind of hostages given by his
countrymen, trembled for his own safety, it being evi-
dent that the Spaniards were determined on treachery.
Yet when Hawkins for some purpose sent to the
Spanish commander Robert Barret, master of one of
his vessels, a gentleman of fine appearance, and one
who understood Castilian, and he did not return be-
cause the viceroy detained him, Hawkins' suspicions
were not even then aroused, for he thought that
Barret perhaps had been kept to dinner. Presently,
however, he was enlightened, as there slowly dropped
down upon him a Spanish store-ship, passing the line
agreed upon beyond which no vessel of the viceroy's
fleet was to cross, and opened a lively fire on his camp.
Turning to the Spanish hostages, who expected to be
immediately cut in pieces, he asked with an air of
injured innocence, "Is this the way Spaniards keep
their word?" Then to Villanueva, "I tell you this
act of your commander will cost your people more
^Peralta, NoL Hiat.^ 266, BavB he knew two of the officers, one being &
relative of the earl of York, and the other a connection of the qneen.
* Hawkins, in Hakhyt*8 Vcy,, iii 524.
ESCAPE or HAWKIMa 641
than all my ships and their contents are worth/*
And he made good his word, though I doubt not he
would have robbed and murdered iJl the same in any
event. Other vessels followed closely the store-ship;
Hawkins brought all his ^uns to bear, and a bloody
engagement ensued, in which there was great loss of
life on botii sides. The Englishmen had the better
of it for a time, it was said, and until the Spaniards
employed against them fire-ships. The actual position
of the English vessels, how many were on the beach,
and how many afloat, is not stated; but it is certain
that after all the depredations of the Spaniards there
were two left, the flag-ship Minion and the Jvdithy on
board of which took refuge those of the remnant of
the English force who were able in the end to effect
their escape. About three hundred thus saved them-
selves. Hawkins left the Spanish hostages unharmed,
knowing that if he killed them his own, worth ten to
one of the others, must die also. Luckily the flag-
ship, which carried all the silver and the most valu-
able goods, was not destroyed, and on her Hawkins
made his escape through a passage between reefs,
where no vessel had ever been before, followed b^
the Judith, in command of Francis Drake. In his
camp were taken many English prisoners, but in the
captured vessels only negroes, of whom there were
many. These were distributed among the captors,
and afterward sold at the rate of three hundred ducats
each. The store-ship that headed the attack was de-
stroyed; also some other Spanish vessels, and quite a
number of soldiers on ship-board perished.^
^ 'Two great shippes of the Spaniards siinke, and one burnt.* The Span-
iards could not do much harm with their ships, but did much havoc with the
artillery of the English. The Minion shifted for herself, and Hawkins with
^raat cufficulty got on her; most of the men on the Jesus followed tha Minion
in the boat, and those who could not were slain. Of the shipa only the i/io-
lOfi, John Hampton master, and the JudWi, of 50 tons, commanded by Fran-
cis Drake, got away. All the English that were not slain or did not manage
to escape were taken prisoners, and cruelly treated. Some who were
captured on shore, ' they tooke and hung them up by the armes upon high
poetes until the blood burst out of their fingers ends.' Of those sufferers
<ine Copeton and others, when the narrator wrote his account, were still
Hist. Mix., Vol. II. 41
642 RULE OF VIGEBOY ENBIQUEZ.
The English prisoners were forwarded to Mexico,
where they arrived wounded and in sorry plight.
Being protestants, and therefore profane, the govern-
ment confined them in a house outside the sacred pre-
cincts of the city. A few boys among them were
sent to convents to be converted. Some time after-
ward, at the petition of certain persons in Mexico, a
few of the prisoners were distributed.^
A few months later there were brought to Mexico
living in Englaad, bearing on their persons the marks of the cmelties ther
had snfTered at the han£ of the Spaniards. PMUps' Diaeourae, in Saihyf»
Voy., iii 472-^. According to John Hortop, one of the expedition, the
Sj^anish vice-admiral's ship had most of 900 men killed or blown overboard
with powder. The admiral's was also on fire half an honr, and was stmck
over GO times; many of her men were killed and wounded; four other Span-
ish ships were simk. The number of fighting men that came in the Spamsh.
fleet, and that joined them from the mainland, made together 1,500; of
whom 540 were slain, as apneared in a letter sent to Mexico. Captain Bland
attempted to sail out with nis ship, bnt her main-mast was stmck down; he
then with his men took to the pumace, set Are to his vessel, and went on
board the Jesus to join Hawkins, whom he told that he had intended to nm
back and attempt to fire the Spanish fleet. Night came <m, when Hawkins
ordered the Minion to come unaer the lee of the Jesus, and Brake to come in
with the Judithf and lay the Minkm aboard to take in men and everything
needful, and to go out, which wbjb done. As soon as the wind came off the
shore Hawkins set sail and passed out of the port. He went in search of the
P^uco River. From want of provisions the men snflered, and became dis-
satisfied. Finally a portion of them were landed with some money and a
quantity of Rouen cloth. If<niop*s TrauaUea, in HaJdvyt^s Voy., id. 487-91.
Another account has it that Viceroy Enriquez landed, and went on to Mexico
without fear of fraud on the part of the English. But Lujan, who com-
manded the fleet, believed them to be pirates, when he saw the number that
with arms in their hands ran about the streets; he then ordered a charge upon
the crowd on the beach, which caused a great slaughter among them, and his
ships opened fire upon those of the enemy, who, while unprepared for a fight^
made a orave defence. During the action the famous Fnmcia Drake escaped,
and embarkiug on a ship that held the greater part of the gold plundered
by those pirates, he hurriedly fled to the ocean. Hawkins resisted des-
peratelv almost the whole da^, until convinced that he could hold ont no
longer Jae set fire to his flag-ship, and under cover of the darkness fled in the
vice-admiral's ship, which was followed bv another, leaving the rest of his
e^uadron to become a prize to the Spaniards. March y Labpres^ HisL Marina,
n. 310. The other authorities that I have seen, inclndinfl Hawkins, and
excepting Panes, are agreed that Viceroy Enriquez conducted the negotiations
with, and the military operations atfamst, Hawkins, before departing for
Mexico. Icazbalceta leans to the beUef that Enriquez had departed for the
capital within seven days after his arrival at Vera Cruz, and that it was the
general of the fleet who ordered and directed the attack. Doc HisL, in Boe.
Mex. Cfeog,, Boletm, 2da ^p., ii. 498. Hawkins uses these words: * With a
writing from the viceroy signed with his hande and sealed with his seale of
all the conditions concluded.' In Hakhyt's Voy., iii 523.
* ' To llev^ i mi casa seis, entrellos el que dizian era pariente de la reyna
Lei maestre; tdvelos muchos dias, y ^ierto que lo de nobles ae les eefaaba
m de ver.' PeraUa, Not, BkL, 271.
FAIU OF THE PIRATES. 64S
from the port of Pdnuco upward of one hundred En-
glishmen, who had been captured in a hostile r^ion
by the people of the country. Singularly enough
they were of those who had fled with Hawkins on his
flag-ship. When after his narrow escape the English-
man had reached a point twenty-five leagues north of
Pdnuco River, he found his overloaded ship in danger
of sinking. So he landed one hundred and fifty men,
among whom were Miles Philips and Job Hortop,
and twenty boys, besides a considerable portion of the
cargo. It was the 8th of October. The men were
furnished with arms, and directed to stay there until
Hawkins could return for them with seaworthy ves-
sels. Thence he went to England.*
After much suffering from hunger and diseases,
and losses at the hands of natives, the men left by
Hawkins concluded to change their quarters. Turning
southward they marched seven days and nights till
they reached Panuco, in a deplorable condition. There
a force came out against them, to which they offered
no resistance. It is said that the captors treated them
more cruelly,^^ and finally sent them to Mexico to
join their former comrades.
* ' Este, dizen, fu^ el pringipio del Draque, A quien ayudd con dineros para
'venir £ ven^r el agravio que los espatLoles le abian hecho.' Peralta, Not.
Hist,^ 272. March y Laborea, Hist, Marina, ii 310, in this connection says
that the ship which followed Hawkins went to pieces in the P^uco River,
and her crew of 70 men was taken to Mexico and humanely treated. Haw-
kins, after losing many of his shipmates, from wounds and hunger, escaped
through the Bahama Chaimel between Florida and the Lucayas, and sorrow-
stricken, arrived in England, where Drake had preceded huu. As a climax
to his misfortunes he could not recover from Drake any portion of the gold
intrusted to him. There was little honor amonff these thieves. Drake
thought he could better employ it in fitting out the vessels wherewith he
1>ecame afterward the terror of the Spanish American coasts in both the At-
lantic and Pacific seas. If there be truth in the latter part of this statement,
time must have obliterated in Hawkins all ill feeling toward Drake, for in
1595 they planned a joint expedition against the Spanish colonies in America,
mentioned above by Peralta, and of which an account is given elsewhere.
See, also. Panes, Vir,, in Monum., Dom. Esp., MS., 85-9; Datoa Biog., in
CoartoB de Indiaa, 754.
^'AtlLndoles las manos y Uevindolos al pueblo atropellando con los
caballofl ... los metieron en cir^eles y prisiones, y dieron i, uno 6 H dos tor-
mento.' PeraUa, Not, Hist., ^^-6. Hortop, one of the party, says nothing
of cmel treatment at P^uco. But he does state that the viceroy in Mexico
vanted to hang them, and was dissuaded from it. Haklvyt'a Voy., iii. 492.
644 RULB OF YICSROT ENRIQUEZ.
Several of the members of Hawkins' expeditioa
were transported to Spain." Some were kept in Mex-
ico in a state of worse than bondage, and were brought
-under the tender mercies of the inquisition, after it
was formally established there, and made to undergo
most terrible suflFering;^* a number were burned to
death. What could savages do more ?
" They were foUoiwed within a year by -Job Hortop and ssveral othen.
After escaping death by shipwreck and hanging, the latter were surrendered
to the casa dj contratacion of Servile. Horiop^s Trauailes, in Haihyi^s Voy.^
iii. 494.
^'^ Of the prisoners in Spain, Barret, Hortop, Gilbert, and two others out
of seven, who had attempted to escape, were retaken. After horrible crael-
tie3, Barret and Gilbert were burned alive, and the others sentenced to differ-
ent terms of service in the galleys; Hortop sensed 12 years in the galleys
and seven more of common imprisonment, till 1590, when he made his
escape to England. The others in Mexico were kept in close solitary con-
finement about 18 months, and tortured on the rack, or otherwise tor-
mented. Several died under the inflictions. Finally the day of their trial
arrived, when they were carried to the court wearing sambenitos, a rope
round the neck, a taper in the hand, and there sentenced, one to receive
300 lashes on the bare back and 10 years in the galleys, the rest to be
given from 200 to 100 lashes, and service in the galleys from eight to six
years. A few, among them Miles Philips, escaped Uio lash, but had to serve
in the convents from three to five years, wearing the sambenitos. Three were
sentenced to death by bumii^, and suffered their penalty publicly. The flog-
gings above spoken of were inflicted on good Fndav, in 1575. The victims
were paradedT through the principal streets on horseback, and called English
dogs, Lutherans, heretics, enemies of God, and the like. The stripes were
laid on with all the fierceness that bigotry and brutality could prompt. Later
they were sent to the galleys of Spain. Philips and six companions served
' only part of their terms, and managed to escape to Spain, and thence to
England. Hortoj^s Trauailes, in HaklvyCs Voy., iii. 494; PhUip*s J>isc(mrse^
in Id.f iii. 479-87. Spanish historians, with the exception of Juan Snarcz de
Persilta, from whoso apparently impartial account I have copiously drawn,
and March y Labores, whose information h meagre and evidently biassed by
a spirit of nationality, have omitted to give a detailed narrative of Hawkins'
visit to Vera Cms. One of the Spanish writers, who could not have been
ignorant of the particulars, disposes of the subject in a few words: 'Oegd al
puerto de San Juan de Ulva' — ^V^icerov Enriquez — 'dondo tuvo darea, y toma-
res con vn ingles llamado Juan de Aclo.' Torquemada, i. 638. Another gives
Hawkins* name in one place Juan dc Aquines, and in another Jann de A<^ui-
nes Acle. He is not very positive as to the number of ships on either side,
and disposes of the whole thing in a very off-hand manner: 'Lo desbarat^ y
cch6 de bi Isla.' Vetjncvrt, Trai. Mex., 10; Id., TecUro Jfcx., 77. This last
writer, however, adds that the 200 prisoners were sent to the Santa Marta
quarries to work in getting stone for Mexico, which does not exactly bear out
tne assertion of March y Labores that the prisonert from Pinuco were treated
'con humanidad.' Another misnames the English chief Jaween. Alegre,
Hist. Comp. Jesus, L 150. Cavo, Tres Sigios, L 188, speaks of the vioerciy's
course in the matter as one that did honor to the inception of his mid. The
name of Aouines is clearlv a corruption of Hawkins, Juan Aquines A^
meaning pernaps John Hawkins, Esquire! See, also, Icagbakxta, Doc HisL, n
8oc Mex. Oeog., Boiettn, 2da ^p., ii. 493. Lnther-lovin^ corsairs and snnig-
glers in whom no faith could be placed deaenre to have little aaid of tbem. A.
ADVENTUBES OF FRANCIS DRAKE. 645
Life on the ocean; how glorious it was all along
through the sixteenth century! So little of the world
was known; all was so magnificently strange; one might
at any moment stimible upon pearl islands, golden
shores, Amazon lands, and life-restoring waters. And
then morals were so easy, and liberty «o broad. Talk
about the iron inquisition, the coercion of opinion,
and the restrictions laid on commerce. Were there
not islands and continents, wealthy, defenceless places,
that the strong might rob, and have the learned and
pious to find excuses for them in return for a share ?
And then might not the rgbbers be righteously robbed ;
just as the big fish eat the little fish, to the eternal
glory of the creator? Such was the order of things,
and Francis Drake availed himself of his high priv-
ileges. Narrowly escaping with his head from Vera
Cruz in 1568, in 1572 he successfully attempted the
capture of some silver on its way from Vera Cruz to
Nombre de Dios. He also attacked the latter town
and obtained a little plunder, after which he sailed for
England. ^^ A few years later he fitted out an expedi-
tion at Falmouth, and sailed in December 1577 to
pick up what he could find of anybody's property any-
where. In 1578, after having played havoc on the
Spaniards in the south Atlantic, he entered the Pa-
cific, captured vessels off the Central American coast,
and about the middle of April made his appearance
in the Golden Hind at Huatulco, in Oajaca, which
place he sacked.^* This accomplished, he sailed the
modem Mexican writer has accused Hawkins of depredations in Vera Cruz:
' Ecfligiendo fuertes tributos £ sua habitantes, y aun saqueando las principales
casas de comercio.' Lerdo de Tejaday Apuntes Hist. V, Cruz, 264. I cannot
find the authority on which he bases his assertion. As a matter of fact, the
English had neither time before, nor opportunity after, the arrival of the
Spanish fleet to sack the town. Rivera, Chb. Mex., i. 44, merely says that
Enriquez dislodged from Sacrificios some English corsairs that had occupied
H to injure vessels arriving and departing.
^* Drake's Life, QyT.
}* * Not forgetting to take with them a Pot as big as a Bushel full of Ryals
of Plate, with a Chain of Gold, and other Jewels that they found in the Town. *
/(ti, 106. Cooke's account, Drake's World Encompassed^ 183, says they also
took away two negroes of tiiree that were being tried, on Drake's arrival, for
an attempt to bum the town.
646 RULE OF VICEROY ENRIQUEZ.
next day for the north, with a view of discovering a
northern passage to the Atlantic. Finding that im-
possible, he returned south, crossed to the Asiatic sea,
doubled the Cape of Good Hope, and in November
1580 reached Plymouth, England. Besides his ser-
vices to his country on European coasts, and at the
destruction of the invincible armada, Drake made other
voyages to the Spanish main after booty. So that it
may be safely said that the punishment inflicted on
Hawkins and Drake in 1568 at Vera Cruz was eflect-
ively avenged on Spain and her subjects.^*
French pirates also made raids on the coasts of New
Spain," notably that of Yucatan. In 1561 the French
attacked the town of Campeche and plimdered it, doing
also other damage; but they were soon after driven
away and the plunder was recovered. ^'^ Soon afl^er-
ward came rumors of fresh preparations by the French
for a descent. The governor, Diego de Santillan, on
receipt of orders from the crown to be on the watch
for a powerful expedition, which, according to a report
from the Spanish ambassador at Paris, was fitting out
to raid upon the Spanish coasts in the Indies, lost no
time in visiting all the ports within his government,
and making every possible preparation to meet the
filibusters, should they come. Some part of the ex-
pedition, if not the whole of it, made its appearance
ofi* the coast, for in May 1571 some Frenchmen landed
at the port of Sisal, and meeting with no resistance,
they went as far as the town of Hunucma, four leagues
inland and on the road to M^rida. There being none
but the natives to oppose them, they secured the
plaza, and then plundered the Franciscan convent of
^^ Drake's acts against Spain, her American colonies and commerce, are
fullv detailed in Hist. Cent, Avl^ ii., of this series.
^*It mav be that Spain invited aggression. Jnne 6, 1556, the crown for-
bade its subjects to trade with French corsairs under heavy penalties. PugOt
Ceduiario, 187. Apprehensions of French encroachments had existed since
1541, and the court then adopted measures to meet the emergency. Florida,
Col Doc., 103-11, 114-18.
" The king was in 1566 asked for protection against ' los enemigos fran-
ceses luteranos ' and other possible assailants. Oaa^ del CabikU> cu Bejft m.
Cartas de Indias, 397.
JTlULlfUSliUU} LN XUUAIAJN. 04/
its silver plate and ornaments/' and committed other
outrages. They did not venture farther into the in-
terior, but took the cacique and other chiefs away for
ransom. The news reached M^rida, whereupon the
Sovemor at once despatched to Hunucma Captain
uan ArjSvalo de Loaisa with a company of soldiers,
who on arrival found that the raiders had already
retired with the plunder and prisoners to their ship,
And put to sea. The Spaniards followed the coast,
And guarded the port eighteen days, the enemy stand-
ing off, though in sight. Upon reporting this to the
governor, Ar^valo and Juan Garzon were ordered to
embark on a vessel in pursuit; seeing which, the
enemy went away to the island of Cozumel. The
governor then despatched against them Gomez de
Castrillo, one of the old conquerors of Yucatan, who
approached the island cautiously, surprised the French,
And aflber a hard fight in which many were killed, the
Spaniards took the remainder prisoners. This hap-
pened on the eve of corpus christi. Castrillo took
his prisoners and the rescued silver to M^rida, thence
sending the Frenchmen to Mexico, where the govern-
ment di<4not deal leniently with them.^*
In 1575 English filibusters landed on the coast
near M^rida, marched into the interior as far as the
town of Dzmul, and after sacking, set fire to the
place. In 1596 William Parker, or Park, after leav-
ing his ship at anchor six leagues from Campeche,
landed with a force of fifty-six men, as he affirmed,
from a pirogue, at 3 a. m., near the convent of San
Francisco, and took the town. Some of the inhabi-
^ * Francesee hereges . . .profanaron el Santo Caliz, bebiendo sacrilegamente
^en A y vltrajaron las imaginea.' Cogdludo, Hist, Yuc, 334.
"It was said that in Mexico 'auian qnemado algunos por Lnteranos.'
Cogolbsdo, Hist. Yuc., 334. Some of the prisoners were Calvinists. Ancona,
HisL Yuc., ii 94-6. Such raiders, when their governments were at war with
that of Spain, claimed to be privateers, and were protected by the laws of
nations. But if their sovereigns were at peace then they were pirates and
treated as such, that is to say, haneed. In 1572 was captured at Campeche
and hanged at Vera Cruz, in San Juan de Ulua, the famous freebooter, the
•Count de Santi Est^van. Carrillo, Origen de Behce, in Soc Mex. Oeog., BoUtin,
5a^., iv. 257,261.
tants escaped^ and some were taken prisoners. But
the former soon rallied, and by 10 o'clock fell upon the
raiders,** whose commander, luckily for the town, waa
severely wounded, and several of his men were killed.
Indeed, it would have gone hard with him had he
not bound his prisoners arm to arm, and used them,
as a barricade, under cover of which to retreat to hia
boat.*^ He then boarded a Spanish vessel laden with
goods and the king's tribute in silver, and took all
the valuables, worth £5,000 to his ship. The maraud-
ers after that visited an Indian town, where they
captured a quantity of logwood. They then departed ;
but were not long afterward overhauled by two Span-
ish armed ships, when one of their vessels, with a
captain Hess and thirteen others, was taken, the cap-
tives being executed.
In 1597 a powerful British squadron made a descent
on the island of Cozumel, and held it for a time, but,
finding the Spaniards prepared for defence, it was
obliged to withdraw." A second attempt in 1606
and a third in 1601 failed. In 1602 a Spanish vessel
was captured. No further attacks were made for
several years.** ^
Before closing with Yucatan I will give briefly the
nistory of the province during the second half of the
sixteenth century. Under the present government
was an area of about one hundred leagues from east
*It is claimed that there were 500 Spaniards in the place, and in two
towns close by 8,000 Indians. Parker, in IfaUvyi*8 Voy., iii. 602-3. The
estimate of the former wsjb doubtless an error, for the Spanish population waa
then small.
'^ The filibusters ungenerously told the Spaniards that their townsman,
Juan Venturate, had been their guide. Without other evidence the man was
sentenced to death. One author says he was shot on the spot; anotiber thai
he ' con tenazas encendias fu^ despedazado; ' a third has it, ' i morir atena-
aado.* CogoUudo, Hist. Yuc, 420, 422; Calero, in Dkc Univ., x. 790; Anoona,
-HisL Yuc, ii. 133; Yuc Estad., 1853, 248-9.
"A party of English freebooters on the 4th of March, 1597, landed at
Cape Catoche, and burned all the establishments and houses of the flourishing
town of Chancenote, having first plundered it. Carrilh, Origen de Btiiee^
in Soc Mex. Cfeog., BoUtin, & ^p., iv. 258.
^ By 1597 the coast of Campeche had become a ffeneral rendezvoua and
hiding-place for English and Dutch pirates. Aneona, IfiaL Yuc, iL 131-4.
to west, including all the peninsula, together with
Tabasco, and narrowing to twenty-five leagues in
width in the south-western part^*
The civil government, after Adelantado Montejo's
departure for Spain, and the discontinuance of his
pnvileges, was in charge of alcaldes mavores, provided
first by the audiencia of Mexico, next by that of Los
Confines, and then again by that of Mexico, em-
bracing the period between 1550 and 1561, till the
arrival of Doctor Quijada^ on the 10th of January,
1562, commissioned direct from the crown. The rule
of this official was one of continued trouble with
his subjects and the church about encomiendas and
alleged ill treatment of the Indians by the friars.
Complaints were lodged against hira at court, and
though he had been appointed for six years, a succes-
sor presented himself in M^rida when Quijada least
expected him. History has no great virtue nor vice
to attach to his name. He was succeeded by Luis
** There were in it, toward the end of this period, five towns of Spaiiiards,
namely, the city of Merida, the capital of the civil and episcopal govern-
ments, with from 300 to 400 vecinos, a cathedral, and a Franciscan convent;
the villa de Valladolid, or Vallid, with some 50 vecinos, a parish church, and
a convent of Franciscans. In this and the preceding there were, some Mex-
icans that came with the conquerors; the villa de San Francisco de Campeche,
with about 80 vecinos; the villa de Salamanca, near the gulf of Honduras,
with about 20 vecinos; and Victoria de Tabasco, with about 50 vecinos. The
number of principal Indian towns was about 200, besides the smaller ones
under them. In 1563 the total number of tribute-payers was officially com-
puted at 50,000. Quixada, Carta al Rey, in CaHcui de IndiaSy 386-7. Tabas-
co's large population at the time of the conquest . had become reduced to
about 1,000 tributaries in the latter part of the century. Mex. Ir^formea^ in
Paclueco and CdrdenaSy Col, Doc.y xv. 453-7.
•* The following were the alcaldes may ores, in the order given: 1. Caspar
Juarez de Avila, sent out about 1552 from Mexico, who ruledsome two years.
During his term there came from Peru a number of Gonzalo Pizarro's rebels,
who committed some depredations, but were finally captured and punished.
2. Alvaro de Caravajal, appointed from Guatemala, served from 1554 to
1558. 3. Alonso Ortiz de Argeta, or Argueta, who ruled about 18 months.
4. Juan de Paredes, who governed two years. Jofr^ de Loaisa came from the
Audiencia de Los Confines as visitador, and the government reverted to the
alcalde of Merida in 1562. There are a few discrepancies in the authorities
about the respective periods of service, which are of no special importance.
5. Doctor Diego de Quijada. Paredes, Rel., in Pacheco and Cardenas, CoL
Doc, xiv. 201; Cogdludo, Hist. Yuc, 322; CaaUlla, Dice. Hist. Yuc., i. 69.
Tabasco was many years governed directly from Yucatan, till the king ap-
pointed an alcalde mayor for that district; but even then the governor of
Yucatan retained a certain authority over that officer. Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc.,
226; P<mce, Bel., in Col Doc. IrUd., IviiL 453.
660 RULE OF YIGEBOY BRBIQUEZ.
C^spedes de Oviedo, the first of the Spanish nobility
sent to nde the peninsula^ with the title of governor.
He added no honor to his name or station. The power
of the ruler was made superior to what it had been
under the alcaldes mayores, even to the appointing of
a lieutenant-general letradOy or one versed in law.^
The acts of the several governors present little of
general interest. With rare exceptions they were in
a chronic state of dissension with the church, arising
from the undue assumption of power by the friars or
the episcopal authority, and at times with the enco-
menderos in regard to the tenure of their Indians.
The same troubles were experienced here on this sub-
ject as in Mexico. Of the first governor, C^spedes,
it was said, however, that by his malignant tongue he
had created ill feeling in the community, and particu-
larly between the ayuntamiento of Mdrida and the
bishop.*^
''The following is a list of the ffOTemon to the end of the centuiy and
the respective terms, in the order they are named: Lois C^spedes de Oviedo^
1565-71; Diego de SantiUan, 1571-2, who resisned the office in diunst^
and was sent to a better position; Francisco Velazquez Guijon, 1572-7;
Guillen de las Casas, 1577-83; Francisco Solis, otherwise appealing as
Francisco Sales Osorio, formerly governor of Porto Rico, 1583-6; AiAonio
de Voz Mediano, against the four years* term, 1586-93; Alonso Otdoftes de
Nevares, 1593 to July 7, 1594, when he died, and Diego de la Cerda was
appointed by the ayuntamiento of M^da alcalde and justicia mayor to hold
the government ad interim; C^los de Simano y Quifiones, appointed by the
viceroy of Mexico, ruled from June 15, 1596, to 1597; Diego Fernandez de
Velasco, a son of the conde de Niebla, 1597 to August 11, 1604. CogoUudo^
HUt. Yuc, 338-442; Ancona, Hut. Yuc, il 80-130.
A word with re|;ard Fray Dieso Lopez de OogoUudo, author of Hisiana
de YuceUhant Madrid, 1688, 1 vol. fol., 760 pa^es, so often quoted in tbia
history. He was one of the old monkish chromclers who carefully recorded
every circumstance, however minute, that came to their knowledge. His
history begins with the conquest and is brought down to 1655. He was a
Franciscan friar and filled hi|;h positions of his order in the province of Yuca-
tan. His facilities for acquiring facts on the civil and religious history of
that country were great. The results of his researches among the papers ot
the different Franciscan convents are very valuable, for except the goveom-
ment archives there are no other records of Yucatan affairs. He had aooess
to those archives also, and frequently made use of them. At the time he
consulted them both sets of documents must have been, to a certain, extent^
incomplete, for not infrequently he speaks of his inability to fix dates, not-
withatending a careful seux^. The work is therefore both valuable and re-
liable, although some allowance must be made for the prejudices of a Fran-
ciscan in favor of his order when he describes the differences that frequency
existed between it and the episcopal authority, and constantly between the
church iik^neral, and his order in particular, and the civil power.
^ Toral, Carta al Rey, in Caria» de Indku, 242-5; M6rida, Carta dd
Cabilcti> al Rey, in Id,, 397-9.
OIDOR LOPEZ. 661
Governor Santillan's short term deserves a passing
notice. To his eflSciency was due the defence of the
territory at the critical period described elsewhere in
this chapter. He left a good name in the country.**
The chief Spanish authority was aided in the several
districts, at first by the caciques subject to his com-
mission, and in later times by such officials as the
chief provincial ruler appointed, and by the respective
local alcaldes and ayuntamientos. The code of laws
under which they ruled and administered justice was
strict and harsh; flogging and branding for adultery,
bigamy, and other offences were in order. Religious
rites were never neglected.
It is said that the natives in many localities, not-
withstanding all the efforts of the government and
church toward their conversion, still clung to their
idolatrous rites. Little progress would have been •
attained but for the timely arrival in 1552 of Oidor
Tomds Lopez, sent as visitador by the audiencia of
Guatemala. He enacted in the lung's name certain
laws for the protection of the natives from abuse by
the secular authorities, enjoining on the Spaniards,
particularly the encomenderos, the conduct proper
among themselves, and toward the natives, for whose
government special rules were laid down. The code,
taken as a whole, was a confused mixture of civil and
religious prescripts, in which the missionaries were
given an undue authority over the natives, and even
a superiority over the encomienderos. It authorized
them to lower the tributes, placed the friars over the
caciques, making them the official advisers of the
ayuntemientos; in a word, the civil authorities were
powerless to adopt any action without the consent of
the Mars. His^ordinances on police and other civil
*The lajaries now paid by t* kins were as follows: governor, 1,000
peeoB de minas, equivalent to 1,200 dollars, and 500 ducats for contingent
expenses; teniente general, 500 ducats; contador and treasurer, 200,000 mara-
vedis each. A number of the best encomiendas becoming vacant reverted to
the crown. CaUs, Mem, y. Not., 84-5. In 1571 the people suffered severely
from famine. FanoouTrfa Hist, Tuc., 173.
' 662 RULE OF VICEBOT ENRIQUEZ.
matters were, however, very beneficia] to the natives,
who were to be taught to raise cattle and learn trades.
But there was one injunction, which, though well
meant, tended jto isolate the Mayas from the other
races in the country, namely, that negroes, mestizos,
and even Spaniards might not settle in the native
towns, or mix with the inhabitants in passing through
them.** During Governor Solis' term a cacique of
Campeche, named Don Francisco, revolted. Solis
marched against him, and captured him and two of his
lieutenants, who were tried, convicted, and executed.
In 1583 Oidor Diego Garcfa de Palacio came to
Yucatan clothed with plenary powers from the audi-
encia of Mexico, as visitador for Yucatan, Cozumel,
and Tabasco. He was to act independently of the
governor, and to correct existing abuses, chiefly those
against the natives, and which tended to keep alive in
them the spirit of discontent. It is said that he acted
with much prudence and to the satisfaction of the
Audiencia. Some Indian chiefs, accused of relapse into
idolatry, he sentenced to hard labor in Habana and
San Juan de Ulua. One of those assigned to the last-
named place, Andres Cocom, escaped and took refuge
in the forests of Campeche. Here he incited the
natives to revolt, calling himself king and exacting
tributes. The governor hastened to the spot with his
lieutenant and a strong force. Cocom and his chiefs
were taken and put to death, whereupon peace was
restored. In 1597 Juan de Contreras made a second
raid on Contoy Island, aided by Juan Chan, cacique
of Chancenote, and his people, to bring away some
fugitives and idolaters.*^ The same year Palomar, lieu-
tenant-governor, sentenced to death the chief, Andres
Chf, who had been acting the part of a new Moses
''That system, which later obtained the royal sanction, added to other
measures, perpetuated the antipathy so natural between the conquering race
and the conquered. *Fvl6 un obsticulo constante oara su amalgamienta'
Ancona, Hist, Yuc., ii, 74. Lopez* ordinances may be found in CogoUu€h,
Bist. Fmc, 292-305.
"*HiB first expedition, also successful, was in 1592. Cogolludo, HisL Tmc^
409.
BBTUBN OF VICEEtOT TO SPAUC. 063
with the view of bringing about the independence of
the r^ion of Nachi Cocom, but his scheme failed, and
he became a victim of the ruthless European.
The decree of Governor Mediano, that no advance
exceeding twelve reals should be made to any native,
was made stronger by Grovemor Ordonez, who ordered
that no advance whatever should be allowed.*^ The
measure met with much opposition, but the governor
refused to repeal his order. The enforcement of it was
indeed necessary, because under the then existing sys-
tem the Indians would receive advances from several
speculators at once, and when the time came they
could not pay; and to avoid the consequences they
would either hide in the woods or emigrate to Peten,
and never return. With all these drawbacks the busi-
ness had been a profitable one, and its suppression
caused a great excitement, which ended in a manner
unexpected. Governor Ordonez expired on the 7th
of July, 1594.
Fernandez de Bracamonte discovered the indigo
plant in Yucatan in 1550, and the Spaniards soon
devoted themselves to its cultivation, as a staple for
trade.^
The natives held in encomienda by the king in 1551
yielded only three thousand pesos de minas yearly,
and the expenses of collection slightly exceeded that
amount."
Scrofulous maladies had become wide-spread among
*^ This adyance was given the Indians as the value of several products
to be delivered at the time they gathered the crops, or at the time agreed on.
The value was rated by the speculators very low, on the pretext that they
had to wait one or two years to be reimbursed; hence tne misery of the
natives became greater with every year. The governor's measure raised a
gjreat clamor, and he was accused by the speculators, in which they are par*
tially supported by Cogolludo, HUA, Yuc, 413, of attempting te kill by tarn-
jne the *pobrea espafiolea,' who had no other means of obtainmg a livelihood.
Aneona, Hist. Tuc, ii. 12C.
''It flourished several years under ro3ral encouragement; but Uter it was
made to appear that the preparation was injurious to the health of the
natives, whereupon the king forbade the employment of them at the indigo-
works. The cultivation thereafter was continued only upon a small scide.
Cogoliwlo, HtsL Yuc, ZJh.
"The collection was very diffionlt. Paredest R^^» ui Poichtco aad Cdrde*
maa, CoL Doc, xiv. 193-200
654 RULE OF VICEROY ENBIQUEZ.
the natives, and could not be eradicated. The Indians
called them caMeUanzoby accusing the Spaniards of
having imported them." According to a report of the
Franciscan comisario, there was in 1588, at Manf, a
hospital at which sufferers from scrofula and other
diseases were attended by a brotherhood.*^
After having given orders for the better protection
of Vera Cruz, v iceroy Enriquez de Almansa pro-
ceeded to the city of Mexico on the 5th of November,
1568, and at once took formal possession of his office
with the usual pomp and royal display. He had
entered the capital with some suspicion caused by
certain reports sent to Spain, but soon became aware
that there was no ground for apprehension," and he
now took steps to ajford consolation to the numerous
families that had suffered so severely at the hands of
Mufloz.*^
Owing to the attacks on the coasts by pirates, which
were likely to be repeated, and the raids of the hostile
Chichimecs, the need of a regularly organized army
became apparent. New Spain up to»this time had
maintained no permanent force under arms, relying on
the encomenderos and other Spaniards, and on the
friendly Indian auxiliaries, called into active service
as emergencies required. In 1568 a company of
halberdiers was organized, which proved no more tlian
able to support the viceroy's authority. A little later
were formed two compaflfas de palacio, to uphold
his dignity. There were also detached companies in
^ It seems the Spaniards gave it to the natives, ' c«l todoe bus mneUes y
raices.' Ponce, ReL, m Col Doc ItUd,, Iviii. 69-70.
^Additional authorities consulted on Yncataa, are Caaa^ Carta aZJUff^
in Cartas de IndUas, 364; Stephens* Yuc, ii. 264-7; Cervera, AputUae^ in Soc
Mex, Oeog., Boletin, 2da 6y. iv. 397; ^ieaistro Tuc, ii 52-9.
** Nevertheless, he speaks, April 28, 1572, of the false alarms constantly-
spread about revolts; sometimes the Indians wer^ on the eve of an outbreak;
at other times the mestizos and mulattoes, or the negroes, threatened troable.
In some instances they had it that the Indians togewer with the mestizos and
mulattoes were plotting an uprising. Cartas de Indias, 283.
^ ' Apagd las oenizas que aun estaban calientes, de los distorbios y lances
pasadoB.^ Oranados, Tardis, 289-90
ATTITUDE OF THE CHICHIMEGS. 669
Vera Cruz, Isla del Carmen, Acapulco, and San Bias,
to check smuggling, and for defence against piratical
assaults. Other forces were specially organized and
employed in guardmg the northern frontier against
the Chichimecs.^ Through the regions occupied by
those wild tribes was the highway to Nueva Galicia,
Nueva Vizcaya, and the other districts operated on
by the Spanish trading expeditiona The Chichimecs
often plundered the wagons laden with silver, killing
numbers of white persons and their Indian friends.
For many years these marauders had carried things
with a high hand. To check them a strong force was
oi^anized by Viceroy Enriquez and despatched under
Aiialde Mayor Juan Torre d^ Lagunas, and the
viceroy in person with another force marched to his
assistance. The results of the campaign were wholly
satisfactory; the Chichimecs, being routed from their
strongholds with heavy casualties, were obliged to
seek a refuge in the extensive deserts of the interior.
A large number of their children fell into the hands
of the victors, and were taken to Mexico and given
in chaise of families to rear.
Several presidios or military outposts were placed
at proper distances on the road northward, so that
by 1570 had been established, besides the towns of
San Miguel and Lagos, the presidios of Ojuelos, Por-
tezuelo, San Felipe, Jerez, and Celaya, and the for-
mation of settlements round them was encouraged.*^
Enriquez wrote the king*^ that the mode proposed by
** A royal order of 1574 enjoined that regular accounts should be kept,
and no charge made on soldiers' drafts. Zaniora, Bib. Leg. UU., y. 385-8.
Another of 1588, reiterated in 1612, 1618, and 1621, forbade the enlistment
or employment in any presidio of men or officers bom or residing in the city
or town where tiie prosidio was. The number of officers and men to be
effective and serviceable. Jiecop. Ind., i. 599.
*• Unless the Indians were kept in subjection by armed forces the mis-
sionaries labored in vain; they either failed or became martyrs; and where
they made any progress it was very slow, and amid much hardship and loss
of tfe. ArricivUct, Cr6n. Sera/., 443. The presence of soldiers was to bring
the natives together in towns, where they could be taught clearing and irri-
gating fields, and building. Espmosa^ Crdn., 459. Arlegui, Chrdn. Zac., i. 298,
claims truly that the presidios established before 1594 availed but little to
protect the road to the Zacatecas mines.
^•Letter of October 31, 1576, in Cartaa de Indias, 325-7.
e56 RULE OF VICEStOT ENBIQUEZ.
the crown for making settlements was impracticable
unless the settlers were given Indians to serve them.
The settlers could not live otherwise, for the Indians
would not go of their own will, or, if they did, they
would neglect to cultivate the soil. All eflforts to bring
the wild northern nomads to a civilized life had been
unsuccessful. Before long it became evident that the
measures adopted were of little avail. The Chichi-
mecs were soon again overrunning the country, mur-
dering and driving off stock from places but one or
two leagues distant from Zacatecas. The town of
Llerena, in the Sombrerete mines, would have been
defenceless and the mines abandoned but for the force
of soldiers furnished by the government.
After a consultation with the audiencia it was con-
cluded that the only means of stopping the depreda-
tions was to carry the war to the camp of the enemy,
and by fire and sword to destroy all male natives over
fifteen years of age. Heretofore only the leaders
when captured had been killed, the others having been
sentenced to service, from which they soon escaped
and became worse than before. Regular soldiers with
sufficient pay would be needed, and three hundred and
fifty pesos per annum for a private was not enough
to feed aud clothe him, and enable him to keep the
requisite number of horses, that is, more than three
for each man. The thing to do was to tax the mines of
Guanajuato, Guadalajara, Zacatecas, Sombrerete, and
San Martin, all of which were in the tierra de gverra.
The prisoners of fifteen years and under, the viceroy
suggested, should be transported to Campeche or
Habana, so that they could never return. A few had
been already despatched to Campeche to be utilized
in the quarries.*^
*^ If all the SpaniardB in the country were to jointly attack the hostile
tribes, the sabjectioa could not be accomplished. Nothing but a war of
extermination would do. In the mean time the only course left was to guard
the highways, and severely punish all guilty of hostile acts. Still, the bert
means would be to maintain friendly reUttions if possible. Letter of Sepk 2S^
1680, in Pacheco and Cdrdenaa, CoL Doc, iii 490-1.
PORTABLE FORTS. 667
The plan finally adopted proved partially efiective,
though expensive. Strong houses were erected at
convenient distances, where travellers and their stock
and goods could rest securely. A military escort was
furnished to each train, and each party, armed with a
few arquebuses, was provided with a fortified wagon,
or small movable block-house, to which the women
and children retreated in case of attack. Even this
mode of protection was insufficient in some instances.
There was one case which deserves mention. A train
of sixty wagons carrying $30,000 worth of cloth was
attacked and the escort defeated. A Spanish girl,
pretending to be pleased with her capture, told the
Indians that there was another wagon behind con-
taining more cloth. No sooner had they turned to go
in search of it than she sprang into a movable fort
ivhich belonged to the train, and in which were two
Arquebuses and a sick man, and after starting the team
she managed the guns so effectually as to escape.**
The chief difficulty in the way of a satisfactory
arrangement with the Chichimecs, and a serious one,
lay in their division into so many bands, without a
general leader. A religious writer, Ribas, assures us
that recourse was had at last to the missionaries to
reduce some of them to friendship.
The valley of Andhuac was not to be spared for any
length of time from one calamity or another. Within
a few years pestilence, floods, and famine had visited
it, and again, from 1575 to 1580, the evils continued.
The relentless matlalzahuatl, the greatest scourge that
ever assailed any community, broke out in the first-
named year, for the fourth time since the Spanish
conquest, in the city of Mexico, whence it spread
over the whole kingdom of New Spain. The Indians
were the only direct victims ; priests and nurses suc-
cumbed from fatigue and other causes. The general
*^ Herrera, dec. viii. lib. x. cap. xxii
HiCT. If Kx., Vol. U. 42
W8 RULE OF VICEROY ENRIQUEZ.
sympioms were: violent headache followed by a tena-
cious fever, and a burning internal heat The patient
could bear no covering, the lightest sheet causing
great torment. The omy relief was to roll on the
cold ground, until death ended the suffering, about the
seventh day. The medical profession was unable to
control the unknown malady. Bleeding was usually
resorted to.** As the churches could not afford suffi-
cient graves, it became necessary to open great ditches,
and to consecrate entire fields for that purpose. Not
only houses but whole towns were left without inhabi-
tants. Many thousands of all ages and both sexes
could procure no attendance, and perished from hun-
ger, thirst, and the effects of the cruel disease.
The viceroy and archbishop, as well as the other
authorities, the clergy, both secular and regular, and
the people, particularly the rich, exerted themselvea
in providing infirmaries, medicines, food, and clothing.
Archbishop Moya was tireless in his efforts, con-
stantly visiting the sick, and seeing that they had
spiritual consolation; for this he pennitted the priests
of the religious orders to admimster the sacrament,
notwithstanding which manv thousands died without
receiving the rite, their bodies being left in the huts,
or on the fields and public roads, until some charitable
person came to inter them. In the months of August
and September the disease was most virulent.
The year 1576 began without any prospect of
abatement; nor did the epidemic at all diminish
throughout that year, nor during a part of 1577.
Prayers were constantly made, privately and publicly,
and every device that the clergy could think of was
resorted to in vain. At last, in their despair, the
image of the vfrgen de los Remedios was brought to
to the city in solemn procession from its shrine m Ta-
cuba, by the viceroy, the audiencia, ayuntamiento, and
^ Viceroy Enriqaez in his report to the king of August 31, 1576, says the
disease was still raging, and attributes it to scanty rains and severe heat; the
epidemic was the same as that which prevailed in 1544 and 1555, when the
havoc had been fearful. No Spaoiards were affected. Cartas dc Indias, 331.
FLOODS AND EPIDEMICS. 669
the most prominent citizens, all with lighted tapers
in their hands. For nine days consecutively masses
were chanted, prayers sent up, and offerings made to
the virgin, invoking her intercession with the son, for
mercy upon the anguished community.** When the
disease had spent itself, and half the natives were
dead, then it was affirmed that the prayers had been
heard. In Michoacan the suffering was not so great
owing to the hospitals already provided by Bishop
Quiroga and others. In some cases the Indians
were accused of attempting wilfully to contaminate
the Spaniards with the disease, either by throwing
dead bodies into the ditches of running water, or by
mixing diseased blood with the bread they made for
the white famiUes. The Indians were furious because
only thev were taken. The mortality is said to have
exceeded 2,000,000 souls. *^
After the disappearance of the epidemic there was
a scarcity of the necessaries of life, the fields having
been so long deserted, and the survivors among the
poor would have suffered from famine but for the
efforts of the more favored. The viceroy temporarily
exempted the Indians from the payment of tributes,
and caused the public granaries to be as well supplied
as possible, in order that the poor might purchase
their com and wheat at reasonable prices.
In 1580, after a succession of heavy rains, the lake of
Mexico flooded a large portion of the valley, including
the capital. The viceroy, after a consultation with the
ayuntamiento and with persons having a knowledge
of hydrostatics, ordered the drainage of the lakes sur-
** We are told that those prayers were heard; the pestilence soon afcer
beoan to diminish, and finally disappeared. Alegre^ Hist. Comp. Jesus, L 110.
* Y lu^o cesd la peste.' Vetancvrt, Chr&iu Prov, S. Evang., 130.
*^£>dvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd., 616-18. This same authority says that in
the city of Tlascala died 100,000. The Jesnit priest, Juan Sanchez, an eye-
iritness, asserted that more than two thirds of the Indian population perished.
Alegre, HisL Camp. Jesus, i. 36, 107. See also Sahagun, Hist. Gen., iii. 328;
Jfendieta, Hist. Ecles., 392-3, 515; Torquemada, i. 642-3; Florenda, Hist.
J^rofo. Jesus, 252-9; Monurru Dam. Esp., MS., 362; Panes, Virreyes, in Id.,
S9. Zamacois, Hist. Mij., z. 1152, estimates that the Indian population of
Jiew Spain was now rednced to about 1,700,000 souls.
600 RULJ& UJT VlUJUiUX J£niU^UJ!u&
rounding the city; and the lowlands of the Huehue-
toca, distant ahout ten leagues, were chosen as the*
most suitable place into which to can*y the water,*"
In the midst of the viceroy's efforts at drainage,
orders arrived from the court at Madrid relieving
him of his oflBce, pursuant to his repeated requests,
during the past four years, on the plea of ill health,
and transferring him to Peru with the same rank and
powers.*^ He surrendered the government to his suc-
cessor October 4, 1580.
Suggestions had been made between 1570 and 1580
to Philip and his council, probably by command,
for the better government of the Indiea It was
urged that viceroys should hold office no longer than
twelve years, and oidores, alcaldes de corte, and other
judicial officers, as well as the chief treasury officials,
only six ; and that all, without exception, should have
their official conduct strictly investigated at the end
of their respective terms.** No more corregidores or
lieutenants of such officers should be appointed,** but
in place of them twelve alcaldes mayores, to reside in
the chief cities, and yearly visit the towns in their
respective districts, without ostentation and without
laying burdens on the inhabitants."*
^ Nothing more was done toward it. Cepeda, HeL, L 6. The Tndiaiw
were accased of attempting some time before 1572 to overflow the citj; 'but
they which should hane bene the doers of it were hanged: and euer since the
city hath bene well watched both day and night.' Bawka* BeL, in Hakivyt^M
Vcy.f iii. 463.
^' A previous request having been denied him, he repeated it in October
1576, allejnng the same cause. Enriquez, Carta al Hey, in CarioM de India$,
335, and Sic-sim. T.
^In 1570 it was urged among other things that the viceroy should be
directed to visit in person the chief town of eadi district or province, to make
sure that the local authorities were true to their duties, K>r residencias, as
then practised, were mere farces; the officials who had robbed the Indians
always used the friars and others to intercede with the victims that they
might prefer no charges; restitution was therefore never made: ' les echan
frailes 6 ahutatos ^ otras personas, para que les rueguen que no les pidaa
C030 alguna en residencia.' Hobles, Memoriaiea, in Pcicheco and Cdrdauu^ CUL
I>OC,, XL 5.
^They were in the habit of robbing the natives. Bmsobar^ Carta, FeSpe //.,
in Id., xl 194.
^ A ro^al order of October 2, 1575, forbade the oidores to take with them
on such visits their wives, members of their own or of othw families; or more
DUTIES OF A VICEROY. 661
In a memorandum for the guidance of his successor,
Bnriquez sets forth the difficulties to be encountered
by the viceroy. The work that in Spain is divided
among several officers, in Mexico has to be done by
the viceroy, both in secular and ecclesiastic affairs.
He may not ignore any portion nor intrust it to
another without incurring obloquy or giving rise to
complaint. All look to him for the promotion of
their interests and the redress of their grievances;
even their family bickerings are brought to him, and
nothing but his personal action in each case seems to
avail. Indeed, he is expected to be the father of the
people, the patron of monasteries and hospitals, the
protector of the poor, and particularly of the widows
and orphans of the conquerors and the old servants
of the king, all of whom would suffer were it not for
the relief afforded them by the viceroy." The office
was by no means the sinecure that in Spain it was
supposed to be.
Experience had taught him the necessity of exact-
ing obedience from the governed, respect from the
officers, and of tolerating no bad example among the
officials. To hold public office in Mexico, he declared,
had come to be unbefitting an honest man.^^ Enri-
quez himself had done fairly well. He maintained
at all times cordial relations with the oidores, and
recommended the same course to his successor, to
strengthen the hands of the government.^ He fos-
Bervants than were actually indispeiiBable. Prov. Real., in Pacheco and Cdr-
denoBy Col Doc., xix. 32-5.
^^ In 1576 much stress was laid on the situation of Bernardino de Albomoz,
70 years old, very poor, and with many marriageable daughters; he had been
many years a faithful servant of the crown, as commander of the arsenal and
as royal treasurer. It was thought the king should reward the old man so
that he could marry off one or more of his daughters. The viceroy uses quaint
language. ' V. M. seri seruido de hazelle alguna merced con que pueda echar
alguna hijade su casa.' Enrvjuez, Carta al Bey., in Cartas de Indias, 332.
***Por lo cual Buelo yo decir, que, gobemar 6, esta tierra, lo tenffo por
infelicidad en un hombre honrado.' Henriquez, Instruc, in Padieco ana Cdr-
denas, CoL Doc., iii. 480-99.
"The crown had, July 4, 1570, directed the oidores to obey all orders of
the viceroy, even if not meeting with their approval, unless they were evi-
dently of a nature to bring on a rovolt or other disturbance in the country.
J*acheco and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc., xviii. 435-7.
662 BULE OF VICEROY ENBIQUEZ.
tered public instruction in every possible way. One
of the peculiarities of his policy was the consideration
he always extended to Spaniards bom in Mexico, con-
trary to traditional ideas, believing them entitled to
hold positions of trust in the government, recognizinjg
the feet that to refuse them was an insult to their
integrity and patriotism. Indeed, when their claims
were ignored, they invariably carried their grievances
to the foot of the throne. He wished his policy in
this respect to be continued.
During the rule of Enriquez the semi-cenLennial of
the Aztec empire's destruction was celebrated with
great pomp and rejoicing by all classes, more particu-
larly by the natives, all but the Aztecs themselves."
The same year part of the fleet from Spain was
wrecked in passing the sound to enter the gulf of
Mexico. Four of the ships were stranded on the
coast of Tabasco."
The outgoing ruler met his successor at Otumba,
where they held conferences on the general aflBiirs oif
the country, after which the latter repaired to Mexico,
Enriquez tarryiug in Otumba several months until the
season arrivea for his departure.*^
^^ey nKmtaneooBly added to the aniTuexiients of Spaauh origin tdmbj
others that had been in vogae in ancient Mexico. Cavo, Tres Sigloa, L 193-4.
^The crewB and paaaengen and most of the cargoes were sared. Cogfh
ttudo, Hist, Fim;.. 334-6.
^He prestdea at Pern until* about 1583, when he died, and his remains
were interred in the convent of San Francisco at lima. At his death, says
Torquemada, many birds of prey appeared over his honse, which was ac-
counted for by each one to suit himself: 'Ko s^ qn^ quiso significar este acto;
Dies to sabe, que sabe todas las coses. ' Possibly Torc^uemada could not f orgire
Enriquez' sternness toward the chief of the Franciscans in Mexico upon a
certain occasion.
CHAPTER XXXI.
CHURCH GOVERNMENT.
1650-1600.
,Abchbishop Alonso ds MoNTtS^FAR — Jealoust between the Secular and
Regular Clerqy — Rotal Support of the Friers — Differences be-
tween THE Friers and the Civil Power — Father GeiuSnimo de Men-
DiETA Defends the Religious — His Works — Position of the Friars
AND their Influence with the Natives — Persons Excluded from
the Priesthood — Religious Riot in Mexico — The Sacramental Dis-
pute— First and Second Ecclbsiastio Councils of Mexico — Arch-
bishop MoNTt^FAR's Death — The Inquisition — Its Establishment,
Privtleoes, Objects, and Acts — Father Landa*s Treatment of Idol-
aters— Archbishop Moya db Contreras — Third Ecclesiastic Coun-
€IL AND its Acts — Archbishop MoNTt^FAR's Departure — Alonso Fer-
nandez DE BoNiLLA Succeeds Him — Other Dioceses in the Country
AND their History.
The vacancy in the see of Mexico caused by the
death of Zumdrraga was, on the 13th of June, 1551,
filled by the appointment of Alonso de Montiifar as
archbishop.^ He was a prominent Dominican, twice
prior of the convent of Santa Cruz de Granada ; Uke-
wise a doctor of the university there and a censor of
the inquisition.* It is said that his acceptance of this
see was solely with the view to benefit the native
races, and to that end he brought out with him ten
Franciscan friars and as many of his own order,
1 Thia appointment was made by Charles V. at the recommendation of the
marqa^ de Mond^jar, to whom Monttifar had been father-confessor. It was
officially made known to the audiencia of Mexico Sept. 4, 1551. The conse-
cration took place in 1553, and the archbishop came out to Mexico the follow-
ing year. Oomalez Ddviia, TeaOro Ecles., i. 31-2.
' He was a native of Loja, and took the habit of his order in May 1512,
«t the age of fifteen. Ddvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd,, 510-12; ConcUioa Prov,,
MS., V y T 214; Fernandez, Hiat, EcUs.^ 114-15; Panes, in Mon. Domin,
£ap., MS., 82; Alcedo, v. 540.
/668)
among whom two were eminenl Notwithstanding^
his good-will toward this as well as other orders, the
&ct remains that he was a Dominican, of whom the
Franciscans in particular were very jealous.
Further than this, the time had come when the
interests of the secular clergy must clash with those
of the regular orders. Owing to the scarcity of
ecclesiastics during the earlier occupation of New
Spain, the monastic orders acquired undue powers
and privileges. When the number of bishoprics was
increased, and a more thorough ecclesiastical govern-
ment organized, the church viewed with jealousy this
encroachment on her prerogatives, and was displeased
that Franciscans, Dominicans, and Augustinians should
exercise jurisdiction independent of her authority. On
the other hand, the orders tenaciously maintained what
they claimed to be their rights, and by their assertion
of judicial authority, especially in the prohibition or
sanction of marriages,* occasioned the church much
annoyance. Thus arose dissension between the two
parties, which in time developed into a bitter feud,
during which acrimonious recriminations, scandals,
and an unchristian spirit too frequently disgraced the
action of both sides. Clergymen and friars each
accused the other of neglect of duty; bishops were
charged with abandoning their posts,* and members
* At the Bolioitation of the bishop the crown had, m 1552 — ^not 1554 9B
Beanmont has it — ^forbidden friars from exercising judicial authority in mar-
riage cases, and at the same time accused them of usurpation of powers. The
Mexican provincial council of 1555 decreed the above prohibition, and forbade
the founding of convents and churches by the religious orders. This gave
rise to much disturbance in the church, stopped only in 1557 by the powerful
arm of the royal authority, favoring the claims of tiioee orders. BeanmmU,
Crdn. Mich., v. 380-^, 452-3, 463^; Puga, Ceduhrh, 193-212; C6dula, in
Prov. del S. Evang., No. 4, MS., 1(»-12.
*The Franciscan comisario general for the Indies complained to the king
that the aoed bishop of Michoacan passed much of his time in Mexico caos-
ins disturbances^ and during the 15 years of his episcopate he had n<sither
ordained any priests, nor preached, confessed, baptized, or confirmed sny
Indian. Mena, Chb,, in Pacheco and Cdrdenaa, Col. Doc, xi. 190-1. Under a.
brief of Pope Gregory XIII., Feb. 28, 1568, issued by the king's . request,
bishops elect for the Indies were not to receive emoluments of office tUf they
actually resided in their dioceses; the emoluments during vacanciee were to*
accrue to the respective churches. Upon the king's authorities was enjoined
the exact fulfilment of the brief; and deans and chapters of catfaedraJa wara
of the orders, with returning to Spain, rich in silver
and gold, to buy preferment.
The treatment of the natives, the questions of
tribute and tithes, and the administering of the sac-
raments alike aflbrded groimd for angry dispute,* but
of these the bitterest was the question of tithes. The
church demanded the payment of tithes to the bishop
of each diocese, by all residents within its limits, Ind-
ians inclusive. The archbishop of Mexico in a letter
of May 15, 1556, to the royal council, had asked that
Indians should pay tithes, or rather a tax, for the
time being, to be levied at the rate of one out of every
fifteen. But the crown would allow no such taxation
of natives.* The regular orders, while not opposed to
such a source of revenue, objected to the bishops re-
ceiving income thus derived, and claimed it for them-
selves as Levites serving with the pope s license — a
doctrine which the ecclesiastical prelates abhorred.^
They endeavored, however, to explain the origin of
their differences with the church in this respect,* and
proposed to leave the question of tithes to the judg-
ment of the king, and their right to protect Indians
from abuses, as well as their privileges generally, to
arbitrators, but these proposals were not regarded.*
speciall^r requested not to give the bishops elect any of the emoluments col-
lected till they had actuaUv entered upon the discharge of their episcopal
duties. This same thing had been decreed in 1561. No archbishop or bishop
was to go to Spain without the king's permission. Zamora, Bib. Leg. (lU., iv.
484-6, 491; Jfecop. de Ind., I 64-5.
*Iii 1556 the complaints of the archbishop of Mexico were loud and bitter
against the religious orders, for their assumption of power in the treatment of
Indians, and for their disregard of his authority. He asserted that the three
orders had banded to effect their purposes of laying before the court ialse
charges against him, the bishops, and the oidores. The demands of the orders,
he said, were both unreasonable and unjust. The same year the king repri-
manded the three religious orders for thsir disputes. Arzobispado, ^ei, in
Paeheco and Cdrdedas, Col. Doc., iv. 491-530.
•Philip n., on promulgating the order of the council of Trent upon pay-
ment of tithes by the faithful, expressly exempted the Indiana. Puga, Cedu*
lano, 194-5; Torquemada, iii. 263.
' Mkfi. Prov. S. Nicolm, 38.
• Feb. 26, 1661. PefUi et cd.. Carta al Rey, in Cartas de Indias, 147-51.
'Martin Cort^, the marquis, recommended in 1563 that tithes should be
abolished, and that the kin^ should support the friars in general, excepting
those living in towns given in encomienda, who should be supported by the
respective enoomenderos, on condition that none of them shoula receive other
666 CHURCH (GOVERNMENT.
Nor did the pertinacious and meddlesome friars con-
fine themselves to throwing down the gauntlet to the
church. In political matters also they became aggres-
sive, and consequent hostility arose between them
and the local authorities. In Indian towns they
attempted to control elections and thereby the muni-
cipal governments; but above all they devoted their
anxious care and attention to the question of tributes,
and the distribution of the surplus proceeds, of which
they were eager to have a share. It is true that they
had often winked at the rascalities of alcaldes mayores
and corregidores ; but then they hoped to have their
reward, and when this did not correspond with their
expectations, wrath and enmity were displayed on both
sides. ^^ Nevertheless, the foothold they had gained
was strong, and they struggled to maintain it In
1564 the visitador Valderrama represented to Philip
that the orders were striving to keep the control they
had hitherto possessed, not only in spiritual but in
temporal afiairs, which would be no difficult matter,
since their influence with the viceroy was so ^eat
he expressed fears that whatever he might arrange
about Indians and tributes would, after he left Mex-
ico, be undone by the artful friars concealing tribute-
payers or reporting them as dead." The friars, he
added, decidedly opposed the counting of the Ind-
ians, and went so far as to proclaim from the pulpit
that the epidemic then raging^ was a punishment for
emolument for servioeB. Many of the less scmpaloas secured a maintenanoo
for their relatives out of what they obtained from the Indians. The viaitador,
Valderrama, confirmed the statement with these words, ' y tambien algo en.
parientes y otras cosillas. ' Cortes quaintly remarks, ' esta invencioii, de cobrar
de tributes, la inventd algun fraile. According to his computation the whole
expense the king would incur could not much exceed 70,000 pesos, aUowing
each friar 100 pesos a year — 70 pesos really sufficed — and also a amaU addi-
tional sum to cover the cost of wine, oil, and church effects. CorUs^ Octria^ in
Pacheco and Gdrdenas, Col Doe,, iv. 464-7; Valderrama, Cariat, Id., iv. 360.
^ Carta, in Pacheco and Cdrdenaa, Col. Doc, iv. 455-6.
^^ * Ora sea dicieudo que son muertos los tributarios, ora escondiendoloa, 6
por otros muchos caminos que ellos saben.' Valderrama, Cartas (^e6. 24,
1664), in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col Doc, iv. 366, 372.
^* It was not a dangerous one. Mendieta attributed it to the anger of God,
when the visitador had the Indians counted, and their tribute anmiented
Valderrama, Cartas, Id., iv. 360; Mendieta, Carta, in Icasbaleeta, it 515.
GER6nIM0 DE MENDIETA. 667
enforcing that measure. Indians serving in convents
and churches were exempt from tribute; and if the
friars could have their way the king would soon have
no tributaries. They did not openly say that the king
had no right to collect tributes, but thev believed it
all the same. Some of the friars were indeed good,
intelligent men; but the ignorant, whose number was
large, claimed that all the benefits accruing from Ind-
ians belonged by right to the church and orders, and
they did not scruple at tricks to sustain this view.
Among the defenders of the religious orders none
was more distinguished than the Franciscan father,
Ger6nimo de Mendieta. This eminent personage was
a native of Victoria in the Basque province of Gui-
piizcoa, and one of forty brothers, all by the same
father. He took the habit in Bilbao and came to New
Spain in 1554; completed his studies in Xochimilco,
and learned the Mexican language. He never preached,
being a stutterer; but with his pen he was a master
of eloquence and sound reasoning, and was regarded
by his brethren and others as the Cicero of the prov-
ince. Whensoever an address had to be prepared to
the king or his council, the viceroy or other person-
ages, or to the superiors of his order, the preparation
was invariably intrusted to him. He thus won the
regard of many prelates, who sought his companion-
ship. He accompanied Father Miguel Navarro in
1569 to the general chapter of his order held in
France, and suffered much hardship on the journey.
In 1573 he returned with a reenforcement of friars.
During his stay in Spain he dwelt in Castro de Urdia-
les, and had resolved to end his days there, but holy
obedience demanded his return. He filled several of
the highest oflSces of trust, and was remarkable for
the strict performance of his duties, his ceaseless
efforts for the better government of the Indies, and
his humihty.^'
^' He died after a lingering illness at the Franciscan convent in Mexico,
May 9, 1604. Targuemada, iiL 5C1-3; Mendieta, Carta, in Icazbalceta, CoL
M8 GHUBCH QOVEKNMENT. .
lu 1562 Father Mendieta addressed a letter ta
Padre Francisco de Bustamante, the comisario general
of his order," in which he makes a vigorous defence
of the r^ular orders, and attributes the evils existing
in the country to the interference with the authority
and privileges of friars by bishops and oidorea
Against the audiencia he inveighs with much sever-
ity." and considers that the viceregal power should be
Doc, ii.; MencUeUi, in Prw, 8. JBhang,, MS., No. 16, 201-26; Dice ITmv. BkU
Oeog., v. 238. Pray Grerdnimo de Mendieta was the author of several works,
of which I ennmerate the following: Gm'ta ai Rey Don FeUpe deade Tolwxi em.
8 de Odubre de 1565, dobrt gobentackm de las Indku, MS., foL 9 pp. This
letter is said to have been forwarded in dnplicate or triplicate by different
conveyances. The present copy is specially recommended, January 20, 1570,
by the provincial ana definitono of the Santo Evan^elio (Franciacan province),
to which the author belonged. It contains 24 articles expressive of the kin^'a
duty to provide the best possible government for the Indians, inclndinff &»
religious instruction of the natives and their amelioration in general. Aaide
from the author's excessive preference for the religious, and manifest preju>
dice against the secular clergy, his letter is commendable as embodying much
wisdom. Correspondenda eon txuioB penonages deade 1570 d 1578 sbbre
agUfUoB de Kueva Eapafla 6 Indias, MS., fol. 26 pp., contains six letters from.
Father Mendieta to Licenciado Joan de Ovando, of the royal council in tha
holy and general inquisition, and visitador of the said royal council; one from
Ovando to him; and one from Mendieta to the comisario general of the Indies
for the Franciscan order. The first letter is highly important^ wherein he
r'ves his views on three points upon which Ovando had doubti^ namely:
How to brinff about harmony and good understanding between biahope and
friars in the Indies. 2. How to get tithes from the Indiana without oppress-
ing them. 3. How Spaniards were to form settlements in the Indies without
injuring the natives. His views are expressed in a clear, unbiassed manner.
Another letter, the third alluded to, sets forth the best mode, in his opinion,
to rule the religious order of Sajnt Francis in tiie Indies, for obtaining the
greatest good mm it Ovando's letter expresses his high regard for Men-
dicta's advice, and calls for more of it But his most noted work was Higtoria,
EdtddsUca Indiana, Mexico, 1870, 1 vol. 8vo, 790 pp., preceded by 45 pages
of matter pertinent to the author and his work, the whole carefully CKiited
by Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta. It is properly a history of the conversion of the
Indians of New Spain, from the time of the conquest to about the close of the
sixteenth centuryr; but as the earlier friars and prelates played so important a
part in public afibirs, the volume also gives much valuable information on such
matters not to be found elsewhere except, perhaps, at second hand. Icazbal-
ceta added to the value of the book by a notice of the author and his work,
careful and exhaustive as are all such notices bv him; and by an elaborate col-
lation of Mendieta's Hiatoria and Torquemada s Monarquia Indkma, showing
how extensively and openly the latter plagiarized from the former. Mendieta's
production, finished in 1596, remained in obscurity 274 years. He had sent
the manuscript to Spain for publication, but it never appealed till Icssbalceta^
as he tells us, discovered it in the library of Bartolom6 Joa6 Gallardo just
deceased, and issued it at his own expense, for which he should receive due
credit. The editor gives, moreover, the authorities that Mendieta availed
himself of in the preparation of his work« some of whom have reached ns only
in name, and the later ones that took advantage of his labors, among whom,
the most noted is Torquemada.
^Mendieta, Carta, m Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 615-44.
** 'Porque es verdad {coram Deo) que ea tanta la desdrden, y taatos los
i
POSITION OF THE FRIABS. 660
supreme, subject only to the throne. *• Carried away
by excessive zeal in the friars' cause, he exhibits
likewise great animosity toward the public officials
in general — ^Viceroy Velasco only excepted — and all
Spaniards living in Mexico who were not friars. He
speaks of the discontent prevailing among the religious
orders, all members of whom, he asserts, were anxious
to abandon a field in which their services were consid-
ered no longer useful. Things had come to such a
pass, in his opinion, that the friar had lost all heart
for his work," the old fervor having died away, both
on the part of the missionaries and the recently con-
verted natives.
The position of the friars during this period was,
indeed, an unenviable one, and so effectively had the
church and audiencia represented them to the throne
that certain cedulas were issued against them which
caused serious loss of influence. In fact, both Span-
iards and Indians openly displayed their lack of rev-
erence.^® Even Bishop Quiroga, who had been a
warm supporter of the orders, now as warmly de-
fended his prerogatives in this ecclesiastical warfare,
and would have closed the Augustinian convents
males que de ella se aigneii, one yo tuviera por mas sespiro para la conciencia
de S. M. dejar 6 estos naturales pemiu8 sin justicia ni hombre que la adminis-
trara, que hab^rsela dado de la arte y manera que ahora la tienen.' Id.y 532.
^0 'Ko sea reino diviso con muchas cabezas. . .Quiero decir que su visorey,
poes sa nombre y tftulo denota que es imigen del rey y que tiene las veces y
luear del rey, de facto lo sea, y no lo supedite, ni apoque, ni deshaga lo que
el hace. . .otro que el mismo rey.* Id., 530.
^1 * Dioen que ya ni aun confesar ni predicar, sino meterse en un rincon, y
lo ponen por obra.' Id., 517; Prov. del S. Evang., MS., No. 16, 201-6. The
Franciscan friar Mena also reported to the king, relative to the existing man-
agement of affairs, that * si en esto no se pone remedio, tengase por cierto,
que los reli^posos dejar^n la tierra.' Mena, Uobiemo, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas,
CoL Doc, xi 190, 192. And he adds that it would be well if the kinff sent
for the archbishop and retained him in Spain, as had been done with Las
Caaas, and thus prevent him from doing further mischief.
^Martin Cortes, writing in October 1563, says: * Desde que comenzaron &
venir estaa cMulas, estaban los espafioles tan contentos, y lea habian perdido
el respeto. . .diciendo y dando 6 entender & los indios que habian de quitar
todos lo8 frailes desta tierra,' and adds that the consequence was that many
Indians 'les perdian el respeto y reverencia que les solian tener.' Carta, in
Packed} and Cdrdenas, Cot Doc, iv. 454-5. 'Aora estan tan predi<»do0
qua el fraile no tiene q entremeterse en sus negocios, ni que dezirles como
han de viuir.' FrandsoanoSt Abandono, in Prov. S. Evang., iHo. 12, 169-70L
1
070 CHURCH GOVERNMENT.
within his diocese but for the interference of the
king.^* One of the greatest grievances which the reg-
ular orders complained of was the refusal of the arch-
bishop and bishops to ordain members of their orders.
Efficient priests were becoming scarce in the religious
orders, and aged men, whose mental faculties and
physical strength were unequal to the task, had almost
exclusive charge of Indian conversion. The provin-
cials of the orders brought their complaints before the
crown, which expressed its displeasure to the secular
prelates and ordered the ordination of friars when
required, except such as were mestizos or persons
who should not be considered suitabla*^ Nor was
this last prohibition unnecessary. Although as a body
the friars were exemplary in their moral conduct,
there were unfortunately among their number mem-
bers whose behavior brought opprobrium upon the
orders and required efficacious treatment. ^^
Another ground of complaint on the part of the
^' A royal cedula of July 11, 1562, directed the bishop not to molest the
Augastiniaiis in the possession of their convents. Becaimotit, Cr<hL MicL, ▼.
469-71, 521, 674^-89.
*In 1555 the king forbade the indiscriminate ordaining of Spaniards and
half-breeds. Puaa, Cedukirio, 153, 190; Romero, N^oC. Mich,, m 8oe. Mex.
Oeog., Boletm, viii. 540, states that Pablo Caltzontzin, a son of the last king
of Michoacan, was the first Indian who received sacred orders in Mexico.
'^ Yet it was deemed expedient, for the honor of the chnrch, that repri-
mands or punishments of onenders of the cloth should be secretly inflicted,
so that not even the Spaniards should know of them. This had been recom-
mended by Martin Cortes in 1563. The king went further in 1565, for by
his cedula of June 6th, received the next year in Mexico, it was ordered that
the re^^ular orders should be respected, and the investigation and punishment
of their offences, unless they had been committed with great publicitv and
scandal, be left to their own prelates; and only in the event of the latter
refusing to heed the complaint of the royal judicial authorities should the
cases be sent to the crown. CarUSf Carta, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc,
iv. 457; Hecop. Ind., i. 123; Oonzalez Ddvila, Tecubro Bcles., i 36; Zamora,
Bib. Leg, UlL, v. 332; Beaumont, Crdn. Mkh., v. 569-78. The archbishop,
Mova^ at a later date, furnished the crown with a list of the dergvmen of all
ranks existing in his diocese, accompanied with a memorandum of the quali-
fications, character, and conduct of each. Some of them were set down as
unworthy of the priesthood for immorality, misbehavior, or ignorance; others
were praised. A number were natives of Mexico, even amonc the dignitaries,
canons, and stipendiaries of the crown. There were then 3 dignitaries, 10
canons, 6 full stipendiaries, and one who received only a half ration. Moya y
CofUrenUy in Catieu de Indias, 195-218. In 1588 archbishop« and bishops of
the Indies were permitted to ordain as priests mestizos residing in their re-
spective dioceses and having a moral character and education. Women of tba
same class, of approved moral conduct^ were allowed to entef as nun&
ECCLESIASTICAL FACTIONS. 671
regular orders was the exclusion of their ordained
members from the right of administering the sacra-
ments, and their being limited to the celebration of
mass and the instruction of the Indians. Their con-
sciousness of the prominent pari they haul taken in
conversion, their sincere zeal, and their ardent desire
to maintain the superior influence over the natives
which they had once possessed, naturally combined
to make them claim the privilege of admimstering the
most solemn rites. Apart from what they deemed
injustice, to be debarred from the performance of the
higher ceremonies lowered their position in the eyes
of converts. Their representations to the throne with
regard to this matter had the desired effect, and at the
request of Philip, Pope Pius issued a bull, on the 24th
of March, 1567, granting to the religious orders the
privilege of administering the sacraments in Indian
towns. ^
I may further illustrate the feeling which existed
at this time between the ecclasiastical factions and
their respective supporters, by describing a tumult
which occurred in the city of Mexico in 1569, occa-
sioned by the interference of the clergymen at a pro-
cession of the Franciscan friars. On the virgin's day
it had long been the custom of this order to march in
solemn procession to the church of Santa Maria de la
Redonda, and there celebrate mass ; but in this year
the secular clergy opposed the performance. The
Indian followers of the friars, becoming incensed,
began to throw stones at those who interrupted their
procession, which led to a volley of similar missiles
from natives on the other side. The result was a
general disturbance, in which stones and other weap-
" Having passed the council, it was, by royal order of January 15, 1568,
published in Mexico, though it had been made known to the clergy the pre-
vious year. Torai, CartoR al Real Cons. (May 15, 1558, Feb. 20, 1559), in
Cartas de Ind.^ 132-4, and fac-sim. M.; Pe/la, et al. Carta ai Rey, in 7rf.,
144-^, and fac-sim. S; Puqo, Cedulario, 189-90, 211; Torquemada, iii. 265-8;
Beaumont, Cr6n, Mich., v. 519-20; Bvla Confirm, et Novae, 1-22; Recop.
Ind., L 116; Rehgtosoa, etc., in Prop. delS. Evang., MS., No. 3, 93-4; Ordenes
ile la Coranoy MS., ii. 27; J><i/enaa de la Verdadf'6, 7.
e72 CHURCH GOVERNMENT.
ons were freely used, and several persons seriously
injured. The clergymen and their defenders were
defeated. The public excitement became great, and
the viceroy had to exercise all his prudence.^
But with regard to the sacraments, the secular
clergy would not yet yield the point, and so steady a
pressure was maintained, that on the 31st of March,
1583, the king issued an order commanding the friars
to surrender. Archbishop Moya, to enforce the order
and at the same time show proper respect for the
orders, invited their prelates to meet him at his house,
where he courteously reminded them of the king's
benevolent intentions, and asked them to choose such
houses as they would prefer for their conventual
abodes; to which they answered that they wished
first to hear further from the king and their superiors,
and begged for time to ascertain the views of the
other members of their orders. Their request was
granted.^ On the 23d of October the three orders
formally made known their purpose of appealing to
the crown. The archbishop then resolved to suspend
the execution of the royal cddula, except in urgent
cases, till the king's pleasure was again learned on the
subject. The audiencia did the same upon the petition
of the three orders, who forthwith appointed proctors
to present their case to the king.^^ The result of
their pleadings appeared in a royal decree of 1585, to
the effect that friars acting as curates were to admin-
ister the sacraments to both Indians and Spaniards
^ Torguemada, I 63^-40; Zamacois, HUL MeJ., v. 150-1; El Muaeo itfex.,
482.
^* Some of the friars well understood the justice of the royal measures, but
found it difficult to yield. ' Por conde89ender con la maior cantidad nacidos
en estas partes, y venidoa do esas, que gustan de mandar siendo prelados y
biuiendo li9en9io3amente como hasta aqul, no oaan publicar su sentimiento.'
Moya V Cmtreras, CarU al li^ (Oct. 26, 1583), in Cartas de Ind., 334-7.
=^lhe Dominicans, friars G-Jmel de San Jos^ and Cri8t<$bal de SeptQ-
veda^ who were then in Spain; the Franciscans, friars Buenaventura de Tsre-
des and Pedro Mellendes; the Augustinians, friars Diego de Soria and
Gerdnimo de Morante. The last four named embarked, and after b2inff ship-
wrecked, finally reached their destination in the New Spain fleet of 1584.
With the aid of the abbe of Burgundy, who had been visitador in Kew
Spain, the proctors were presented at court. Qrijabta, Ckr6n, 8. Augusiinf
175t-6.
ABCHBISHOP MONTtTFAR. 078
<lwelling with them.* This decree was to have a
temporary effect until the issue of a final decision.
It was during Montiifar's occupation of the archi-
episcopal seat, and under his direction, that the first
ecclesiastical council proper was held in Mexico.*^
The efforts of the missionary friars at their conven-
tion in 1526 to establish rules for the guidance of
ecclesiastics had, from the want of an organized gov-
-ernment and the spiritual condition of the natives,
been attended with few results; and after the lapse
of thirty years, and the extension of the church, the
necessity of a provincial synod became urgent. The
archbishop therefore formally convoked a synodical
council, and it began its labors on the I7th of Novem-
ber 1555. This council, over which Montdfar pre-
sided, was attended by the bishops of Tlascala, Chiapas,
Michoacan, and Oajaca, by the viceroy and royal au-
diencia, and by a number of other officials both ecclesi-
astic and civil.*^
At this meeting ninety-three chapters of declara-
tions and rules adapted to the requirements of the
period were passed. The aim was to regulate the
conversion of the natives, and defend them from irreg-
ular exaction of tribute; to reform society and- the
mode of life followed by many of the clergy, to whom
gambling, mercantile pursuits, and the practice of
usury were forbidden under heavy punishments; and
*" Le an de hazer 770 ex voto cJiaritcUis, como alU lo platicais, sino de jus-
ticiay obligacion.* Orijalua^ Chrdiu S. AuguMtijit 170; Torquemada^ i. G49.
'^ The council of friars held in lo20 has been called by some an ecclesi-
astical council and regarded as the first. But this term, applied to that con-
vention is inaccurate. Bishop Zumdrraga had also held an ecclesiastical meet-
ing in 15.*^, at which the bishops of Oajaca and Michoacan, and the prelates
of the different orders attended. Among other questions was discussed that
•of confirmation of the natives, which was again brought forward in 1546 at
a meeting called by Visitador Telle de Sandoval.
*^Thc names of the bishops were respectively: Martin Sarmiento de Hoja-
castro, Tomds de Casillas, Vasco de Quiroga, and Juan Lopez de Zdrate.
Tlie last-named prelate died during the session. The bishop of Guatemala was
represented by the clergyman Diego de Carbajal. There were also present
tho dean and chapter of the metropolitan church, as also those of the cathe-
drals of Tlascala, Guadalajara, and Yucatan, the prelates of the several relig-
ions orders, and the corrcgidor and members of the city council of Mexico.
<J<mcmo9 Prov., MS., No. 1. 191-239; No. 3, 298-326, 36a-86; Id,, 1666 y
1566, pp. iv.-vi., 35-184.
Hm.Mxx.YoL. IL 43
i
e74 CHUBCH GO vKBNMENT.
to systematize the administration of the archbishopric
and parochial qhurches.*
In 1565 a second ecclesiastical council was con-
voked by the archbishop, the chief object being the
recognition of the acts promulgated by the oecumenical
council of Trent in 1563. The suffragan bishops who
attended it were those of Chiapas, Yucatan, Tlascala,
Nueva Gaiicia, and Oajaca.*^ Twenty-eight chapters
were enacted, many of them constituting amendments
of declarations passed at the previous council, which
had proved in a great measure to be but a mere dis-
play of authority without effect."
On the 7th of March 1572 the venerable Arch-
bishop Montdfar died at an advanced age, after a
painful and lingering illness of eighteen months,'' and
was buried in the Dominican convent. The fatherly
solicitude which he had ever displayed for his flock
caused his death to be deeply regretted.® He had
devoted himself earnestly to the duties of his calling,
and never lost sight of the fact that the church in
New Spain needed much reformation and a more
^'GancUios Prov,, MS.. No. 1.
'® The bishop of Michoacan was represented by a proctor. There wera
present also the visitador general, Valderrama, the oidores, the kind's tteunrj
ofBcials, the dean, chapter, and vicars of the archbishopric, and the alcaldes
and regidores of the city. Id,, i. 160-9; Id., 1556^6, vi.-vii 185-212.
'^ Priests were forbidden to charge fees for the administration of the sacra-
ments to Indians, and it is noticeable that again the tendency of the clergy to
lend money at usuiy and enoage in trading speculations is exposed. Among
other enactments that whidi exempted the natives from tne payment ot
tithes may be mentioned. The chapters were published on the lltii of No-
vember 1565, and on the 12th of December following the archbishop and
bishops decreed the fulfilment of them. Id,
'^The above date is given by Sosa, Episcop, Mex,, 17, 24-6, who daima
that the writers, Bdvila Padilla, Gonzalez mvila, Vetancurt, Eguiara, Loren-
zana, Beristain, and others are in error in assigning the year 1569 as the dAto
of Monttifar's death. Sosa founds hia ajssertion on the fact that several acts
of the ecclesiastic chapter of Mexico down to Sept. 3, 1571, show that there
was an archbishop in Mexico, and he could be none other than Montufar.
He also furnishes a copy of his portrait, which exists in the gallery of the
cathedral. At the foot there is an inscription of the artist, who also stsktes
that Montilfar died in 1569, at the age of 80 years. D&vilA PsdilK BitL
Fund., 509-11, gives 92 years as his age.
** During his long archiepiscopal career he never ceased to be am humble
friar, and his charity was limited only by the means at his command. DMia
FadiOa, Hist. Fvnd,, Id.
TH£ INQUISITION. 675
regular organization. While he steadily opposed the
encroachments of the regular orders, h© was not blind
to the shortcomings of the secular clergy and the
abuses which prevailed in his see. In his administra-
tion he ever sought the advice of men prominent for
their excellence and sound judgment. In the Fran-
ciscan lay-brother Pedro de Gante he reposed great
confidence, and with open candor acknowledged him
as his trustworthy guide, being wont to say that
Gante and not himself was the true archbishop of
Mexico. Another of his advisers was his old friend
and companion Father Bartolom^ de Ledesma.
Named assistant in the administration of the archdio-
cese, Ledesma shared largely in its duties during the
last twelve years of Montiifar's episcopate. In the
same year that Montdfar died Pedro de Moya y Con-
treras had been made coadjutor of the archbishop,
with the right of succession.
Toward the close of Montiifar's rule the tribunal
of the inquisition was formally established in New
Spain. During the earlier years of the conquest there
existed representatives only of the institution, the
first of whom was the Franciscan missionary Valen-
cia. When, the Dominicans arrived, superiors of their
order acted as agents of that court, and still later in-
?uisitors, rightly so called, were oflScially appointed.**
Jy a decree of the inquisition general of Spain, dated
the 27th of June 1535, the ecclesiastical court was
empowered to exercise jurisdiction and inflict punish-
ment in all cases where heresy was concerned, but
it was rarely deemed necessary to display imposing
severity.^ In 1558, however, Robert Tomson, an
»*A c^nla of Charles V., dated 1631, invested the visitador Juan de Vi-
Ui^^fior with power to act in matters concerning the inquisition. Beaumont,
CriSn. Mich., iii. 413-17. Tello de Sandoval was made inquisitor in 1540.
Perofto, Not. liUt., 270-80.
"^ A chief of Tezcuco, Cdrlos de Mendoza, was burned by order of Bishop
ZomArraga for having made sacrifices to idols. Upon this becoming known
in Spain, the inquisition was forbidden to proceed against Indians. Peralta,
IfU. Hist,, 279.
070 CHUBCH GOVERNMENT.
Englishman, and Agustin Boacio, a Grenoese, after
a long imprisonment, were conducted through the
streets of Mexico, in the presence of thousands of
spectators, and compelled in sambenito to do penance
on a high scafFold on which tbey received sentence.*^
While officially constituted representatives of the
inquisition were thus not immoderately exercising the
terrible power with which they were invested, it is
painful to note that friars, carrying out their aggressive
system, laid hands upon its prerogatives. When from
tlie gloom of the past the outline of a repulsive figure
can be well marked, I cannot regard it as the shade
of a companionless Frankenstein, The saintly Landa,
provincial of the Franciscans, became aware in 1562
that the inhabitants of the ancient city of Mani in
Yucatan^' still retained some veneration for the wor-
ship of their forefathers. But more than this, his
investigations satisfied him that the bodies of rene-
gades had been buried in consecrated ground. Their
remains were disinterred and scattered in the neigh-
boring woods. The idolatrous propensity must be
stopped, and what more effective method could bo
adopted than the Spanish inquisition? So Landa
determined to celebrate the event by a kind of in-
formal rattling of the machinery, and called upon the
sheriff and prominent Spaniards of the province to
assist him. They readily responded and the ceremony
was witnessed by a multitude of native Americans.**
"Tbc badgtj conHiatcd of half a yard of yellow clotb with & hole in tbe
middle to pass the head through, one flap Imaging before^ and the other be-
hind; on each Hap wo* sewn a red croaa of Saint Andre w» Bo^io was con-
demned to jM^rpetuo-l imprisonment in Spain; Tomson for a terra of three ycara.
Both peDi teats had to wear tho eamhenito. I have not discovered Boacio's
oiTence; he was brought fron^ Zacatecaa, Tomaon^ by his own account,
«xpn3saied bLniBclf at a diuacr-table on religious aubjocts and £La a disciple of
lj.|];ther» Ha served his term id Seville, and afterward, being already *recon
ciliaiio con la iglesia/ manled a wealthy young latly from Mexico w*lios*
affection reward^ him for hla post Bufferings. Boacio escaped at the Azores,
Tvhcre the ship conveying him and Tomson touched for auppHes. Tofnson^ in
Holh-yC^ Voj/., iii. 450-1.
'' For partJculara regarding this city see NaUve Race*, ir. 220, v. 034^ thii
•erics.
■^Many of the captored offenders evaded public cremation by hanging
tlic»tDaelvefl. Their bodies were thrown into the forests to be food for wild
ACHIBVEMENTS OF THE TBIBUNALi 677
Thus for a time the rule of the rack was quite
beaignant. But when a generation had passed away
and Christianity had planted firmly her foothold in
the conquered country, apostasy was regarded as with-
out excuse. Moreover, the land was full of adven-
turers who scoffed at religion and interfered with the
work of conversion. Philip was a most Catholic king,
and with the effect of Luther's preaching before him
he would, if possible, save his American dominions
from the sanguinary ♦ religious wars then desolating
Europe. Thus it came about that a regular tribunal
of the inquisition was sent out to New Spain in 1571,
there to be received with demonstrations of joy and
beasts. O>^olltido says nothing about the punishment inflicted on the cul-
prits who did not hang themselves. But he assures us that for many years
after that bright example of Christian charity, cases of idolatry were never
again heard of. The blessed father was ciuled cruel, but what of that?
Doctor Don Pedro Sanchez de Aguilar, whoever he might be, held a very dif-
ferent opinion on his action in the report he made against the idolaters of the
country. Cogollvdo, Hist, Tuc.y 309-10. The viait^or Vivanco reported to
the crown in 1563 that the provincial had the victims subjected to the torture
of cord and water; triced up witH weights of from 50 to 75 pounds attached
to their feet, and then flogged; he also had their flesh burned with flames or
with hot wax; he made tnem .suffer in various other cruel ways, all without
any trial having been given them. The result was that the unfortunates in
their horrible agony would confess offences they had never committed, among
them idolatrous rites. In this way many idois were brought to light which
they had possessed before their conversion, and whose existence they had
almost forgotten. Many Indians perished, and others were maimed for life.
These cruelties were continued till Bishop Toral arrived in August and stopped
them. Petitioners begged in the name of humanity and of the hapless suf-
ferers that such miscreant tormentors should be punished, and taken away
from Yucatan. Bibanco, Carta al Rey^ in Cartas de fjid., 392-6. The alcalde
mayor in his report corroborates much of the above, of course covering his
own procedure, and adding that upwards of 2,000,000 idols were found, some
old and others new, besmeared with blood. Six Indians hanged themselves
and two others committed suicide in prison. Quixada, Carta al Rey, March 15,
1563^ in Cartas de Ind., 382-3. Kodriguez Vivanco, official defender of
the Indians, supported their complaints that the charge of apostasy had
not been well founded, and that the proceedings had been excessively cruel:
' hagan alld penitencia Fr Diego de Landa y sus compafieros, del mal que
hizieron en nosotros, que hasta la quarta genera9ion se acordarto nuestros
dciscendientes de la gran persecucion que por ellos nos vino.' Yueaianf Carta
de lo8 indios gobemad. de varias prov.j al Rey, in Cartas de /nd., 407-10.
However, in 1567 ten caciques prayed the king to give them Franciscans, for
whom they expressed a strong preference, that being the order from which
they first received baptism. Carta de diez caciques d S. M. al Rev, in Cartas
de Iiid., 367-8, and fac-sim. U. I cannot find that the complaints were
heeded or the grievances redressed; on the contrary, it is seen tnat the man
complained against was placed in a higher position than ever. Calle gives a
royaJ order of July 25, 1586, prescribing means to be taken for the extirpa-
tioD of idolatry among the Indians.
678 CHUBCH QOVERNHENT.
pomp, covering a wide-spread feeling of apprehension
and horror * The chief inquisitor was Doctor Pedro
de Moya y Contreras, the same who some years later
became archbishop of Mexico and afterward viceroy
of New Spain. The first appointee to the oflSce had
been the licenciado Juan de Cervantes, but he died
on the passage from Spain, whereupon Moya suc-
ceeded him, and installed the court on the 11th of
November of the same year, in the large buildings
of Juan Velazquez de Salazar, the dean of Mexico.
Alonso Fernandez de Bonilla was the first fiscal or
prosecuting oflScer of the court,** who in 1583 became
chief inquisitor.
The tribunal had jurisdiction over all Catholics
who by deed or word gave signs of harboring heret-
ical or schismatical opinions; and also over such per-
sons not Catholics as attempted to proselyte, or uttered
heretical sentiments, or were known to be hostile to
the church. Foreign Protestants brought within its
reach, and all offenders against the laws of the church,
were also fit subjects for its tender mercies. And
probably nothing better proves the honesty of the
king and the good faith of the ecclesiastical authorities
than the fact that Indians were made exempt, except
in extreme cases, on the ground that they, as a race,
were insufficiently instructed in the tenets of the
faith, and therefore liable to fall, without malice, into
error.*^ In so fresh a field full of reckless adven-
** Peralta rejoices at the instaUation of the holy office: *para qne ee per-
pettuuBe en la tierra, defendidndola de la mala seta luterana, y que castigaae
tos que se hallasen con culpa de abella admitido 6 tuviesen algunas ynsiniai
della.* Not, Hist., 281. He would hardly have dared to express any other
sentiments. Torquemada, i. 648, regards it as rery efficient and usefcu to the
country, which was 'contaminadiBima de Judios, j Hereges, en espedal de
Gente Portuguesa.' The court was founded *sin ruido de maitillo, y con muy
grande (pinion. . .la Inquisicion es vn freno para desalmados, y libras de len-
gua.' Moyay Carta al Bey,y in Cartas de Indian,
^The third inquisitor was Pedro Ramirez Granero, who in 1574 was made
archbishop of Charcas. Owizalez DdvUa, Tealro Edes,^ ii 32; Mendieta, HUL
Ecles., 2rt\,
*^ Robertson and others who have followed him are rebuked by Zamacoisy
Hist. M^.t V. 159-65, for their assertions on this point. It is untrue, the
latter alleges, that the Indians were declared incapable of committing heresy*
for a number of them were admitted to the Catholic pries^ood; ana quoting
AUTOwBE-FE. 879
turers, intermingled with Moorish, Jewish, and other
elements, the tribunal could not fail to obtain subjects,
and a number were soon arraigned. The first auto-de-
f(S decreed by the court was in 1574, and took place
in the small plaza of the marques del Valle, between
the door of the principal church and the marquis'
buildings. According to Torquemada, the victims
numbered sixty-three, of whom five were burned. It
was a most dramatic afiair, attended by thousands of
spectators from far and near.**
The next public affair of the kind was in 1575, when
the number ofpenitentes was smaller. From that year
till 1593 there took place seven ^more, making nine
from the installation of the court. The tenth occurred
on the 8th of December, 1595, and of this I will give
a description^ Preparations on a grand scale were
made to present to the authorities and people a spec-
tacle worthy of the cause. To increase the solemnity
of the occasion, the day fixed upon was that of the
immaculate conception; and the place, the chief plaza
with its extensive appointments of railings covered
with platforms, and thousands of seats or benches
arranged as in an amphitheatre, which was used after
the celebration as a bull-ring.
The time having arrived, the viceroy, conde de
Monterey, accompanied by the justices and officers
of the audiencia, the royal treasury officials, military
officers, and other memoers of his suite repaired to
the inquisition building, where the inquisitors Barto-
from Abb^ de Nnix, adds: ' It ia not necessary to possess more talent to be a
bad heretic than a good priest.' Zamacois^bitterly inveighs against writers
that have accused Spaniards in general for the acts of the inquisition when
in their own countries at that period, and also much later, the torture and
other acts of brutality were in common practice. In evidence of which he
quotes well-known events in the history of England and her American colonies,
•of France, Germany, Portugal, ^ind Russia.
** Torquemada, iii. 377-9. Philips says three were burned; another has
it two only. PeraUa^ Not. Jlist.f 281. This author adds, ' era de ver la jente
que acudid 6 vello de m^ de ocheata lehuas. ' Gonzalez D&vilaeives 63 victims,
of whom 21 were followers of Luther. Teairo Ecles., i. 34. TSbe number may
have been larger. Th6se who received sentence on ffood Friday of that year,
including the men of Hawkins* expedition brought &om Ptouco, were 71, as
Philips has it.
unujsua uvvjuuijauuvx.
lom^ Lobo GuerrerOy an archbishop elect, and Alonso
de Peralta, subsequently bishop of Charcas, awaited
them. Sixty-seven penitents were then led forth from
the dungeons, and the procession marched to the*
plaza. A great concourse of people, from far and near,
followed the procession and occupied windows and
squares to the very gate and houses of the holy office.^
The prisoners appeared, wearing ropes round their
necks, and conical hats on which were painted hellish
flames, and with green candles in then* hands, each
with a priest at his side exhorting him to Christian
fortitude. They were marched under a guard of the
holy office. Among those doomed to suffer were per-
sons convicted of the following offences: Those who
had become reconciled with the church and afterward
relapsed into Judaism, in sambenitos, and with famil-
iars of the inquisition at their side; bigamists, with
similar hats descriptive of their crime; sorceresses
with white hats of the same kind, candles and ropes;
blasphemers with gags to their tongues, marching
together, one after the other, with heads uncovered and
candles in their hands. First among them came those
convicted of petty offences, followed in regular order
of criminality by the rest, the last being the relapsed,
the dogmatists, and teachers of the Mosaic law, who
wore the tails of their sambenitos rolled up and
wrapped round their caps to signify the falsity of their
doctrine. On arriving at their platform the prison-
ers were made to sit down, the relapsed, the readers
of Mosaic law, and dogmatists occupying the higher
seats; the others according to their offences, last
being the statues of the dead and absent relapsed
ones. The reconciled and other penitents occupied
benches in the plaza. On the right side of the holy
office was a pulpit from which preached the Francis-
can friar Ignacio de Santibanez, archbishop of the
^ *¥n6 oofla maravillosa, la Gknte, que oonccurrid A eete o^lebre, y famoao
Auto, y la one estuvo & laa Ventaaas, y Pla^, hasta la Paerta, j Casaa da
el Santo Oncio, para v^r este singular acomnaoamiento, y ProoesioQ de lo»
Belaxados, y Penitendados. ' Torquemadaf ill. 379-SO.
Philippines.** Then foDowed the usual admonitions,
opportunities to recant, to repent, and finally the
fierce flames, the foretaste of eternal torments.
Before the installation of the dread tribunal it was
not known that the country's religion was in danger
from Jews or heretics ; had the number of dissenters
been large, and the danger imminent from any action
on their part, the community, consisting mostly of
Catholics, would have taken the alarm, and the ec-
clesiastical court have laid a heavy hand on the ob-
noxious members, as in 1558, with regard to Tomson
and Boacio. It is indeed remarkable how quickly
after the court went into existence it managed to find
subjects to work upon, especially among the Portu-
guese, persecuted for reasons foreign to religion. The
charges made were often without the slightest foun-
dation, personal grievance or vindictiveness alone
prompting the informers. Else it would have been
impossible for the court to pick, out of the small popu-
lation of Mexico over two thousand persons who had
within thirty years made themselves amenable to
punishment. It must be borne in mind that it had
been made obligatory upon all persons to report to
the inquisition, under the charge of secrecy, every-
thing heard or seen that savored of heresy in the
witness' estimation. Hence the holy office before
long became as much dreaded as had been the Aztec
war-god. The authority of the inquisitorial court
was paramount to all others, and its officers and ser-
vants were privileged. Any act or expression against
that tribunal or its supremacy would sooner or later
reach its knowledge, and the person so speaking be
made to feel its power.**
** Torquemada, iii. 380, after an elaborate description of the whole affair,
fails to give the number ojf each class, and the punishments awarded. Some
of them were as a matter of course burned alive. Respecting this last class,
be adds, * cada vno de estos porfiados Judios, podia ser Kabiao en vna Sina-
gogo. Celebr6se con grande Magestad, quedando el Pueblo, con no noco
asombro de los Ritos, y Ceremomas, de estos Hereges Judai9antes, y delitos
graves, que alii se leieron. *
^ A case in point, in the proceedings in M^rida, Yucatan, and in Mexico
i
uuuAiuxi u%jy KdSMUJ&ni\
On the death of Monttifar the archbishopric of
Mexico was conferred on the inquisitor Moya j Con-
treras, and if zeal and ability alone be considered he
deserved the promotion. There are some interesting
features in the biography of this remarkable man.
Beginning his career as a page of Juan de Ovando,
president of the royal council of the Indies, in time he
became his private secretary. Having completed his
studies at Salamanca we next find him chancellor of
the cathedral of the Canary Islands, which office he
held until 1570. In 1571 he was ordained a presbyter
in Mexico, having formerly filled high ecclesiastic posi-
tions in the Canaries, Murcia, and Mexico before this.
He was exceedingly charitable, and it is told of him
that he would often take whatever money there might
be at his disposal and give it to the poor, regardless
of the amount.**
On the 20th of October 1573 the ecclesiastical
chapter placed in his hands the administration and
Sovemment which had been in their change since
lontiifar's death. He had been confirmed in the
office by Gregory XIII. since June 15th, but the bulls
against ' Nicoks de Aquino, notario deste S^o officio en M^da de Jncatan,'
and against Francisco de Velazquez de Xizon, goyemor of Yucatan, and
Oomez del Castillo, alcalde ordiiuuio in 1575, for contempt, resulting from the
prosecution and imprisonment of Aquino in M^rida by the alcalde supported
by the governor, though he had pleaded his privilege of a servant of the inqui-
sition. The case was not terminated, or it may be that the latter portion of
the proceedings is missing or lost. In this case the inquisitors were the licen-
ciados Goniella and Avalos, and the notary Pedro de los Hios. Aquino tt aL^
Proceao contra, MS., 1-141. Other authorities consulted Yipon this subject
are: Vaxquez, Chrdn. de Ovat,, 227; Alaman, IHsert, ii. 194; Ccvco, ThrsSiffloa^
i. 194-5; Arrdmz, Hist, y Cnin., 17-^; Bivera, Gob. de M^., L 45-7; Gas,
Mex, {178Jh5), i. 77; Meilina, Chrdn, 8, Diego, 236-7; Diario Mex., viiL 145»
Marelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 244-^5; Salazar, Monarq, de Eap., ii 85-6; EHCotura,
C<mjuracion, i. 33-4; Mora, Mej, Bev., iii. 232-6; Codex. Tell. Bern., KingB-
borough's Mex. Antiq., vi. 153; Cartas de Ind., 755, 774; Sosa, Episcop, Mex^
28; Ouerra, Bev. N. Esp,, ii. 632; Pensador, Mex., 39^50; Dice. Univ., iv.
272-84; Soc. Mex. Oeog., BoUUn, 2dA ^p. i. 209.
^ On one occasion when his psffes were accused of purloining some artides,
he said that they were innocent, for the things had h«en taken by 'un ladron
secrete que Dios tiene en esta casa, que no es bien que sefMus quien es; baste
deciroslo yo.* Sosa^ Episcob., 27-32, with his portrait; Con^iosProv., 16S5-^,
214-15; OomalezDdvila, TeatroE€les.,i.S5-e; Datoa Biog., in Cartas delndias,
810; fac-sim. of his writing, P, and of his signature in drawing, viiL A number
of his autograph signatures may be seen m ConcUioa Prov., MS. He was ik
native of Pedroche in the bishopric of Cordova, Spain, and descended on bolK
EOCLESIASTICAL COUNCILS. USS
had not come out, and in fact were not received in
Mexico until the 22d of November. His consecra-
tion by Bishop Morales, of Puebla, took place in
the old cathedral of Mexico on the 8th of Decem-
ber.*^
Not long after the appointment of Moya a serious
rupture occurred between him and Enriquez. The
apparent cause was trivial, but in its significance seri-
ous. The underlying stratum of discord was preg-
nant with future contention for power between church
and state. When Moya received the pallium a farce
was publicly represented in which figured as one of
the characters a collector of the excise.*^ The viceroy
and audiencia interpreted the introduction of this
character as the expression of a sarcastic disapproval
of an unpopular impost lately established. Stringent
orders were issued forbidding the production of such
pieces without the sanction of the audiencia. The
blame of it all was laid upon the archbishop. The prel-
ate's authority was ignored, and many persons, in-
cluding such as enjoyed ecclesiastical privileges, were
arrested. Henceforth harmony was at an end, and
various petty insults were from time to time offered
by the viceroy to the archbishop. Moya naturally
complained, and had the satisfaction to receive the
royal approval of his course, an approval which in
rides from families of rank. Moya brought from Spain a little girl two
Tears of age, muned Micaela do los Angeles, supposed to have been of royal
blood, and appearing as his niece. She was brought up in a nunnery, and at
the age of 13 became Jnsane. The utmost care was taken of her and much
money expended in the efforts to restore her reason, but without aTaiL Sigii-
enza y Gdngora, Parayao Occ, 18.
*'' During this year, while Mo^a was still archbishop elect, the corner-
stone of the great cathedral was laid with appropriate ceremonies in the pres-
ence of the viceroy and all the high functionaries of church and state. In
the erection of this edifice Moya took great interest, making it an object of
constant attention during the last mouths of his sojourn m Mexico. He
donated to it beautiful painting that he had brought from Spain, chalices,
and costly ornaments, and left it blaziug with gold, though still a-building ;
he also gave it his mitre and pastoral staff, together with a much venerat&d
fragment of the lignum cruets,
^The viceroy had, in 1573, established the alcabala, or excise, which
mercbints had till then been exempt from. The measure was very un-
popular, and the government had been the object of many a diatribe
for it.
08* GUUBCH GK) VEKNMfiNT.
1584 made itself manifest in his appointment to the
vacant viceroyalty.^
The results of the previous convocations had been
not altogether satisfactory, and in 1585 the third
provincisQ council in the city of Mexico took place,
summoned on the 30th of March of the previous year
by Archbishop Moya. It was formally opened Jan-
uary 20th, presided over by the archbishop, who was
now also the viceroy, governor, and captain general
of New Spain, as well as visifcador. The si&agan
bishops in attendance were: Juan de Medina Rincon,
of Michoacan; Domingo Arzola, of Nueva Gralicia;
Diego Komano, of Puebla; Bartolom^ de Ledesma,
of Oajaca; Gomez de C6rdoba, of Guatemala, and
Gregorio de Montalvo, of Yucatan.**
There were also present at the installation, besides
the legal advisers and other officers of the council, the
oidores of the royal audiencia, namely, doctors Pedro
Farfan, Pedro Sanchez Paredes, Francisco de Sande,
Fernando de Robles, and Diego Garcia de Palacio;
the alcalde de Chanchillerfa, Doctor Santiago del
Riego, and the fiscal, Licenciado Eugenio de Salazar.
The secretary of the council was Doctor Juan de
Salcedo, dean of Mexico and professor of canonical
law in the university.
The labors of this council terminated in the latter
part of September. Some of the chief measures
^ On another occaBion, at the fanend of Francisco de Velaaoo, the brother
of the second viceroy, in Dec. 1574, Enriquez caused the prie-dieu that had
been placed for the preJate in the church to be taken away, claiming that he
was the sole person that could use that article. Later he inflicted the same
insult on the oishop of Michoacan at the Saint Augustine church, though on
the next day he caused the prie-dieu to be placed for him in the church of
Santa Catarina, having probably been reminded that the bishop had a brother
who was a member of the royal council. Moya accused the viceroy and
audiencia of a marked hostility toward him, and of having repeatedly at-
tempted to weaken his authority and prestige. Maya y GotUrenMS, Carta, in
Cartafi de fndias, 176-88.
^The bishop of Chiapas was not present, having been forced to retom
home, owing to an accident on the journey. The bishop of Vera Paz had
made his preparations to depart for Spain and could not delay hia voyage.
PoTiee, Bel., in Col. Doc, /nA/., Ivii. 46-7; Torquemadoy L 649; CancUiog Prao,,
MS., No. 3, 50, 57; Pap. Var., zv. pts. 2, 1&-20, 22.
CONCnJOS PBOVINCIALES, 086
enacted by it were an ecclesiastic code of discipline, a
newly arranged catechism, and many other rules and
regulations to improve the civil and ecclesiastical gov-
ernment of New Spain. The proceedings embraced
five hundred and seventy-six paragraphs, divided into
five books under various titles. Neither those of
the first council in 1555 nor those of the second in
1565, whose chief end had been to recognize and
enforce the acts of the ecumenical council of Trent
concluded in 1563, had been approved by the holy
see. Owing to this, all the chapters of the two pre-
ceding councils were embodied in the third, so as to
secure the pontifical sanction to all. It was also
necessary to accommodate the exigencies of the church
to the^ peculiar traits of Indian character and admin-
istration of the Indies; hence the expediency of this
provincial synod. The bishops wished to carry out at
once the acts passed, but the viceroy, in obedience to
a royal order of May 13, 1585, suspended their execu-
tion till the king's approval. This was given on the
18th of September, 1591, when the viceroy, audiencia,
and all oflScials, civil or ecclesiastic, in New Spain,
were commanded to aid in every possible way the en-
forcement of the decrees passed by the council. That
<3edula was reiterated February 2, 1593, and again
February 9, 1621."
^^Condlios Provineiales MeodcanoSj MSS., 4 parts, fol. Nos. 1-4, bound
in parchment. Being the original records and minutes of the three ecclesias-
tic councils held under the presidency of the archbishop of Mexico as metropol-
itan in the years 1555, 1565, and 1585.
No. 1, 320 folios, gives all the orders, correspondence, and other proceed-
ings, as well as the chapters or acts passed by the three councils, and every
paper connected therewith in Spanish or Latin, to which are appended the
signatures of the archbishops and bishops who took part therein; also the
catechism adopted by the third council.
No. 2, 100 folios, is an authenticated copy in Spanish, under the seal of
the archbishopric of Mexico, of the acts passed by the third council in 1585,
with the autograph signatures of Archbishop Moya and the suffiragan bishops
of Guatemala, Yucatan, Michoacan, Nueva Oalicia, Antequera, or Oajaca;
^xmntersigned by Doctor Juan de Salcedo, secretary of the council.
No. 3, 455 folios. Correspondence, edicts, decrees, in Latin and Spanish,
and others papers relating to the qualifications and duties of priests.
No. 4, &i folios. Papers that the third council consulted, including
copies of the acts of the first council of Lima in 1582, and that of Toledo of
1583.
The acts of the first council, and the original minutes, as weU as those of
Soon after the closing of the council the successor
of Moya y Contreras in the vkeroyaltj and annexed
o£Sces arrived His release from those duties did not,
however, relieve him from those of visitador of the
courts till he completed his task in 1586. During all
this time he never lost sight of the grave responsi-
bilities of the archiepiscopal office. He made pastoral
visits over a large part of his district, which had been
till then deprived of that benefit, and confirmed great
numbers oi his flock. He would likewise perform
humbler duties, which devolved upon others. Once
on his return he found the priests whose place he had
taken awaiting him; th^ began to make excuses, to
which he answered: "Fathers, it does not surprise
me; for the city is large; for which reason I must also
be a curate, and your comrade to assist you." As
soon as he finished his work as visitador he made
preparations for his departure, and after placing the
archdiocese in charge of the notable Dominican friar
Pedro de Previa, in the month of June he celebrated
mass and bid farewell to the people of Mexico whom
he had called together for that purpose.*^* On arrival
two Bubfleqnent conncils, were printed in Mexico hy Joan Pablo Lombardo in
February 1556. This iasne appears to have been withdrawn by order; and to
avert recurrence of such publications without the royal exequatur having been
first obtained, the king directed in c^ula of Sept. 1, 1560, reiterating a pre-
vious order of Sept. 1, 1556, that prelates before nrintin^ and publishine their
synods should lay them before tne council of the Indies for the royal sanc-
tion. Candlioa Prov,, MS., No. 1, 265-6; Puga, Cedulario, 201.
The acts of the second council were not published till Archbishop Loren-
zana in 1769 issued it in connection with that of the first. It fonna a 4to of
396 pages, containing on the first 208 pages the chapters of the respective
meetings, and on the remainder the lives of all the oishops in New Spain,
toge^er with an account of the founding of the differents sees and other
material. The acts of the third council did not see print till 1622, when they
were issued in Latin at Mexico, in two parts, of 102 and 39 folios respectively,
the first containing the acts or chapters; the second, the ordinances of the
council as confirmed by the papal court on October 27» 1589. Another Latin
edition appeared at Paris in 1725, 599 pages 12mo, with biographical sketchea
of the prelates attending the council. A third bea^ the imprint Mexico 1770,
in two parts, of 328 and 141 pages, with biographical additions, issued probably
by Lorenzana as a complement to his edition of the first ooundls. All of these
manuscript and rare printed sets form part of my collection, together with »
number of catechisms, ordinances, and other matter, issued by order of the
councils, or in connection with their labora. A modem edition of the third
council acts, in Latin and Spanish, appeared at Mexico in 1859, containing »
number of documents, and notes by the Jesuit Arrillaga.
^His house was crowded with people who went to mamfest tfaeir lovo
LAS CASAS AGAIN. 687
at Vera Cruz he was apprised by his steward that
he was in debt to the amount of $20,000. But he
had not to wait long before a larger sum came as a
donation, which enabled him to pay off the indebtr
edness, and to make gifts to the hospitals of Vera
Cruz and give alms to the poor. Further information
on this interesting man will appear in connection with
his life as viceroy of Mexico.** Pedro de Previa ad-
ministered the archbishopric till near the end of 1589,
when he died. After that the diocese was governed
by the dean and chapter sede vacante.
The successor appointed to fill the office of arch-
bishop of Mexico was the bishop elect of Nueva
Galicia, and visitador of Peru, Alonso Fernandez de
Bonilla, a native of Cdrdova. He was elected on
the 15th of March, 1592, and it is said that he chose
the archdeacon of Mexico, Juan Cervantes, for gov-
ernor of the archdiocese during his absence, which
office Cervantes held till the see was declared vacant
by the death in Peru of Bonilla in 1596, shortly after
his consecration. The archbishop's remains were in-
terred in Lima." The archdiocese remained vacant
till 1601, for, though the friar Garcfa de Santa Maria
y Mendoza, of the order of St Jerome, was chosen to
the office in 1600 and accepted it, he did not take
possession till the following year." By this time the
and Borrow at his departure, carrying gifts and mementos. The Indians
hastened to kiss his hands, and tlie negroes placed at his feet a plate into
which they threw money as a fund for his comfort on the journey. This wa«
kept up night and day, and there was no end to the contributions. The con-
course became so large at the last moment that the authorities had finally to
place euards near the prelate s person from fear that he might be crushed.
He had a large popular escort as far as the villa of Guadalupe. Outierrez <U
Luna, Biog., in Sosa, Episcop., 37-8.
** For additional information on Moya y Contreras, see PeraUOy NoL HwL^
281-2; Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 48-9; Leyes, Varias Anot., 7; VetatiCvH, Trot.
Mex., 23; Diar. Mex., vii. 6; Zamacois, Hist, M6j., v. 173, 175.
^ Bonilla had been dean of the cathedral, fiscal of the inquisition, and on
April 8, 1583, became chief inquisitor. Panes, Virreys, in Monum. Dom, Esp.,
MS., 91; Gonzalez DdvUa, Teatro Ecles., i. 40-1; Soea, Episcop., 41-2; Dice,
Univ., iii 396.
^Sosa, Eipiawp., 41-3, with his portrait; Panes, Virreys, in Monum, Dom.
Esip., MS., 91; Mex, Hieroglyph, Hist., 157, and many others. See also Con*
€ilio8 Prov,, ISSS-^, 215-16, 340; and Gonzalez Ddvila, Tea^ Ecles., i. 40-1.
<m GHUBCH GOVEKNMENT,
church had grown to large proportions. According to
reliable contemporaneous authority there were in New
Spain then 400 convents of the several orders, and
400 districts in charge of clergymen, making a total
of 800 ecclesiastic ministries for the administration
of the sacraments and for instruction in Christianity.
Each convent and each parish had many churches in
towns and hamlets, which were likewise visited at
certain intervals, and where Christian doctrine was
taught the natives.** The whole was now under six
prelates, the youngest of whom were those of Yuca-
tan and Nueva Galicia, appointed in 1541 and 1544
respectively. The former district had been given a
bishop in Julian Garc^s, already in 1519,^'' but thd
failure of settlers to occupy it caused the transfer of
Garc^s to Tlascala. After Montejo's conquest it was
included in the adjoining diocese of Chiapas, and the
celebrated Las Casas presented himself in 1545 to
exsLct recognition, but his fiery zeal in behalf of the
enslaved natives roused the colonists, and he was
obliged to depart. The growing importance of the
peninsula caused it to be erected into a special see, by
bull of December 16, 1561," with the seat in M^rida.
The prelacy was first offered to the Franciscan Juan
de la Puerta, who died as bishop elect,^ and Francisco
de Toral, provincial of the same order at Mexico, was
thereupon chosen.** He declined, but was prevailed
^ The Franciscan province of the Santo Evangdlio of Mexico alone cliamed
over 1,000. MendUta, IIUtL EcUs., 5^9; Torqumada, iii. 38&4>.
'^ See p. 29G, this volume.
» Cont'ilics Prov., 15S5-GS, 351; MoreUi, FasH Navi OrbU, 201. 'Qne oe
nombrasse de Yucathhn, y Gozumdl.* CogdhidOy I list, YnciUhan, 20G. Gon-
zalez Ddvi^a, TecUro Eclea., 200, 211, is misleading in naming a biahop as
early as 1541, and mcnUoning that the church was oy bull of Oct. 23, 1570,
erected into a cathcdru.1, dedicated to San Ildefonso.
^ Torgvemadat iii. 384. Calle states tlmt the Franciscan Juan de San
Franciaco hod been chosen in 1541 to govern the see as bishop, withoat wait-
ing for bulls. If he ever was appointed it could have been merely as rcpre-
scntant of Las Casas, bishop of Chiapas. Calle continues by saying that
Puerta received hi^ appointment on June 17, 1555. Mem. y Not,, 82. Gonzales
Ddvila, loc. cit., follows, but appoints Puerta on Feb. 20, 1552. He died
without consecration.
^ He was a native of Ubeda, Spain, and long labored in New Spain, which
he in 1553 represented at Salamanca as delegate. He xetumed with a Itug^
LANDA AND IZQUIERDO. 689
upon to accept, and took possession in 1562. His
•efforts to secure the prerogatives of his office, hitherto
-enjoyed to a great extent by friars, caused a rupture,
And the provincial, Diego de Landa, departed in hot
haste to lay his complaints before the court. The
result was unfavorable to Toral, who, after vainly
seeking to resign, retired to the convent at Mexico,
w^here he died in April 1571.
The prelacy was then conferred on Landa, partly
because of his influential connection,**^ and partly be-
cause of his long and zealous services in Yucatan.
He came out in 1573, and his despotic and meddlesome
disposition soon led him into fresh complications with
the civil authorities,®- his Franciscan co-laborers being
on the other hand allowed a liberty that degenerated
into abuse. His rule was short, however, for he died
suddenly in April 1579, leaving a high reputation
for benevolence and piety among his contemporaries,
which to us appears ineffaceably stained by an im-
I)rudent severity towards idolaters, and by his rcck-
ess destruction of aboriginal documents and relics.
He was the Zumarraga of the peninsula. His suc-
•cessor, Gregorio ilontalvo, bishop elect of Nicanigua,
was a Dominican,®^ which in itself argued well for
needed reforms; but the Franciscans hampered him
on every side, as might be expected from the hostility
prevailing between the two orders.^ In 1587 he was
promoted to the see of Cuzco, where he died six
years later. The Franciscan Juan Izquierdo suc-
mission of friars, and whilo holding the position of provincial, the appoint-
ment of bishop reached him. O'onznlcz Ddvlla^ Tcalro L'rlrs, i, 2 1 1 - 1 2. He took
possession Au;^st 15, ir>G2. Althouf^li Las Casas visited Talmsco in ir>Cl,
^JiemeMdl, Hist. Chyapa, G2G, it no doubt passed alwut this time under Yuca-
tan, both ecclesiastically and politically. A ccdula of 1350 ordered the audi-
«ncia to report on the expediency of erecting this province into a separate
see. Puga, Cedulario, 207. The report was unfavorable.
•' Ho was a member of the Calderon family, bom atCifucntes in 1524.
••Sec Sierra, Cons'ul. iobre el origen, etc.^ de la sublevacion, in Ancona^
ma. Ytic,, ii. 102.
•* He was a native of Coca, Segovia, and became a friar in 1550, displaying
great eloquence and administrative ability.
•* They accused him of severity ap^ainst relapsed idolaters, who were sen-
tenced to exile and hard labor at Vera Cruz and other places. CagoUvdo^
Hist, YuccUhnn, 3da>9.
Hbt. Mki., Vol. U. U
000
CHURCH QOVEKNMENT.
ceeded, but took possession only in 1591, ruling har-
moniously till his death in 1602. The dedication of
the cathedral at M^rida, one of the finest in New
Spain, took place during his rule."
NuxvA Galicia.
'^ In 1563 provision had been made for building it, one third of the cost to
be defrayed by the crown, Spaniards, and Indians, respectively. The work
began with the ready contribution of 50,000 natives, each giving two reales*
both settlers and crown being too poor to pay. Quiaxuia, Ccurta, 1563, in
Cartas de Indias, 386. The architect was Juan Miguel de Agiiero, who made
himself a name thereby. The king gave 500 ducats for church ornaments,
and an equal sum for a hospital. On these and other matter touching the
bishopric, see letters of Bibanco, Toral, Quijada, etc., in Cartat de IndkUg
NOTABLE PRELATES. e91
Nueva Galicia was on July 31, 1548," segregated
from Michoacan and made a distinct bishopric, possess-
ing at the time nearly fifty benefices.^ Compostela
was designated as the seat, and Antonio de Ciudad
Rodrigo, one of the twelve Franciscan apostles, re-
ceived the appointment, which he humbly declined,
whereupon it was conferred upon Juan Barrios, a
knight of Santiago,® but he died before consecration
and was buried at Mexico.
The position was next tendered to Pedro Gromez
Maraver, late dean of Oajaca and counsellor to Vice-
roy Mendoza, who entered with great zeal upon his
duties, but lived only till 1552. The Franciscan Pe-
dro de Ayala assumed the office in July 1555, and
assisted at the removal of the seat to Guadalajara,
where he laid the foundation of a cathedral.*^ He
died in 1569, and was succeeded by the Franciscan
Gomez de Mendiola, who ruled from 1571 to 1579, and
left so high a reputation for benevolence and sanctity
that efforts were made to obtain his beatification.^^
The Jeronimite Juan de Trujillo was appointed suc-
cessor, but failed to take possession,^^ and the see
passed to Domingo de Arzola, a Dominican, lately
238, and passim, 372-94, 783; CogoUvdo, Hist. Yueathan, 206-10, 290-1,
322-4, 352-71, 376, 394-6, 409; ConcUioa Prov.y MS., No. 3, 1-3, and print, vii,;
Gonzalez Ddvilay Teatro Edes,, i. 211-15, 220; Vetanevrt, Metwlog,, 42, 80,
135, 137, 140; Pojice, Bel., in CoL Doc. IrUd., Ivii. 182, Iviii. 394, 401, 425,
451^2.
«• ConcUioa Prov., 1666-65, 336; Gonzalez DdvUa, Tealro Edes., i. 179.
Morelli writes July 13, Fasti Novi Orbia, 160; and others place the seat
wrongly at Guadalajara.
•'In 1596 the number had not materially changed. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles.,
547-8. The distinguished Diego Ramirez was appointed in 1551 to mark the
boundary lines between the dioceses of Michoacan and Guadalajara, and be-
tween those of Mexico and Michoacan. The bishops of the first two named
dioceses objected to the lines he established, but they were approved by the
crown August 28, 1552. The question remained an open one, nevertheless,
and was but partially settled in 1564. Reopened in 1596, the final settlement
took place omy in 1664. Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., v. 155-222.
••Successor of Bishop Zumdrraga in the office of protector of Indians; a
native of Seville. MotaPadilla, Conq. N. Gal., 198; Alcedo, Dice., ii. 242.
•• This removal may have drawn upon him the dislike of the chapter,
which in 1570 declared that his appointment had been a mistake, for he knew
nothing of letters or law. Icazbalceta, CoL Doc., ii. 486.
^" When exhumed in 1599 his body was found undecayed, and so it oon-
tinned for nearly 200 years.
n Alcedo, Dice., ii. 243, places him after Arzola^
682 CHUBCH GOVERNMENT.
vicar general and visitador of his order in Peru and
New Spain, who died in 1590 while on a pastoral
visit/* His successor was an Augustinian, Juan
Suarez de Escobar, who did not survive long enough
to be consecrated, whereupon Doctor Francisco Rodri-
guez Santos Garcia,^* lately ruler of the archbishopric,
occupied the prelacy till 1596, when it passed to
Alonso de la Mota, of whom I shall speak hereafter/*
In the adjoining see of Michoacan, ^Bishop Quiroga
had inaugurated a veritable golden era with his in-
defatigable efforts for the protection of the natives,
MiCHOACAir.
the establishment of hospitals and schools, and the
promotion of exemplary lifc.''^ After his deeply re-
'* At Atoyac, February 15th. He had been appointed on July C, 1582.
^' A native of Madrigal, and a moflt benevolent man. He is supposed to
haye died at Mexico, Juno 2S, 159G. OottzaUz DdvUa, TecUro Ecles., i. 182.
Alcedo blunders about the date.
^* Successively dean at Michoacan, TIascala, and Mexico, and highly
esteemed for his exemplary life and deeds. He was appointed October 22,
1597. Oitnzalez Ddvila, Ttatro Ecles,, L 93, 182, 193. Vtlancur^ Trot. Mex.,
23, 61; Concilios Prov., MS., No. 1, 160-9, 185, 337; Id., vii 336-40; Ftgueroa^
Vindidasj MS., 70.
VA This will be more fully narrated on a sncooeding page.
ZARATE AND ALBUEQUERQUE. 693
gretted death in 1565, the distinguished preacher
Antonio Ruiz de Morales y Molina,^* of the order of
Santiago, ruled until 1572, when he was promoted to
Puebla, partly on account of ill-health. He had taken
a dislike to Patzcuaro as the episcopal residence, and
after a quarrel with the local authorities, while they
were celebrating the anniversary of the conquest of
Michoacan, he made strong eflforts for removing the
seat to Valladolid, a change which was effected a few
{rears later. Meanwhile the Augustinian Alonso de
a Vera Cruz was tendered the prelacy, but declined
in favor of a colleague named Die^o de Chavez, and,
he dying^^ before the confirmatory bulls arrived, Juan
de Medina Rincon,^^ late provincial of the same order,
was consecrated in 1574. For fourteen years he ruled,
living ever the austere, self-denying .life of the exem-
plary friar, and devoting his income to the sick and
poor.'®
His successor was appointed only in 1591, in the
person of Alonso Guerra, a Dominican, born in Lima,
J?eru, and promoted to this see from that of Para-
guay. He died in 1595,®^ and Domingo de Ulloa,
another Dominican of high family, and lately bishop
of Nicaragua and Popayan, took possession of the
office in 1598, but he lived only four years.®^ At this
^* Whose history he wrote. He was a native of C6rdova, and nephew of
the chronicler Morales. Conciiioa Prov.y 1555-65, 246.
" Febmary 14, 1573. Gonzalez Davila, Teatro Ecles., i. 120, places his
appointment after 1588, and states that he declined.
'* A native of Segovia. He came to New Spain with his father, who
held a high office in the real audiencia. In 1542 he took the habit of an
Austin friar. Oonzalez Ddvilaj Teatro ikies. ^ i. 115-20. Vetancurt, Menolog.,
82, asserts that the mitre was tendered by Philip II. to the Franciscan Juan
de Ayora, and the royal c^dula was found in the old friar's breviary after his
death. The author leaves us in the dark as to the date of such choice. Ayora
went to the Philippines in 1577, and died there in 1581.
■*• Rather than submit to a violation of the rules in regard to dress, which
was a necessity in the tierra caliente, when provincial he threw up the doctrinaa
in Pdnuco ana some in Michoacan. However, after becoming bishop he recov-
ered as many of them as ho could. JUich., Frov. S. Nic.^ 100.
** CcUUt if em. y Not., 72. Some say in 1590. Figueroa, Ffwrftcf cw, MS. , 74.
•* He died in Mexico and was there buried in the convent of his order.
There is confusion among the old writers about the time of the appointment
of this bishop and of his death. Gonzalez Dtlvila, Teatro Ecles., ii. 70,
^points him to Yucatan before he comes to Michoacan, which is probably an
error in writing that word for Popayan. He also in the same page gives hia'
694
CHURCH GOVERNMENT.
time the see contained forty-five parishes in charge
of secular clergy, a dozen of them among the Spanish
settlers and miners.^^
On the death of Bishop Zdrate of Oajaca,®* another
prominent Dominican, Bernardo Acufia de Albur-
querque,®* was chosen his successor, and since he
Oajaca.
had already occupied this field as a friar, he gladly
resumed his task, and labored with tireless ardor and
death in 1599. Another author places his appointment to Miohoacan in Feb.
1599, stating that he ruled four years, in which last statement he follows
Gonzalez Divila. Touixm, Hist. Oen.j vii. 247-3. A sister of his had founded
three Jesuit colleges in Castile. The enemies of the order endeavored ta
influence him agamst its members but without avail. Alegre, HisL Ccmp.
Jesus, i. 369.
^ChnzcUez,Ddvil<i, Tealro Ecles., i. 91, 112-22; ii. 96; CondUos Prov^,
MS., 1-4; M, 1556S5, vi.-vii. 320-4; Beaumont, Crdn, Mkh., v. 574-8;
Orijaiua, Cr6n. 8. August., 143-5; Mich. Andl. Estad., 5; Queipo, CoL, CO;
Florenda, Hist. Prov. Jesus, 210; Midi. Prov. S. Nic., 19; Calle, Mem. y
JVo^., 62, 72. Vetancvrt, Trot. Mex., bl; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 116, 131;
Mendieia, Hist. Ecles., 546-7.
^ See pp. 391-2, this volume.
^ During his labors in Oajaca he oad written a catechism in Zapotec, and
after his mmistry here he attained to the highest honors of his order in New
Spain.
DIOCESE OF PUEBLA. 085
fielf-denial." Hardly less pious and benevolent was
the third bishop, the Dominican Bartolom6 de Ledes-
ma, who ruled from 1581 to 1604, and left a distin-
guished name as a writer and patron of education.®*
When the first bishop took possession the diocese was
•exceedingly poor, with friars alone for ministers, but
toward the close of Ledesma's rule there were forty
well supplied parishes in charge of the secular clergy,^
distributed among several hundred villages and four
Spanish towns, the latter being Antequera, now quite
A populous place, San Ildefonso, among the Zapotecs,
Santiago de Nejapa, and Espiritu Santo, in Goaza-
coalco.®
One of the most favored dioceses was Puebla, which
extended over Huexotzinco, Tlascala, Puebla, and
Vera Cruz districts, with over a thousand native set-
tlements, about two hundred of them designated as
towns, and divided into more than eighty parishes,
half in charge of convents, of which nineteen were
Franciscan, twelve Dominican, nine Augustinian, and
one Carmelite. The native tributaries numbered more
than two hundred thousand, not counting Tlascala,
whose people paid but a nominal tax. Of the Spanish
towns Puebla had about five hundred settlers, and
Vera Cruz three hundred, while a considerable num-
** He f onnded at his owd expense the oonyent of Santa Catarina de Sena,
at Antequera, and endowed it. The dedication took place in October 1577,
ikrith three Santa Clara nnns and seven novices, two being his nieces. Burgoa,
<jfeog, Discrip.f Oaj., i. 89-92. Here his remains were deposited, after having
l>een buried in San Pablo convent. The cathedral also claims to hold the
grave of this saintlv man.
^ He founded the college of San Bartolom^, with a rental of 2,000 pesos
for 12 poor coUedans, who must be natives of the province; and he established
the first chair of moral theology in New Spain. To his native town of Sala-
manca he left several endowments for poor clergymen. He died in February
1604 and was buried in the cathedral. One of his books, De Septem Novm
Legit Sacramentis, was printed at Mexico in 1568. ' Probably the first book
printed in roman letter in Mexico,' says Rich, who also refers to an edition of
1566. Several other works were lost while on the way to Spain to be printed.
ConciUoa Prov,, MS., No. 1; Gonzalez Ddmla, Teatro Ecles., i. 227.
" 'Seran tambien ricoe.* Mendieia, Hist. Ecles. ^ 547.
''Burgoa, Oeog. Descrip, Oaj., i. 64-80, ii. 410-11; Mex., Ififormes, in
Pacheeo and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., xv. 449-51; Ddvila Padilla, BUt. Fvnd,^
291-303; and books already quoted.
696
CKURCH GOVERNMENT.
ber were scattered througliout the country, and irt
such towns as Carrion, founded in Atlixco Valley by
royal permit of 1579.^ Puebla had fast assumed the
second rank as a city in Mexico, and justly so with
its respectable population, its cathedral,** and its many
convents, representing nearly all the orders in New
Spain."
Tlasoala.
■• T(yrquemadaf i. 319-22. In San Pablo Valley were a number of Spanish,
agriculturists; at Tlascala resided 60; Atlixco Valley yielded fully 100,000
fanegas of wheat. The estimates of English visitors in 1 556 to 1572 give Puebla
600 to 1,000 households; Tlascala, 200,000 Indians, who paid 13,000 fane^
of corn yearly. Hawks makes its population in 1572, 16,000 households, which
paid no tribute. Huexotzinco had been reduced to 8,000 families, through
disease and oppression. Cholula is credited with 60,000 Indians — others say
1,000 houses — and Acatzinco with 50,000. Cochineal culture was proposed
for Tepeaca in 1580. HenriqueZy Instruc., in Pacheco and CdrdencUj CoL Doe,,
iii. 489; Chilton^ Hawks, and Tormon, in HaklvyCs Voy., iii. 453-63; Eerste
ScheepS'Togt, in Aa, Ncumheurige Venameling, xxii.; Mendkin^ HiM, Ecles.,
646; Francufcanosj Bel., in Prov. del 8. Evang., MS., 183-200; VetancvH^
Chron,, 27-9. Tlascala still enjoyed special protection, and by decree of
1552 no Spaniard could there form estates to the prejudice of the natives.
drdenes de^la Corona, MS., ii. 14.
•* The latter was begun in 1552, according to the plans of Juan Gomez de
Mora. Owing to frequent interruptions it stood still unfinished at the close
of the century. Oareia, Caled. Pueblo, in Soc. Mex. Oeog., Boletin, viii. 175.
'^ One dedicated to the stigmata of Saint Francis, built upon a site chosen
in 1630 by Father Toribio Motolinia, on the bank of the River Atoyac, and
containing a novitiate and a school of philosophy with over 70 religiosoa. It.
was the burial-place of the blessed Sebastian de Aparicio, and contained a
venerated image like that of Remedios, within a silver eagle, originally pre>
sented by Cortes to the Tlascaltec chief Acxotecatl Cocomitzin. Santa Bar-
bara of the barefooted Franciscans, founded in 1691, had a school of philosophy,
and fifty religious; amonp:3t its novices once was Felipe de Jesus, patron saint,
of the city of Mexicc. The Dominicans had throe convents and houses; th»
Bishop Julian Garcds, the first appointed pre
in New Spain, had died in 1542 at the advanced
of ninety,^ deeply regretted for his unobtrusive (
nestness and his unostentatious benevolence. His e
cessor, Pablo Gil de Talavera, appointed in 15
survived his arrival in 1545 only a few day s,** and
see was bestowed on Martin Sarmiento of Hojacasi
lately comisario of the Franciscans in New Spi
who emulated Garces in earnest zeal, and showed h
self ever the self-denying friar. He died in 155
and was succeeded by Fernando de Villagomez,®* v
ruled till 1571, when the vacancy was filled by i
Eromotion from Michoacan of Bishop Morales y ]V
na. He lived only until 1576, after which L)i(
Romano, canon of Granada and inquisitor, was ;
pointed, with the additional task of taking the r(
dencia of Viceroy Ziiiiiga and of the audiencia
Guadalajara.®* The selection proved admirable,
Romano possessed high administrative ability, co
bined with energy and zeal, and showed himsell
patron of education by founding several coUeg
principal, containing the school and noyitiate, the college of San Luis,
the Rccoleccion de San Pablo. The Austin friars possessed one convent dcvc
to serious studies; it was the novitiate, with more than 40 inmates. The (
melite convent, founded in 1586, was to contain, as a relic, one half of
cloth with which the virgin Mary wiped oil the tears of her son; wellautL
ticatcd. It owned also a piece of the true cross. The Jesuits had a colh
and it is barely possible that the friars of San Juan de Dios had a hospi
VeiancvH, Trot, PuebUi, 54-5; Id., Chron.y 132, 148; DdcUa, Continual
MS. , 154. By c^dula of February 24, 15G1, the city received the title of * n
noble y muy leal,' and in 15G7, the right of electing three alcaldes, one
Atli:^co. Among its colleges was San Luis, a Dominican institution foun<
in 1558.
»* VetancvH, TrcU. Puf.bla, 50; M<mum, Domin, Esp., MS., v. 50. O
writes 1543, Mem. y Not., 62, and AlcaU, Descr.'p. Puebla, MS., 51,]ias 15
He was buried in the Dominican convent. Gonzalez Ddvila, Teairo Eclea.
80-4.
* He waa a native of Navamorquende and professor of canonic law at '^
Uadolid university. His friend Fuenleal, the former president of the audien
at Mexico, secured his appointment. Concilxoa Prov., 1555-65, 244.
•♦August 30th. Vetajicvrt, TrcU. Puebla, 51. 'Dur6 todo su gobiemo ha
19 de Octubre de 1557,' says Lorenzana, Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 245, 1
Gonzalez D^vila favors 1558.
•^ Lorenzana, ubi sup. , points out that Vetancurt errs in calling him B
nardo. He was appointed February 10, 1559, and characterized as *perspi«
instructos, perfulgens.*
*^ He was bom in 1538, and after studying at his native place of Valladol
he became a doctor at Salamanca university.
696 CHUBCH QOVERNMENT.
Blindness and other infirmities ooming upon him, he
received a coadjutor, and died shortly after^ in April
1606.^
^CaneUioB Pro9., 1565-^5, 248. Vetancart writes 1607. TraL Pueblo, 51;
Calle, Mem, y Not., 62; Mendieta, DuL Ede:, 68(M; VWagomez, TeaUan,,
in Paeheeo and Cdrdenae, Col, Doe,, xi. 102-ld. For additional authorities
on the different bishoprics see Gonzalez DdvUa, Teatro Seles, ^ L, passim;
Mendleta, Hist, Ecles,, 383 et seq., 68(M, 702-^; ConeUios Prov,, MS., Nos.
1-4, passim; Id., 1665-65, 209 et seq.; Frcmciscanos, Bel,, in Prov. 8. Evang.,
193 et seq. ; Vetancvrt, Menolog,, passim ; Fhrencia, Hist, Prov. Jesus, 202-10,
230; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 60-2, 113-16, 184; Mich., Prov. 8, Nic, 69-61;
Pttcheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xi. 102-18; xv. 44^-^7; N. Esp,, Breve Bes„
MS., ii. 273-4, 300-15; Moreno, Ihigmentos, 37-8; Alcedo, Dice., iii. 323, 409,
etc.; Cartas deIndias,edl,S27-S; Dice. Univ., I 209,439; u. 410-11; iv. 680-1;
▼. 214-15; vi.479, 624-8, 665; ix. 415, 804r-5; x. 823; Soc. Mex, Oeog., Boletin,
i. 181, 230; viu. 175, 539-44; 2da dp., iv. 188, 639-42; Touron, Hist, Oen,,
vii. &-27, 237, 289; Zamacois, Hist, M6f., v. 167; Museo Mex,,' i. 447-51;
Vazmiez, Ckron, Ovat,, 635-6; Torquemada, iii. 635-8; Beaumont, Crdn,
Mich., Y, 102-3, 498; CasttOo, Dice, Hist., 16, 156-7; Orijcdua, Cron, 8.
August., 201-2; TeUo, HisL N, QaL, 360; Mota Padilla, Cong, N, Gal., 289;
Doe, Hist, Mex., s^rie L torn, iii 240; IglesicL, Fund, y Descrip,, 15-21;
Igletias y Conventos, 324-7; KingsborougVs Mex, Antig., t. 157; Aueona,
Hist, Tue., 104-23; FaneouH's Hist. Two., 170-1; Mendoza^ Ifoe. OronoL^
161-2; GimzaiM, Col. N. Lean, 37^-3; JaL, Mem. EisL, 181,
CHAPTER XXXII.
BELIQIOUS OBDEBS.
1550-1600.
Thx Sooixtt ov Jbsus in New Spain— DismNOuisHED Patrons of thb
Obdeb and THEm Sebvices— Importation of Holy Relics— Spread
OF THE JeSXTITS THROUGH THE COUNTRY — ^BROTHERS OF ChARITY AND
St Hyppolytus— Purposes of the Association — The Carmelites —
Their Labors and Advancement— Benedictines and their Priory
nr Mexico — ^The Franciscans and their Several Provinces — Their
Work and Influence — Troubles with the Viceroys — Noted Fran-
dSGANS IN THE SEVERAL PROVINCES — OrDER OF BAREFOOTED FRAN-
CISCANS—ThEIR Custodial and Provincial Organization— The
Dominicans and their Successes — Their Distinguished Men— The
Order of St Augustine— Strict Rules- The Mercenarios, or Order
OF Mercy— Their Settlement in Mexico — ^Religious Brotherhoods
AND THE Objects of their Devotion — ^Nunneries in Mexico, Oajaca,
AND MlCHOACAN, AND THEIR UsES.
Having placed before the reader the condition of
the Mexican church at the close of the sixteenth cen-
tury, and having shown the relations between its two
branches, the secular and the regular, and between
the church as a whole and the crown, I now proceed
to give the private history of each religious order
during the same epoch. The missionary army of New
Spain was greatly strengthened in 1572 by the acces-
sion of the society of Jesus. The Jesuits had already
missions planted in Habana and Florida; but becom-
ing convinced that no good results could be expected
among the natives of Florida, so fickle, hostile, and
cruel, the expediency was urged upon the general, Fran-
cisco de Borja,^ of discontinuing the establishments
^ The same that was canonized in 1671 by Clement X. and appears in the
Eoman calendar as Saint Francis Borgia on the 10th of October. Moreri and
700 RELIGIOUS ORDER&
in those countries.* The general regretted the sacri--
fice of life in Florida and begged the king, at whose
solicitation those men had been sent thither, that no
more of his brethren might be uselessly exposed to
deptruction. Philip promptly acquiesced, leaving the
matter entirely in the hands of the general.
A wealthy gentleman of Mexico, named Alonso de
Villaseca, had endeavored six years earlier to bring
hither the Jesuits at his own expense. His effort was
then unsuccessful. Bishop Quiroga of Michoacan had
also in 1566-7 tried to have members of the order
sent to him. Viceroy Enriquez, a relative of the Jesuit
general, as before shown, and with whom he held
intimate relations when the latter was a duke and
subsequently vicar-general of the Jesuit order in
Spain, was strongly imbued with the idea that fami-
lies of rank and means in Mexico and other cities, of
whom there were already a considerable number^
would gladly intrust the education of their children
to the society. The project being warmly advocated
by the city council, the viceroy and audiencia were
requested to petition the king, as the council also did^
to have some Jesuits sent out.* I^i^^g Philip, gladly
assenting, wrote the provincial in Spain, March 7,
1571, to despatch priests, as he had before done to
Peru and Florida, to found the order in New Spain ;
tendering the fleet and necessary supplies for their
transportation. The general in Rome accordingly
granted leave to twelve members of the order, with
Doctor Pedro Sanchez as their first provincial, to go
to Mexico, with his blessing.
Father Sanchez and his companions reacne Seville
Miravel y Casadevarde^ Oran. Dice., v. 236; Roman Calendar, in OMen Man*
val, 26.
' Fathers Segura and Quirds and six others of the order had been recently^
massacred by the Indians in Florida. FlorendOy Hist. Prav. Jems, 41-^.
' The other religious orders and the secular cler^ labor earnestly, the
council's letter says; adding that if all the priests m Christendom were to
come to Mexico, their number would be insufi£;ient to attend to all the coun-
tries and people needing instruction. Ciud. de Mtx,, Carta al Bey, in FhreH"
tia, HiaL Prov, Jesve, 71.
COMING OF THE JESUITS. 701
too late for the fleet, which sailed the 10th of August^
and were obliged to await the next opportunity. Dur-
ing their detention in Spain they were engaged at
their ministry, and in making further arrangements to
secure the success of their undertaking. An increase
of their number was finally decided upon, making the
•company in all eight priests and seven lay-brothers.*
Before embarking the provincial ordered Father Se-
<ieno to Mexico with instructions to pay in his name
visits to the viceroy and other personages, and notify
them that the mission would be ready to embark on
the first fleet, which it did early in June 1572, arriv-
ing at Vera Cruz September 9th, and being received
by the viceroy and other government authorities,
the religious orders, and the people in general with
-every mark of respect and kindness. After resting
a while they started for the city of Mexico, journeying
on foot, and with great apparent humility and poverty,
though surrounded by a people anxious to extend
them aid and comfort. They embarked at Ayotzinco,
and to avoid public demonstrations entered the city of
Mexico at 9 o'clock at night on the 25th of Septem-
ber, going to the hospital where Sedeno had prepared
lodgings for them. The next morning every man in
authority and an immense concourse of people ten-
dered them a cordial welcome, and supplied them
with every thing needful to their purposes. Most
of them were presently prostrated by fever, con-
tracted during their fatiguing journey; and so great
was the supply of poultry and preserves sent them
that little more was required for the entire hospital
* Doctor Pedro Sanchez, provincial; Diego Lopez, first rector of the college
of Mexico; Pedro Diaz, first roaster of novices of the province; Hernando
Suarez de la Concha, Francisco de Bazan, Pedro Lopez de la Parra, Diego
Lopez de Mesa, Alonso Camargo. Brothers Juan Curiel, Pedro Mcrcado,
Juan Sanchez, Bartolomd Larios, Martin de Motilla, Martin Gonzxilez, and
Lope Navarro. Fathers Antonio SedeAo and Jnan Roger, and the brothers
Juan de la Ctmi^ra, Francisco de Villa-Beal, Pedro Rniz de Salvatierra, tem-
porar]^ coadjutors, anil the novice Juan de Salcedo, remaining members of
the vice province of Florida, were also placed under Provincial Sanchez.
Florencia, Hist, Prov. Jesm, 78-0; Qomaiez DdvUa^ TetUro Eeles., i. 34;
Fernandez, HiU. Eele»., 132.
7W JUSLdUlUUS UlfillJUUS.
during their stay. Father Bazan'^ died the 28th of
October.
Alonso de Villaseca, abeady alluded to, sent Father
Sanchez one hundred pesos, which was the first alms
received by him in coin, and tendered his society the
gift of certain lots of land near his residence, on which
were several adobe buildings covered with straw.
Affcer some hesitation the father accepted the offer,
and on the same night with all his companions he
quietly moved from the hospital into the lowly quar-
ters. Here they erected a humble altar.®
They were soon visited by all classes. The regidor
Luis Castilla presented them with a set of fine orna-
ments, a silver chalice, and cruses. Others followed
his example, and before long the humble church was
provided with every thing needed for its services, and
presented a very neat appearance. Such were the
beginnings in Mexico of the society of Jesus, which
in after years played so conspicuous a part.^ Their
church in Mexico was contiguous to the ground sub-
sequently occupied by the college of San Gregorio.
^ He was of the illastriouB house of the marqnte de Santa Croz, ilie com-
mander of the Spanish fleet at the famous battle of Lepanto. In order to be
accepted as a humble coadjutor, he liad concealed his name and birth, call-
ing nimself Arana. At his death the provincial desired to have him buried
as any other indigent dying in the hospital; but persons of rank and station
and the people took the matter out of his hands, and buried Bazan near the
high altar of the hospital church. Fhrencia, Bist. Prov. Jtsv», 108-11; Ala-
many DigerLf ii. 97-9.
'Villaseca was bom in Spain of noble ancestors. It is unknown when he
came to America; but in 1540 he was already wealthy, and the husband of a
rich heiress, named Dofia Francisca Moron. He was noted for his liberaJity
to the poor, the church, and religious bodies, much of which became pubHo
only after his death; a man of few words, every one of which could be relied
on. His death occurred at the mines of Ixmiquilpan, Sept. 8, 1580. During
his last illness, the chief priests and others of the Jesuit order, whose great
patron he had been, were constantly in attendance. His confessor was Father
Bernardino de Acosta. In Ms last days he sent the society in bullion 24,000
pesos, of which 18,000 were for their buildinff, and 6,000 to be distributed
among the poor. He left the Jesuit college 8,S00 pesos, and for other benev-
olent purposes 22,100. His gifts to the Jesuits exceeded 140.000 pesos. The
remains, mterred first with great pomp and honors in the church of San Gre-
gorio, were transferred to that of the Colegio Maximo. Salcaar^ M^x, en 1564,
261-3; Alegre, HisL Comp. Jesvs^ i. 176-7. ,
^Viceroy Enriquez remarked on tiieir first appearance, 'Muy bien ae
muestra, que son hijos de su Santo Padre, y Fundador Ignacio de Loyola.*
Fhrenda, Hist, Prov. Jeaw, 102.
LABORS Of THE JESUITS. 703
In January 1573 Antonio Cortes, the cacique of Tla-
copan, with three thousand natives built them at his
own cost a church one hundred and fiftv-seven feet
square, with three aisles, and covered with shingles.
It was dedicated under the advocacy of Saint Gregory.
The Jesuits called it San Gregorio de Jacalteopam.®
Inasmuch as the other religious orders had charge
of the Indians, and little was done for the education
of the Spaniards, the provincial resolved to found
colleges in the several cities and chief towns, and by
educating the young and preaching against the avarice
and other vices of the adult Spaniards, he hoped also
to aid indirectly in the spiritual conquest and happi-
ness of the native race. Whether it was accident or
design, whether the Jesuits were really superior in
their foresight and shrewdness, it was certainly a
master-stroke of policy. The natives were fast fading,
and the Spaniards increasing and becoming stronger.
To have the education of the Spanish children was of
far more consequence than to have charge of the Ind-
ians. But the king had sent them hither at his own
charge specially to convert the natives, and was it
right now to neglect them ? Thus asked the Jesuits
themselves, particularly those who came later. But
Father Sanchez did not propose to neglect the na-
tives, for in this very way he could throw the largest
number of missionaries into the field in the shortest
possible time, that is, by educating Spaniards to be
missionaries. A field was already chosen, almost be-
fore coming to Mexico ; that is, to start from Sinaloa
through Sonora and New Mexico, and gradually ex-
tend the conversion toward Florida.^
In November 1573 the provincial established in the
* The Dominicans, fearing that the close proximity of the Jesuits would
prove injurious to their order, obtained a cedula of May 26, 1573, to compel
their removal to another site, on which Father Sanchez afterward founded a
college. But the viceroy intervened, and the Dominicans desisted. Rarmrez,
Not. Mex.y in Monum. Dam, Em., MS., No. 6, 333.
*In the mean time the fathers learned Indian lanffuages, preached, and
taoght Christianity to children in Mexico and neighboring towns. Al^fre^
Hist. Cofmp, Jesua, i. 151-4.
704 RELIGIOUS OBDEB&
city of Mexico an ecclesiastic college under the name
of San Pedro y San Pablo, for which the viceroy had
granted a site, and a number of persons subscribed
the necessary funds to meet expenses and to support
the scholars, of whom there were eight in the begin-
ning.^® This institution soon became very flourishing,
and was followed by the founding of others."
The society had a casa profesa^ or house of novices,
in the city of Mexico, which was built with borrowed
money. In 1585 the house was free from debt, and
in 1592 the viceroy granted permission for founding
the profesa. Juan Luis Kivero and his wife built the
church. Four members of the order were assigned to
the institute on the day of its foundation. Hardly
had the Jesuits begun work on the building, when the
three mendicant orders instituted opposition, on the
ground that the work would be injurious to thenu
The case went to the audiencia, who ordered the sus-
pension of the work. The matter was referred to the
council of the Indies, whose decision was against the
Jesuits, who appealed to Kome. The case was finally
^^'Villaseca purchased the houaee adjoining the old ones, which he alao
<^onTeyed in 1570, and upon them was began the building of the Coleffio
M&ximo, which in after years has been known as the San Gregorio; tiie
ground being a square of 1 10 varas; the building of the college and the church
was prosecuted simultaneously. Ramirtz^ NoL Mex,^ in Monum, Zhm. Bsp.,
333-4. Villaseca, the founder, donated for the purpose '4,000 pesos de
oro comun, en plata diessmda.' Alegrty HUt. Comp, Jemi^ i. 113->14, also
75-8. A law of November 2, 1576, provided that no literary degrees shotdd
be given in that college. Hecop. df. ind,^ i. 205. A later one, April 14, 1579,
made studies pursued in the Jesuit college serve for graduating at the uni-
versity. It was the king's wish that the colleges should be fost^-ed. AlegrCy
Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 160-1. The first rector was Father Diego Lopes, a good
greacher, and a man of learning as well as virtue. His death occurr^ April
, 1570. Florencia, Hist, Prov. Jesus, 279; ChnzaJUz Ddvila, Teatro Edes.^ L
34; Medina, Chrdn. S. Dieffo, 10. The fathers' labors in that institute were,
nevertheless, discontinued in 1580, because they had estabUshed semina-
ries. They were notified by the patrons of the San Pedro y San Pablo that
they must either close their seminaries or give up the management of the
college. To this demand Father Plaza, the then provincial, and his com-
panions responded by surrendering its kevs and retiring from the bnildiiifi»
which was in 1582 returned to them. Alegre, Hist. Comp, Jesus, L 171-5.
Ramirez, NoL Mex,, in Jfonttm. Dom. Esp., MS., 334,
" In 1580 the order opened a seminary in Tepotzotkn, with the approTal
and aid of Archbishop Moya of Mexico, in charge of fathers Heman Gomez
4md Juan de Tovar, who knew the Otoml, Mexican, and Mangoa langnages.
Alegrt, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 188-00.
JESUIT BE^NFOBCEMENia 705
decided in their favor in 1595." To show his high
appreciation of the society and its labors the pope
donated for the Colegio Miximo of San Pedro y San
Pablo a large number of sacred relics of saints, taken
out of the closed graves, and which arrived in Mexico,
3, portion in 1576 and the rest in 1578. All were
placed in the church in their college with unequalled
pomp and religious ceremony.^
In 1576 there arrived an accession of priests and
brothers of the society;" and the ranks were further
recruited both from colonists and natives. Among
those admitted were several churchmen, all persons
of high position and recognized talents, one of whom
was a descendant of the kings of Tezcuco.
A further increase of Jesuits came in 1579, several
of whom played distinguished parts in the country.^
Father Pedro Diaz, who had charge of this last com-
pany, also brought out the commission as visitador to
Doctor Juan de la Plaza, who was instructed to relieve
Doctor Pedro Sanchez, as he had petitioned for a life
^^Ramirezj Not. Mex., in Mofmm, Dom, Esp,, MS., 336.
^The relics were: 11 of apostles; 57 of martyrs; 14 of doctors of the
chnrcb, and among these one bono of Saint Thon^as Aquinus; 24 of holy con-
fessors; 27 of other saints; and the rest of sainta "xrl'.o wero unknown m this
world. Besides the above, the pope made £. gift to the college of two bones,
one of Saint Peter and one of Saint Paul; a good-sized piece of the holy
lignum crucis; one thorn from the redeemer's crov.ni; two relics of Saint Anne,
mother of the virgin Mary; and one bone of the patron saint of Mexico,
Saint Hippolvtus. Some of these relics had been shipped in 1575, in a vessel
wrecked on the coast of Vera Cruz, and after some delay were recovered from
the sailors, who had appropriated them. Florencia^ IlisL Prov. JesvSt 32S-
49, 359; Alegre, Hist, C'omp. Jtsua, i. 127, 137-45; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro,
EcUs.. i. 3S-40.
^^ Fathers, Alonso Ruiz, superior, Pedro de Hortigosa, Antonio Rubio, Doc-
tor Pedro de Morales, Alonso Guillen, Francisco Vaoz, Dieso c'.o Herrera, and
Juan de Mendoza. Brothers, Marcos Garcia, Hernando do la P&lma, Gregorio
Montes, and Alonso Perez. Alegre, Hist, Comp. Je«u9, i. 114-15.
'* Fathers Pedro Diaz, Antonio de Torres, Bernardino de Acosta, Martin
Fernandez, Juan Diaz, Andres de Carried, Francisco Ramirez, Juan Ferro,
«nd Alonso Sanchez. The last named became rector of San Pedro y San
Pablo; later, vice-president of the Philippines; from thence some years after-
ward he visited China, and went inland about 70 leagues. He was also in
Macao, and exercised much influence over the Portuguese to reconcile them to
the annexation of Portugal to Spain. He sailed for Japan, was wrecked on
the coast of Formosa, and, finally, with great difficulty returned to the Philip-
pines. HIb career ended in Alcald some time after he made in Rome the pro-
fession of fourth vow He was a very austere man. Alegre, Uiat* Comp, Jesus,
i. 154-0.
Huz. ICel. Vol. n. iS
i
706 REUQIOUS OEDBBa
of repose, employing him at such work as he liked,
and availing himself of the old provincial's great
experience.** Father Plaza arrived from Peru in
December 1579, bringing Father Diego Gurcia and
Brother Marcos." The services of the Jesuits were
successfully employed by the viceroy in carrying
Christian instruction into certain towns. During the
great epidemic that decimated the natives in 1575-8,
they labored assiduously in caring for and administer-
ing the sacraments to the sick and dying. In 1590
arrived as visitador of the province Father Diego de
Avellaneda, one of the most learned and virtuous men
that had come to America."
The Jesuits early began to extend their field of
labor. They enter^ Oajaca in 1575 and made good
progress there.^ In Puebla they had advanced con-
siderably by 1580 and established the college of San
Ger6nimo, which they were, however, on the point
'* Sanchez had heen, before he was aangned to Mexico, rector at Alcaic
At hia death, which occurred July 16, 1600, he waa 81 years of age, and had
served 60 years in the order. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jestia, IL 18, doubtingly
gives July 15, 1609, as the date of Sanchez' demise. The viceroy, inqtdsitors,
clercy , and commtmity at large manifested their high respect and love during
his uist illness, and at his death their deep sorrow. The oortece that accom-
panied his remains to their last resting-place in the college of San Pedro y
San Pablo consisted of the highest dignitaries and officials in the country,
both secular and ecclesiastic, and an immense concourse of mourners from all
classes. Florencia, HUt, Prov, Jems, 377-80.
'^ Doctor Plaza was a learned man of exemplaiy virtue and much experi-
ence, possessing an intimate knowledge of the spirit of the society of Jesus.
Brother Marcos had been a companion of Francis Borgia, his Fidus Achates
till the general's death. Fhreneia, Hist. Prov, JetvSy 406-7; Alegre, ffiai.
Comp. JesuSy i. 161-5. The second provincial council of the order took place
in Mexico November 2, 1585, Father Pedro de Hortigosa beins chosen its
proctor at the courts of Bome and Madrid. Alegre, Hist, Comp, Jesus, L 200.
" He had been rector of a newly founded college in Madrid. Philip EL
sent him to Germany with his embassador; he there rendered important ser-
vice to the church. While in Vienna the marriage of the Ptincesa Inbel,
the emperor's daughter, with Charles IX. of France took place. The emperor
attached him to her suite as father-confessor, and he accompanied her to the
frontier of France. Findinff that the French princes and nobility were
not pleased with the idea of a Spaniard holding such a position at their
court, however great his merit might be, he bej;ged permission to retire, and
returned to Vienna, where he won the admiration of Emperor Maximilian by
his piety and wisdom. Alegre, Uist, Comp, Jesus, i. 226-7. Early in 169&
took place in Mexico the third council of the order. Id,, i. 251.
*'The order opened a college in Antequera, and in a short time spread its
members throughout the diocese. Florendti, Hist. Prov, Jesus, 229-^; AlegrCp
,HiMt. Comp, Jesus, i. 96-101, 122^, 172-3.
JESUIT EXTENSION. 707
of abandoning in 1582, owing to invidious remarks.
It was said that while pretending to accept no com-
pensation, they took it secretly. The institute would
have been broken up but for Bishop Romano, who
stifled such hostile manifestations. The college soon
after became prosperous.^ Missionaries were sent
from it to the valley of Atlixco and to Orizaba.
In 1578 the society founded a house at Vera
Cruz, where fathers Alonso Guillen and Juan Roger
preached daily, Guillen to the Spaniards and Roger
to the mulattoes and negroea The next year they
obtained permission and money to found a hospital on
the spot where the city was finally established in later
years. The first member of the order to visit the
disocese of Michoacan was Brother Juan Curiel; he
went there in 1573, was kindly received, and ordained
as a priest by Bishop Morales. After the translation
of Morales to Puebla, and the death of Bishop
Chavez, the chapter at Patzcuaro asked the provin-
cial to establish his order there on a permanent foot-
ing. The provincial went there in person, when the
chapter tendered him the sum of eight hundred pesos
yearly, the church which till then had been the cathe-
dral, and a good site for a college, together with a
large fruit orchard. These ofiers were accepted, and
soon after the provincial's return to Mexico he took
steps to effect the foundation at Patzucaro, with
Father Juan Curiel as rector, Father Juan Sanchez
as superior of the college, and two brothers. This
was when Medina Rincon had become the diocesan.
The subsequent removal of the see to Valladolid
E roved a detriment to the society, as it had to estab-
sh another residence there with chairs of grammar
and Latin, under Father Juan Sanchez, supporting it
out of the small means from Patzcuaro. ^^ The diocese
"The patron, Melchor de Covamibias, died in 1592; he had once pre-
sented the crown witib 10,000 pesos for the Catholics of France. The king
ooaunended him to the viceroy. He gave, besides, 38,000 pesos to two con-
▼cntB. Alegrt^ Hist, Comp. Jesus, L 252-4.
, ^The bishop added 400 pesos more. The church at Patnmaro was re-
708 RELIGIOUS ORDEBa
was not to have long the benefit of Curiel's services.
He died in or about March 1576, tenderly cared for
by the bishop and all classes, who deplored his loss.**
The house at Valladolid for upwards of a year
relied almost wholly on the assistance of the Fran-
ciscan and Austin friars, and on alms begged from
door to door. However, this poverty was not of long
duration. A rich Basque, named Juan de Arbolancha,
whose advanced age and infirmities forbade a formal
admission into the society, took up his abode at the
college in Patzcuaro, and on dying bequeathed it most
of his fortune.^ Viceroy Enriquez aided the college
at Valladolid with one thousand pesos yearly. This
relief was augmented in 1579 by the gift from Rodrigo
Vazquez of a grazing farm with three thousand head
of small stock. From both Patzcuaro and Valla-
dolid missions were despatched to other towns. When
some of the fathers were in Zamora the vicar of
Guanajuato begged them to visit his parish. One of
them accompanied him there, not without risk from
the hostile Chichi mecs.
Bishop Mendiola of New Gralicia paved the way
for the Jesuit order to enter that region, which they
had planned to be the great field of their missionary
labors. -He asked for some of its members, and fathers
Hernan de la Concha and Juan Sanchez were sent
him about 1574. Those fathers subsequently visited
Zacatecas and did ministerial duty there, but the pro-
vincial, not deeming it as yet a suitable field, prom-
ised to establish a house in that place at a future
paired by the Indians^ 500 takinc part in the work. Don Pedro Caltzonzi, *
gnuidflon of the last king of Micnoacan, some years later joined the society,
find became a school-teacher. He succumbed in 1575 during the epidemic,
irhile ministering to his sick countrymen. Florenda^ Hist, Prov. Jews, 218,
20: Alfijrf., Hist. Comp, Jesus, i. 110-11, 119-22, 127-«.
'*Ho was a native of Aranda del Duero in Spain; his parents were hum-
ble and poor, and, to pursue his studies, he had to he^ for alms wherewith to
sustain himself. He was a great peace-maker. Having overexerted himself
in caring for the Indians during the epidemic, his health failed him, and after
much simering he died. Fhrencia, Hist. Prov, Jtsvn, 282-01.
"His remains were interred among the Jesuits as a benefactor of the
order. Alegrt, Hist. Comp. Jesus, I 146-7, 17^-4.
LA CABIDAD Y SAN HIP6LIT0. 709
day,** and meanwhile to send them preachers every lent
season. Pursuant to a royal authorization of 1579,
and a request of the governor of Manila, the provin-
cial founded his order in the Philippine Islands in
1585, with the following members; Heman Suarez,
superior; fathers Eaimundo Prat and Francisco Al-
merico; Graspar Gomez, temporary coadjutor.
The affairs of the society at the end of the century
were in the most flourishing condition. Its members
were held in high esteem by all classes, and by no one
more so than the viceroy, who not only placed his
three sons in their charge, but often took their advice
on matters concerning religion and government.^
We have noticed the twofold object of the Jusuits
in coming to New Spain, education and conversion.
Another order was meanwhile established, devoted
wholly to charity. The order was named La Caridad
y San Hip6lito. The patriarch and founder, Bernar-
dino Alvarez, came to Mexico at the age of twenty-
years as a private soldier, served some time, and retirea.
He became a gambler and a leader in many wicked
adventures, and finally had to make his escape to Peru,
again as a common soldier. Having made a fortune
in that country he returned to Mexico. His mother's
advice caused him to reflect upon his past life, and
he experienced a change of heart. From that time
he devoted all his energies to charitable purposes.^
'* Told those who were eager for Jesuits, * tubiesen paciencia, que lo que se
dilataba no se negaba.' Flarencia, ffisL Prov. Jesvs, 209.
'^In 1594 Father Estevan Paez and 37 companions came to swell tho
number of laborers. Special mention is made oi the great services to the
Indians rendered by Father Pedro do Morales, the society's proctor at Rome
and Madrid. According to Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jeam^ i. 275-7, he manifested
his interest in the manner that would most quickly enliven their reli^ous
zeaL He brought out a large ouantitv of medals, rosaries, and other objects
of devotion which had been bLssed by Pope Gregory VIII. The trinkets
were distributed to the Indians during the missions yearly undertaken by the
lathers of the college of Mexico.
''During ten years he served the poor in the hospital of Jesus Nazarene;
procured the foundation and enlargement of the Jesus Maria convent, and
afforded aid to the indigent prisoners in the jail. At this time the idea
occurred to him of foundme hospitals, and an onier of charity for all persona
in indigence. Arct^ Vida Ahxirez, 1-45.
i
710 RELIGIOUS ORDERS.
In 1566 Archbishop Montiifar gave him permissioii
to erect a hospital.^ In it the congregation of Broth-
ers and order of Charity had origin, its object being
the succor and care of the indigent and the sick."
Subsequently, Father Alvarez founded other hospitals,
to wit : in Oaxtepec, Jalapa, Perote, and Puebla, this
last in or about 1593.
The number of brothers having gradually increased,
and also the resources at his command, Alvarez en-
larged his plans. The San Hip6lito in Mexico being
too small, he obtained from the archbishop and viceroy
the site and chapel adjoining it, and with his own
resources and the aid of friends erected a spacious and
solid building to which the sick were transferred-
After he had begun the work the capitalist Alonso
de Villaseca, of whom I have spoken as the friend of
the Jesuits, offered him one hundred thousand pesos,
if he would permit to be placed on the building liis
coat of arms, and a motto expressive of the fact that
he, Villaseca, was its patron. Alvarez declined, as he
could not dedicate the place at once to Grod and to
man.^ One day he was without means to feed the
poor, who were many. So he started with an image
of the ecce homo, accompanied by two little boys
through the arcades of the petty traders, crjdng, " In
the name of God, give for the living stones of Jesus
Christ." He soon returned, it is asserted, with seven
hundred pesos in money, a number of blankets, and
other articles.
^ In the small square later called San Bernardo, facing the street of that
name and that of Porta Ckeli. In 1567, a license was reissued for the founda-
tion of the hospital of San Hipi^to, where it was actually erected. Viceroy
Enriquez also cheerfully authorized it, and after his departure the hospital
was aided by the audiencia. Id,, 48-9.
'"Its members were called hermanos, and their superior and ruler had the
title of hermano mayor, or chief brother. The vows taken were of chastity,
poverty, obedience, and hospitality. The pope on the 2CNih of May, 1700,
instituted the brotherhood with the name of Congregacion de San HipdUto^
and under the rule of Saint Augustine. Id., 453-5.
^ His characteristic answer was: ' Que Dios, que era el Patron de aqaell»
obra, daria con qa6 sustentar bus piedras vivas, que no avia de tener esta obr&
Patron, sino k un solo Dios.' The sole patron was God*s image with the
motto * Dominus providevit.* Id., 80-3, 91.
THE CARMELTTES 711
Father Alvarez not only gave to the hospital all he
possessed, but declared it the heir of his share of the
estate left by his parents, with the only condition
that his brother and two sisters in Spain should enjoy
its income during their lives.**
The order of Carmelites, represented by eleven of
its members with their prelate, arrived in the city of
Mexico on the 17th of October, 158 5,^^ and were given
by the viceroy, January 18, 1586, the charge of the
hermita de San Sebastian, which till then the Fran-
ciscans had held. On the 25th in a solemn procession
and with the attendance of the archbishop the host
was conveyed thence from the Franciscan convent.
This was the first foundation of the order that became
in later times so highly honored by the people of
Mexico. Without loss of time the new-comers de-
voted themselves to their duties of instructing, (?on-
fioling, and improving the natives.
Their province was constituted in 1588 under the
** In so doing he formally renounced all legal clauses favoring him, declar-
inff that his poverty was of his own seeking: ' Yo tengo votada la dicha
pobreza, que me he donado al dicho Hospital. Y assi no tengo necessidad de
propriedad, ni usufructu de bienes/ This great philanthropist died in Mex-
ico, Aupist 12, 1584, aged 70. Id., 75-6, 179. Arce, Juan Dias de, Libro de
vida del vrwcimo evangeUcOy el V titer. Padre Bernardino Alvarez, Mex., 1762,
12mo, 4ai pp., 4 leaves and 2 cuts, gives a full account of the life and works
•of the venerable Father Bernardino Alvarez, founder of the order of charity
•and hospitalers in Mexico, under the advocacy of Saint Hyppolytus, and of
the progress made by the order, as well as of the objects of its institution.
The anuior held the highest offices in the archdiocese of Mexico, and earlier
in that of the Isla Espafiola. Like all works of the kind written in the early
•days by ecclesiastics it is exceedingly prolix, but at the same time exhaustive
of its subject. See also Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 295, 337; Vetancvrt, Trot,
Mex., 39-40; Diario Mex., vi. 422-3.
*^Qranado8,Tardes, 340, says 1586. The founders of the order in Mexico
were: Priests, Juan de la MaJdre de Dice, the prior; Pedro de los Apdstoles,
Pedro de San Hilarion, Ignacio de Jesus, and Francisco de Bautista; choris-
ters, Jos^ de Jestis Maria, Juan de Jestis Maria, and Hilarion de Jestis;
lay-brothers, Arsenio de San Hdefonso, Gabriel de la Madre de Dios, and
Anastasio de la Madre de Dios. Vetancvrt, Trot. Mex., 36; Medina, Chrdn.
JSan Diego, 10; Navarrete, Rel. Pereg., iii. 62; Ponce, Rel, in CoL Doc. Inid.,
Ivii. 141, says they were distributed between Mexico and Puebla. Turon,
Hist. Gen., vi. 199-200. Philip 11. in his c6dula of June 9, 1585, directed
the viceroy to permit this order to preach in the Philippines, New Mexico, or
anywhere else that its superiors desired, and to aid its members in every pos-
sible way, so that they could make their labors usefuL Ramirez, Not. Mex.,
in Manum, Dim, Eep., MS., 338.
name of San Alberto, and the first provincial wa»
Father Elisco de los Mdrtires, who arrived in Mexica
in 1594, Father Pedro de los Apdstoles governing in
his absence as vicario provincial For divers reasons
the Carmelites gave up the administration of the par-
ish of San Sebastian in 1598, and occupied the convent,
which they held from that time. The sons of Saint
Therese were blamed for that abandonment, but a few
years afterward the wisdom of the step was recog-
nized when the ordinances demanded and obtained
the full control of the parishes. A convent of bare-
footed Carmelites was founded October 1593at Valla-
dolid, Michoacan, and another August 20, 1597, at
Celaya, Guanajuato, whose first prior was the vener-
able Father Pedro de San Hilarion. In the course
of its existence in Mexico the Carmehte organization
became very wealthy.*^
The Benedictines, or friars of Saint Benedict, came
to Mexico in 1589, and the next year founded the
monastery and priory of Nuestra Senora de Monser-
rate, in the southern part of the city of Mexico.**
The founder and first prior was Friar Luis de Boil, a
man of stern piety, the greatest of iconoclasts, and
of whom it is said that he destroyed one hundred and
sixty thousand idols.
Of all the religious orders that labored in New
Spain, the Franciscans, as we have seen, were the
first authorized to engage in missionary work by the
crown. Their first province, in the city of Mexico,
founded in 1524 under the name of Santo Evangelio,
became the mother of all Franciscan provinces in
America. Gradually its area enlarged, until it was
found necessary to make territorial subdivisions, which
'^Zereoero, Rev. Mix., 5, speaking of them assertB that at one time it
owned estates in San Luis Potosl extending from the capital to Tampioo^ 120
'In the same house where had been the 'Beco^miento de mogern,*'
founded by Cipriano de Acevedo y Ovaile, the companion of Bernardino Al-
varez. Ramira, NoL Mex,, in Monum, Dam, Etp., MS., 338; Medina^ Ckr6tu.
8. Diego, 11.
constituted new provinces, and to which, were given
new names. Thus by the latter part of the sixteenth
century New Spain consisted of three Franciscan
provinces, namely, Mexico, or the original Santo
Evangclio; Michoacan, or San Pedro y San Pablo; and
Yucatan, or San Jos^, the first embracing the whole
archdiocese of Mexico and the diocese of Tlascala.
The Santo Evangelic used a seal that represented
a Franciscan preaching from a pulpit, and Indians
around it attentively listening." The other two prov-
inces, Michoacan and Yucatan, will be treated of in
the proper place.
Owing to scarcity of priests from deaths and other
causes, the vacancies left having been only partially
filled** with new accessions from Spain, the Santo
Evangelic, between 1564 and 1568, abandoned a num-
ber of its more distant houses, on the ground of neces-
sity, and against the advice of the marques del Valle."*
'* In 1580 it had more thaa 80 convents and monasteries at an average
distance of six or eight leagues apart. In 1584-5. for causes that will be
explained, it had only 69, with a little less than 379 professed friais; of which
houses 38 were in the archbishopric, 30 in the diocese of TlascaJa, and one in
Cuba, which with Florida belonged to the province. San Francisco of Zaca-
tecaa and San Salvador of Tampico were custodias tmder it. In 1595-0, with
an increase of laborers, the number of convents had risen to 90, including 14
in Zacatecas and 10 in Tampico. The province also had charge of some houses
in New Mexico, of three nunneries in Mexico city, and one in Pnebla, and of
the college for Indians in Tlatelulco. The province of Peru belonged to it
till 1553, and that of Guatemala had been under it 20 years. Mendieta, Hist,
Eclea., 645; Torquemada, iii. 303-4; Ponce, Rel.y in CoL Doc JjUd,^ Ivii. 85-
7; yetancvrt.Prov. 8, Evang., 2^5; Prov,S. Evang,, MS., 1,2. The follow-
ing were the rulers that the Santo Evangelio had from its foundation to the
end of the 16th century. At first it was a custodia, subject directly to the
minister eeneral of the *minorites.* Custodios: Martin de Valencia, 1524-7;
Lois de fSiensalida, 1527-30; Martin de Valencia, 1530-3; Jacobode Testera,
1533-6* Provincials: Garcia de Cisneros, 1536-7; Antonio de Ciudad Rodrigo,
1537-40; Marcos de Niza, 1540-3; Francisco de Soto, 1543-6; Alonso Rangel,
1546-8; Toribio Motolinia, 1548-51; Juan de Gaona, 1551-2; Juan de San
Francisco, 1552-5; Francisco de Bnstamante, 1555-7; Francisco de Toral,
1657-60; Luis Rodriguez, 1562-4; Diego de Olarte, 1564-7; Miguel Navarro,
1567-70; Alonso de Escalona, 1570-3; Antonio Roldan, 1573-6; Pedro Oroz,
1576-8; Domingo de Areizaga, 1578-81; Miguel Navarro» 1581-3; Pedro do San
Sebastian, 1583-9; Domingo de Areizaga, 1589-92; Rodrigo de Santillan,
1592-5; Juan de Lazcano, 1598-1600; Buenaventura de Paredes, 1000. Men-
tUeta, Hist. Ecles., 540-3; Torquemada, iii. 371-4.
»* Of 24 friars sent out by the king with Father Miguel Navarro, the
ffreater part were drowned, their ship having been stranded on Garden Keys.
Franciscanoe, Abandono, in Prov. S. Evang., MS., No. 12, 169-77.
>* He had told them to await the kind's pleasure. From 80 to 100 friars
wean then much needed, as also a number of clergymen. The marquis, as
714 RELIGIOUS ORDERS.
They again took charge of San Juan Iztaquimaxti-
tlan, however, as a mark of respect to the viceroy, and
offered to do the same with any other he might desire.
From the poverty at all times displayed by the
Franciscans grew the practice of giving them alms.
With such gifts and the personal service of the na-
tives were built, and provided with all necessaries,
parish churches, convents, and numerous chapels. To
give some idea of the contributions I may mention
the church of Santiago, erected at the cost of 90,000
pesos.^ The stone-cutters and masons as well as the
common laborers, though receiving no pay, worked as
heartily as for their full wages in money. A man,
Juan Nieto, who had the contract for supplying the
city of Mexico with beef, during thirty or thirty-five
years, furnished the large convent, with its eighty or
a hundred friars, all the meat required, free of charge.
Nieto afterward met with disaster, lost his fortune,
and ended his days in the convent of San Francisco,
receiving for his Sustenance one of the many rations
that in his prosperity he had contributed to others.
The Franciscans for forty years refused to receive the
royal allowance to the religious orders engaged in the
conversion of the Indians. But as the time came
when voluntary contributions diminished, they were
obliged to solicit the king's aid.*^
The following rules were observed by the order in
the reception of new members. Each novice prior to
profession had to make a solemn declaration setting
forth the names of his parents and his age; and that
early as Oct. 1663, had called the king's attention to this iact, particularly
commending the Franciscans, whom the natives preferred to all other prieats.
He thoaght, moreover, that the order havinff neither property nor income,
could be more easily controlled, and kept obeaient to the royal behests. C7or-
t^8, Carta^ in Pacheco and Cardena9, Col, Doc.^ iv. 457-8.
*' The memoranda of the old convent of San Francisco in Mexico showed
entries of contributions of 7,000, 6,000, and 4,000 pesos, and an almoet un-
limited number of smaller sums, 'de mil, de quinientoe, y de mas, y menoa
ceros, que estos.' TorquenuuJa, iiL 218.
^ In January 1587 the viceroy was directed to continue to them the stipend
of 100 pesos and 50 fanegas of maize every year per man, as had been there-
tofore done with the three mendicant orders, without causing them useless de-
lays. The order was issued at their own request. Ordenes de la Corona, MS.,
ii. 124. Torijruemada, iii. 26a-4.
0 EVANGELIO. 715
f his own free will. That
a the presence of the father-
vices, and two other priests
Tessed friars were formally
' the members of the con-
bhat if at any time it should
re descendants, within the
)f Moors, Jews, converts,
burned alive or in eflBgy,
Qe null, and they would be
I the order. The friars
lired to sign their names
'ith the guardian, master
hat friars assigned to a
not be detached there-
' the ordinary prelates
Indies. Friars were to
eir appointment. The
such friars in Europe
T on them the degrees
^ve them a license to
ho had gone to Spain
m unless his visit to
e*s orders on special
October 20, 1580, the
iny priest for Spain,
3ense; and demanded
f religiosos actually
them/^
of San Francisco of Mexico,
such declarations.
milia Cismontana, de la Orden
, 1585, sm. foL, 125 foL and
unB the general rales of the
ronzaga, minister general of
anmber of priests who had
1 at the intermediate general
in the convent of San Juan
and confirmed by the gen-
ad much other information
ding the Jesuits, drdenes
716 REUGIOUS OBDEBfi.
The Franciscans having scattered themselves in
several fields throughout America, the prelates general
decided to commission a representative under the title
of comisario general, who should transact, within his
jurisdiction, the important affairs of the order witli the
same powers as if the minister general were personally
Present. The jurisdiction of the comisario general of
Tew Spain extended over the whole of Mexico, Yu-
catan inclusive, and Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Cuba.^^
As the head of so large a section of a great order
he possessed a power before which even the king's
vicegerent was compelled to bow. This was instanced
by an occurrence in 1578, exhibiting the haughtiness
and presumption of one of these dignitaries. Friar
Francisco de Rivera, which, but for the forbearance
of Enriquez, might have been followed by a serious
riot. Rivera one day visited the vicerov's palace,
asking for an audience to treat on affairs of his order.
The viceroy being engaged could not at once grant
him the interview. The friar resented the delay as
an affront to himself and his office, and spoke of it
from the pulpit.*^
The viceroy consulted the audiencia on what he
deemed an insult, and an order was issued to Rivera
to depart forthwith for Spain. Ejiowing that he must
go, the friar would have yet one more fling at the
viceroy. Summoning all the members of his order,
he marched at their head out of Mexico for Vera
Cruz, carrying a cross and chanting the psalm " In
** The oomisarios generales of the order that visited Mexico were: AloQao
de Rozas, 1531^, who died and waa buried in Mexico; Juaa de Granada,
1533-5; Francisco de Osuna, 1535--41; Jacobo de Testera, 1541-3; Martin d&
Hojacastro, 1543-7; Francisco de Bustamante, 1547-50; Francisco de Mena»
1550-9; none chosen till 1501; Francisco de Bustamante, 1561-3; Jnaa de
San Miffuel, 15G3; Diego de Olarte, 1568 — ^he died; Francisco de Rivera,
1569; Mignel Navarro, 1573; Kodrigo de Sequent, 1576; Pedro de Oroz, 1582;
Alonso Ponce, 1584; Bernardino de San Cebrian, 1589; Pedro de Plla, 1595;
Diego Mufioz, and Diego Caro, who died in a short while. Mendieta, ffigL
Ecles., 643-5; Tarquemada, iii. 374r-6, 430-1.
^ ' £n Palacio todo se iguala, y no ai diferencia de lo Secular 6 lo Edesias-
tioo.' Father Torquemada, i. 647-S, in describing this incident, naturaUv
makes out a case f ornis Franciscan brother, whom he considers justly offendea.
Kivens after his recall^ retired to his province, San Miguel, and never again
held office.
FRIAR ALOXSO PONCE. 717
exitu Israel de Aegipto." The people, who were
devoted to the Franciscans, became greatly excited,
and there was fear of trouble. The viceroy felt angry
of course, and was disposed to punish Rivera, but was
persuaded from it by his friends, who brought the
commissary back to the city, and restored the appear-
ance of harmony for a time. But the viceroy wrote
the king upon the matter, whereupon the indiscreet
friar was at once recalled to Spain. At a later date
the tables were turned.
In 1584 Friar Alonso Ponce came to Mexico hold-
ing that office. He presented his credentials to the
archbishop- viceroy, and entered upon the discharge of
his duties. But his mission was destined to hinder-
ance and his person to insult at the hands of the pro-
vincial and aefinidores of the Santo Evangelio and
others, who refused to recognize him as their superior.
The viceroy and audiencia also treated Ponce with
great indignity, disregarding every consideration due
his person, office, age, and ill-health, and compelled
him to leave Mexico before he had fulfilled his mis-
sion. Upon his return from Central America, on his
way to Michoacan, he was again subjected to insults,
and hindered in performing his duties. It would be
an almost endless task to enter into the particulars
of this scandalous affair. Suffice it to say that in the
end the provincial of the Santo Evangelio was deprived
of his office by the superior of the order in Spain, and
ail the acts of himself and the definidores, suosequent
to their insubordination, were rejected by the next
general chapter.**
^ They had sent two deputies to the chapter, who wont from Vera Gnu
in the same ship that conveyed Father Pedro de Zdrate, the depaty of the
eomiaario genend. The former qnarrdled with the hitter in Habana, and
continued their voyage np^n 4Jiother vessel. They were captured by
French corsairs, earned to L«i iiochelle, maltreated, and lost 12,(XX) pesos
and many valuable things in their charge. When allowed to go to S]>ain, they
found there Zdrate, who had arrived m safety; and upon presentmg them-
aelves to take their seats in the chapter they were not aamitted, whereas
Z^rate was recognized and took part m the proceedings. Pojice, Bd., in CoL
Doc, Inid,,, Ivii. 24, 182-5. On the 28th or 29th of December 1587, owing
to violent acts of the dvil authorities and others in Puebla toward the comi-
4
718 BKUOIOUS ORDERS.
The new comisario, who arrived in 1586, despatched
to Spain six of the chief instigators of the disturb-
ances, while Ponce, though justified by his superiors^
was ignominiously sent to Spain by the viceroy ia
1588; the provision made for him and his secretary
being scanty and of inferior quality.**
The second Franciscan province in the order of
precedence was that of Michoacan. Until 1565 ifc
formed together with Jalisco a custodia that had been
erected in 1535 by Father Martin de la Corufia, or de
Jesus,^ and it progressed so much in the foundation of
new convents that the general chapter held at Valla-
dolid, Spain, raised it to the rank of a separate province,
with the name of San Pedro y San Pablo/^ About
1570 it had, within sixty leagues, twenty-seven or
twenty-eight convents with fifty friars.*® In 1586 the
f)rovince extended over one hundred and twenty
eagues from east to west, with a comparatively smdd
expanse from north to south. It was then in two
distinct portions, namely, Michoacan with twenty-
three convents and seventy- eight friars, and New
Galicia with twenty-five convents. About this time
New Galicia gave up three convents, retaining twenty-
two, with fifty-seven friars. It being impossible for
one provincial to visit and rule so vast a territory, a
comisario provincial was created, and when the pro-
vincial was in Jalisco the comisario ruled in Michoacan,
fluio general, against which the provisor in the name of the absent bishop
had solemnly protested, with excommonication, the provisor caused th<»
lighted candles to be extinguished, the doors of the alcaide mayor, of a dele-
gate of the viceroy, and of the other excommunicated persons, to be stoned;
and as he was proceeding, an order came from the viceroy, under penalty of
forfeiture of temporalities and of banishment, to raise the interdict for 90
days, absolve the excommunicated, and go to Mexico with the papers in the
case to see if his acts were just. ' The provisor obeyed. Ponce, MeL in C^
Doe, liUd., Iviii. 310.
^ The whole account may be found in CoL Doe, In£d,, lvii.~lviiL, in hun-
dreds of pages.
^He died in 1558. Beaumont, Cr&n, MieK, v. 475-a
^ Beaumont, Crdn, Mich., v. 509, has it in 1566; it is possible tibia was tb«
year when the chapter's decree had effect.
** Most of them were very old, but they did their best, and indeed acoom-
plished more than many young priests elsewhere, if ex. HeL, mProv. 8. JBvang.^
MS.,No. 1,1,2.
and vice versa.^ The fathers were successful in mak-
ing converts among the natives, aided in their efforts
by a bull of Pope Paulus IV.; but after a time new
idolatrous rites sprang up under the garb of Christi-
anity, and in the Avalos province among the Teules in-
cendiaries sought in 1558-59 to thwart theip work
by destroying the church of Chapulac, the hospital at
Zapotlan, and the convent at Jala. Supernatural
manifestations were not wanting to lend interest to
the religious history of this province. Comisario
general Jronce reports sorcerers in Zapotlan, and tells
of the flames coming up in a hole dug by an Indian;
they were extinguished by the alcalde mayor, by
pouring in holy water.*^
The custodia of Zacatecas was created in 1566 with
five convents, namely, Nombre de Dios, San Juan
Bautista in Durango, San Pedro y San Pablo in
Topia, one in the San Bartolomd Valley, and San
Buenaventura of Pefiol Blanco, later San Juan del
Rio. Its first custodio was Father Pedro de Espina-
reda, famous for his work in Durango and beyond."
This district had been controlled by the province of
Michoacan, but, Santo Evangelio friars prevailing in
number, it was transferred to their province, the con-
vent owned at Zacatecas by the Michoacan friars
being exchanged for one at Quer^taro.*^^ Such was
the beginning of the afterward famous province of
Nuestra Seflora de Guadalupe de Zacatecas.^ Zaca-
tecas thus became the head, which till then had been
Nombre de Dios. The Franciscan order lost many
of its most pious and energetic members during the
second half of the century, sacrificed by the savages
' ThiB custom, however, had been discontinued lately. It was clear that
the province should be divided into two, each under its own prelate. Ponee,
Bel,, in Col, Doc, IrUd,, Ivii. 617-19.
^ Ponce, Bel., in Co/. Doc. IrUd., Iviii. 101.
" About 1596 it had 14 monasteries. Mendieta, Hut, Ecles., 645.
^ The exchange was not actually completed till 1678. Arlegui, Clir&n, Zo/c^
40-3.
"In 1736 it abready had 64 convents. Ariegui, Id., 61-130; Iglesias y
Conventos, 312-16; Mex, Bel., in Prov, 8. Evang., MS., No. 1, 1; Beaunumt,
Cfr&n, Mich., v. 667.
720 REUGIOUS OBDEBS.
among whom they were engaged. Others were sub-
jected to blows, floggings, wounds, incarceration, and
general ill-treatment.**
The province of Yucatan was founded as a custodia
in 1533, but owing to an Indian revolt it was left
vacant for eleven years, until 1544, when it was reoccu-
pied by Father Lorenzo de Bienvenida.^ From 1534
to 1593 thirteen bands of Franciscans arrived, the
total number of friars being one hundred and fifty-
six.^ The first custodial chapter held September 29,
1549, presided over by Comisario La Puerta, elected
Father Luis de Villalpando first custodio.^ Yucatan
and Guatemala by authorization of the general chapter
at Aquila, were joined in one province and seceded
from that of the Santo Evangelic of Mexico in 1559,
the provincial to be alternately taken from the two
aections. The first provincial chapter, held September
13, 1561, chose Father Diego de Landa first provin-
cial.^ Father Bienyenida attended the general chapter
*^The followinff appear as murdered: Bernard Gossin, a Frenchman, for
vhom the honor of protho-martyr waa claimed, but denied in favor of brother
Juan Calero, said to have been the first * cristiano viejo ' sacrificed in New
Galicia in or about 1541 ; Antonio de Cu^Uar, Juan de Padilla, Juan de Tapiat
Juan Serrato, Francisco Ldpez, Juan de Santa Maria, Agustin Rodriguez,
Pedro dc Burgos, Francisco Doncel, Francisco Lorenzo or Laurencio, Fablo
de Acevedo, Juan de Herrera, Alonso de Villalobos, Andrto de la Puebla,
Juan del Rio, Francisco Gil, and Andr^ de Ayala. Of the last-named the
Indians who killed him said, 'no habian podido cocer la cabeza.' The mur>
ders of Ayala and Gil and Indians in their service was avenged by a force from
Guadalajara, and about 900 of the revolted Indians were captured and carried
to that city, a number being put to death and quartered. The rest were
made slaves, some for life, and others for a term of years. Mention is also
made of eight or ten other Franciscans who foil victims to savage fury; their
names are not given. Mendieta^ Hist, Eclea,, 735-68; Torqwrnada^ iiL
600-34; VetanciTty Menolog., 15; Ihrncuuiez, HiaL Ede»., 158-9; Pance^ jB^,
in Cof, Doc. IrUd., Iviii. 52-3.
^ Vetancvrt, Chrdn, 8. Evcatg,, 24.
^The first pdrty was that of Father Jacobo de la Testera; the laigest, of
30 or 34, came under Diego de Landa; there were several of 18, 16, 12, and lOi
Amon^ those friars are worthy of mention, besides Bienvenida and Timda,
Ger6nm90 de Leon, Luis de Villalpando, Juan Coronal, and Pedro Cardete»
CogoUvdo, Hist Yue,, 336-58, 38^-9, 414-15, 615-31, 652-8, 691-2, 734-^
758-9; Vazquez, Chnfn, OvaL, 636-8.
^^ The custodia was erected with only two convents. Mendktay HieL Eele».t
382. The succeeding custodies were: Lorenzo de Bienvenida, 1553; Franciaco
Navarro, 1556; Diego de Landa, 1559; Francisco de la Tone, 166a CoQoUvdo^
Hist, Yttc, 26a-9, 288-90, 306-8.
"The second was Franciscode la Torre, chosen 1563, vice Lsnda resigDed; see
remarks on relations between Bishop Toral and Landa. CogoUvdo, Hist, Ttic.,
X FRANCISCANS IN YUCATAN. 721
Bt Valladolid in 1565, and obtained the separation of
Yucatan from Guatemala, to form a separate province
named San Jos^. On the 13th of April, 1567, the
first chapter of the new province was held at Mdrida,
and Francisco de la Torre was made first provincial.*®
The Franciscan? held the whole field in Yucatan,
apparently disliking the introduction of other orders.
It is said that in 1553 there was a great famine in
the region of Itzamal, and the people would have
greatly suffered but for the help of Father Landa,
the guardian of the convent, who during six months
supplied maize not only to the local population, but
also to strangers who came to him for relief^
There were many Franciscans in Mexico besides
those named, who, for their pious life, learning, and
valuable services in the cause of conversion, deserve
a special mention. Among them are the following :
Bernardino de Sahagun, the distinguished writer who
came to Mexico in 1529, and died in 1590; Francisco
de Zamora, a man of high birth and office at court,
who gave up all and became an humble friar; Alonso
de Huete; Juan Fucher, or Focher, a French lawyer,
who joined the order and became a legal light in
Mexico; Juan de Mesa, Hernando Pobre, Juan de
Romanones, Alonso Urbano, Miguel de Torrcjoncillo,
Alonso de Topas, Juan de Bejar, Francisco de Villal-
308, 524; Mendkla, HU. Edes., 382-5; VelancvH, Chrdn. Prou, S. Evang., 24;
Vas/juez, Chrdii, Goal., 144-8, 179-80.
^Hia successors were: Juan de Axmalloncs, chosen 1570; Tome de Arenas,
1573; Pedro de Noriega, 1576; Hernando Sopuerta, a native of Merida, and
son of one of the conquerors; 1579, Tom^ de Arenas, reelected 1582; Pedro
Cardete, 1585; Alonso de Rio-frio, 1588; Hernando de Sopuerta, reelected
1591; Gerdnimo de Leon, 1594, who died the same year, and Sopuerta com-
pleted his term; Alonso do Rio-frio, reelected 1597; and Francisco Arias Bus-
tamante, 1600. CogoUvdo, Hist. Yuc, 307-8, 3i:5-6, 336, 386-8, 393-4, 411-
15, 423. Va'.qu€z, Chrdn. GvaL, 274; Mendktd, Jlisl. Ecks., 383, 545-8;
Torquemada, iii. 337; Poncey ReL, in Col, Doc. Incd.y Ivii. 24-5, Iviii. 382, 394,
479; Fancmrt'a H'mt. Yuc, 160-9.
^•It is reported by CogoUudo, Hist. Yuc., 291, that no diminution was
api>arent in the convent s granary at the end of the famine. The same writer
tells of the virgin of Itzamal, how the image was brought from Guatemala
and placed in the convent at that place, where the Indians venerated it. The
Spaniards wanted it in Merida, but their efforts to carry it away proved in
vain, the virgin herself resisting. 'No bastaron fuer^as humanas para
mouerla del pueblo. ' Numberless miracles are attributed to this image.
Hist. Mex.. Vol. XL 45
i
722 REUGIOUS ORDERS.
bal, Francisco de Marquina, Francisco de Leon, and
Melchor de Benavente. All the above figured in the
province of the Santo Evangelic.*^ Another very re-
markable man was the lay brother of minorities Friar
Sebastian de Aparicio, a native of Gudifia, in the
province of Galicia, Spain, of humble birth. On
coming to New Spain, he was for several years en-
gaged in lowly pursuits, but always noted for the
purity of his life. He was twice married, and yet it
is alleged that he maintained continence. At the
earlv death of his second wife he surrendered all
worldly goods and joined the Franciscans as a donado^
becoming afterward a brother. He served in the con-
vent of Puebla as its solicitor for arms until his death,
which occurred at the age of ninety-eight, on the 25th
of Februarj'', 1600. Many miracles are ascribed to
him; he was beatified and canonized,^ since which
time be has been recorded in the Roman calendar
as the beato.
Among the distinguished Franciscans of Michoacan
were Pedro de Oroz, a great theologian and linguist,
who died about 1597; Miguel de Gomalez, theologian
and linguist, who is said to have mastered the Tarascan
language in 80 days; Ger6nimo de la Cruz; Joseph
de Angulo, one of the conquerors of New Spain, and
late captain and treasurer of New Galicia; Juan de
San Miguel; and Maturin Gilberti, a Frenchman. •*
Some members of the Santo Evangelio, in or a little
prior to 1544, under the impression that the old vow
of poverty and strict discipline were already declin-
ing, resolved to found another province for attaining
greater observance of the rule. Father Alonso de
'^Mendieta, Hist. Ecks., 630-67, 677-715; Torquemada, 466-556; Veiau-
cvrt, Menolog., 68.
^^ His gift of miracles was made to appear at the Roman curia, and Pope
Clement AlII.,. on the 2d of May, 176o, decreed him duly beatified and
canonized, which caused great joy not only in Galicia but in all Mexico, and
particularly in Puebla. liodrigtteZf Vida de Aparicio, 1-234, with portraits
The city of Puebla formally made him its patron saint. Vetcmcvri, Mcnofog.^
J7-24; Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iv. 58(M.
" Torquemada, iii- 556-^1.
THE IX)MINICANS. 725
Escalona for himself and others applied to the min-
istro general for the requisite permission, which was
granted;" the new province being named after the
father general, Andrds de la Insula, Provincia Insu-
lana, with Escalona for first provincial. They jour-
neyed into the interior, but could find no suitable spot
on which to plant themselves. Everywhere they en-
countered obstacles until they saw the uselessness of
further effort, when by common consent they returned
and were kindly received into the old fold. At this
time, 1554, the order had occasion to send religious
to Guatemala, and Escalona started barefooted as
the prelate of nine others for that field, where they
labored several years ineffectually, and then returned
to Mexico.
Another order of Franciscans entered the field of
Mexico in 1580 or 1581, consisting of fifteen barefooted
friars under Father Pedro del Monte, belonging to the
province of Saini Joseph in Spain. *^ They were given
habitation in the hospital of San Cosme and San
Damian.** This was the foundation of the province
of San Diego de AlcaU. Through Father Monte's
exertions^ the erection of a convent was efiected on
the plaza de San Hip6lito with the ordinary's permis-
sion and the assistance of friends.® The construction
was begun in 1591, and occupied several years ; indeed,
it was not finished tUl 1621. When the barefooted
Franciscans had several convents, though not com-
** Eight priests, among them Juan de Kibas, one of the original 12 pio-
neers, and four lay brothers united in the effort. Mendieia, Hist, Ecles., 623,
668-9; Torqttemada, iiL 491-2.
^In 1576 or 1578 a party of 21 imder Pedro de Alfaro came to Mexico.
Soon after most of them, if not all; went to the Philippines. Medina, Chr6n»
S. IHeao, 8; Bamhfz, Not. Mex,, in Monum, Dom, Esp., MS., 341.
^ ]jb was asserted that they also were bound for the Philippines, but did
not go. Ramirez, Not. Mex., in Monum. Dom. Eap., 321, 324.
^Father Monte was highly esteemed by Archbishop Moya and Viceroy
Conde de la Comfla, and often consulted on government affairs, being also
intrusted by the former with a delicate commission to Spain and Rome. He
was "Uie first visitador of his order in the Philippines, whence he did not come
back to Mexico, owing to a^e and infirmities. Medina, Chrdn. 8. Diego, 15, 23.
^ Mateo Mauleon and his wife supplied the funds and obtained the honor
and right of patronage. Medina, Chnhu 8. DiegOy 27; Ranmirez, Not Mex.^
in Mofnunu Dom. Eap., MS., 341.
72i RBUOIOnS OBJXEBSL
pleted, in New Spain, they were oonstitnied into a
custodial subject to the province of San Gregorio of
Manila, which was confirmed by Philip 11. Father
Pedro Ortiz was made custodio, and departed from
Spain at the head of fifty religious destined for the
Philippines. He was at once recognized in Mexico,
August 19, 1593.*
In 1599 the custodia of San Diego had seven con-
vents, one of them in Oajaca, and made application for
a separate government as a province detached fix>m
that of Manila. As there was no opposition, the
pope issued his brief September 16th constituting the
new provinces with its custodio, Father Gabriel Bap-
tista, as provincial. This was sanctioned by the crown
on the 24th of December following.^®
The Dommican order at the end of the 16th cen-
tury had in New Spain two provinces, namely: San-
tiago de Mexico with forty-eight monasteries, and
San Hip6lito de Oajaca with twenty-one. From the
ax;ts passed by the several chapters of the order prior
to 1589, we may infer that members were strictly held
to the rules of poverty and mendicancy. They were
to be not only virtuous and chaste, but were to avoid
temptation They were not to expose themselves to
false charges; and every member was forbidden to ask
from any person of whatever race anything, for him*
self, any one else, or his convent, save what the rule
prescribed. No one was to go to Spain without writ-
ten permission from the provincial. It was enjoined
** Ortiz went as a missionary to the Philippines, and later to Cambodge,
where he perished at the han<U of the Laos. Medina, Cltrtyn. San Dtego, 38.
'* This erection of the province was confirmed in the general chapter of
-the order in Toledo, 1606, together with that of San Francisco of Zacatecaa.
Medina, Chrdn, S. Diego, 40. During the period named the following frian
-of the order also distinsaished themselves: Francisco Torantoa, Antonio de
Santa Maria, Cristdbal de La Cruz, Cristobal de Ibarra^ Miguel de TalavexiL
The last named was a doctor of theology of the university of Alcali, a man
of extraordinary eloquence, who had been the guardian of his convent in
Madrid. About 1585 be brought out a party of missionaries, whoi, after tar-
rying for a time in Melcioo, were most of them sent to the Philippines under
Peter Baptist as commissary. Talavera retained a few to help form the cus-
todia. Medina, 15, 23-6; Granados, Tardea, 339.
i
DISTINGUISHED DOMINICANS. 725
that no member of the order should be present at the
election of officials in Indian towns, or in any way
interfere with those officials in the discharge of their
duties, or assume a right to inflict corporal punish-
ment on or demand pecuniary penalties from Indians.
Marriage cases of an objectionable or doubtful nature
were to be referred to the diocesan. The religious
were to win the natives by kindness, "con amorosas
graciosas palabras/' not preaching words to amuse,,
ut sound doctrine to fructify their souls. The Ind-
ians were not to be charged for the administration of
the sacraments, ringing of bells, or other service, but
their gifts might be accepted. The penalties for viola-
tions of the rules passed by the chapter were quite
severe. ^^ If they grew careless there was an eye
upon them ; the king had to remind the Dominicans,^
and with them the Austin friars, on the 18th of July,
1562, that they were mendicants.^^
The Dominican community founded in Mexico in
1526 was ruled from this time to 1535 by a vicario gen-
eral;'^ from 1535 to 1568, by a provincial whose term
was of three years; from and after 1568, of four years. ^*
The first to hold the office was Domingo de Betanzos,^^
"^^Actas Prov., MS., 1-178. The Acton Protnnciales de la Provincia de
Santiago de Mexico del Orden de Predicadores, a manuscript of my collec-
tion, are the original minutes from 1549 to 1589 of the chapters held by the
Dominican province of Mexico, furnishing lists of its members at different
periods, where they were stationed, and other information touching that order.
" Jtfej. Col. Leijes (1861), Introd. xlvii. Nine members of the order were
honored with the office of father confessor of the ruling viceroy. Of those
who had passed some portion of their lives in Mexico, four became archbishops;
fifteen obtained bishoprics; five were appointed bishops and declined to
accept the office; two were governors of the archdiocese of Mexico; and sev-
eral others were professors of the university. DdviUi, CorUinwiciony MS.,
310-11.
^'I. Thomas Ortiz, who afterward became bishop of Santa Marta; 2»
Vicente de Santa MaHa; 3. Domingo de Botanzos; 4. Francisco de San
Miguel, who came from La EspafLola; he later called himself provincial of
Mexico under an election made of him in 1534. But his claim to the office is
denied on the plea that the electoral rules had not been observed. Ddtnla,
ConUntMcUm, MS., 284-6.
'* Pope Julius n. regarded the reasons for the change as good, and ordered
the provincial's term to be quadriennial; and the intermediate chapters to be
held eveiy two years instead of every year as formerly. The general. Father
Vicente /ustiniano, by his patent of May 12, 1500, ordered it carried out, and
* el oficio de Prouincial dure quatro aflos. ' Remesalf Hist, Chyapa, 57.
■J* His successors were, in the order given: Pedro Delgado, 1538; Domingo
728 RELIGIOUS ORDERS.
who later declined the bishopric of Guatemala. A.
prior's terra never exceeded two years.
In 1550 an order had been issued to segregate from
the province of Santiago in Mexico all convents and
houses existing in Chiapas and Guatemala, and they
went to form a part of the newly created province
of San Vicente de Chiapas y Guatemala. This took
eflTect from August 15, 1551.^® As the chief convent
belonging to the order was in a state of rapid decay,
notwithstanding heavy expenditure by the friars, in
1552 the king ordered that it should be rebuilt at the
expense of the crown. ^^
Among the Dominicans who distinguished them-
selves in Mexico, aside from provincials, are Juan
Lopez Castellanos, Hernando de la Paz, Juan de
Alcdzar, noted for his great eloquence in the Spanish,
Mexican, and Zapotec languages; Diego Osorio, after-
ward visitador to Peru, who declined the bishopric of
Carthagena, and to whom the university of Mexico
paid doctor's honors at his funeral. Pedro de Pravia
was a learned man who held the office of definidor
in the order, as well as other positions of honor and
trust. He declined the mitre of Panamd, and on the
departure of Archbishop Moya for Spain was left as
governor of the archdiocese, which office he filled tUl
de la Cmz, 1541, who declined the see of New Galicia; Pedro Delgado, 1544;
he refused the see of Las Charcas; Domingo de Santa Marfa, 1547; Andres de
Moguer, 1550; Bernardo de Alburquerque, 1553, later bishop of Oajaca; Do-
mingo de Santa Maria, 1556; Pedro de la Pefla, 1559, who became bishop of
Quito; Cristdbal de la Cruz, 1562; Pedro de Feria, later bishop of Chiapas;
Juan de Cdrdoba, 1568; Domingo de Aguinaga, 1572; Gabriel de San Joseph,
1576; Andres de UbiUa, 1581, became bishop of Chiapas, and later chosen
for Michoacan; Domingo de Aguinaga, 1585; Oabriel de San Joseph, 1589;
Pedro Guerrero, 1593; Pascual de la Anunciacion, who after one year re-
signed; the office then went into the hands of the vicario general and visita-
dor; and Juan de Bohorques, 1599, who afterward was bishon of Venezuela^
and later of Oajaca. Ddvita^ ConUnuacion, MS., 284-5.
^*The request came from the province in Mexico, whose rulers did not
approve, of a very extended area, preferring to provide a requisite number of
ministers so that every place within its territory could be properly attended
to. Ddvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd., 110^11. August 8, 1551, the king ordered
that each Dominican friar should be allowed yearly one and one half airobaa
of wine for sacramental use. Puga, Cedulario, 182; BemescU, ffisL Chyapa,
532-5. •
'^''Meal Ctdula, hi CoL Doe. InSd., xxvi 205; Puaa, Cedulario, 185; Jfex.
Col Leyes (1861), i., Introd. xlvii
DOMINICANS IN OAJACA. 727
Lis death, which occurred at the age ot sixty-two.
His government was strict. Besides these were Juan
de C6rdoba, an old soldier, and one of the humblest
as well as most efficient members ; Francisco de Agui-
lar, one of Cortes' prominent and trusted soldiers at
the conquest of Mexico, a man of lofty thoughts and
generous impulses, beloved by the natives, and who
wore the habit forty-two years, proving himself as
good a soldier of Christ as he had been of the king;
Juan de la Magdelena, a son of Juan Alonso de
Estrada, who was governor of Mexico in 1527, and
w^ho died in Ciudad Real of Chiapas in 1579; Tomds
de San Juan, a good scholar, exemplary, religious,
and an eloquent preacher ; and Domingo de la Anun-
ciacion, who never ate flesh, wore linen, or rode on
horseback. Of the last named it is said that once
when in great peril of being drowned, he was saved
by a piece of the lignum crucis that he carried on his
person. He died in Mexico in 1591, at the age of
eighty, an object of love and veneration.^®
The rich province of Oajaca was almost entirely
intrusted to the Dominicans. They lost no time in
taking possession of the most convenient places, where
they erected convents, many of whose priests won
for themselves and their order honorable distinction.
Their progress seems to have been slow at first, and
teset with much difficulty, the old idolatrous doc-
trines having such a powerful hold on the Indian
heart. ^*^ Cociyopu, king of Tehuantepec, who had
been dispossessed of his dominions, notwithstanding
he had adopted Christianity and submitted in peace
to the Spanish rule, feeling indignant at such treat-
ment, and believing that a religion which permitted
"^^Femandez, Hist., Ecles., 106-3, 115; Ddvila, Conlinuacion, MS., 160-2,
307-8; Ddviia, Padilla, Hist. FvruL, 343-91, 468-599; Dice. Univ., ii. 632;
iv. 708; viii. 100-1, 144, 370-1, 528; ix. 143-5, 232.
'• In many places idola were discovered by the priests buried under a
cross, which was apparently well cared for and venerated, or under the very
altars in the churches, and on which the heathenish .sacrifices were sometimes
offered. All such idols, in whatever form, were destroyed. Ddvila PadiUoL,
Hist. Fvnd., 635-44; Burgoa, Otog. Desci^., Oaj., ii. 387.
injustice and oppression must be false, abandoned it
and returned %o his old faith, and was discovered
sacrificing as high-priest to the idols, with six of his
people. Father Bernardino de Santa Maria, the
vicar general, admonished him in private, reasoning
tenderly, but, as he persisted, he and hiB accomplices
were imprisoned in the Dominican convent. The
people clamored for Ms liberty, and the civil author-
ity, fearini^ possible trouble, asked the priest to per-
siiade Cociyopu to sjjeak to his people and calm them.
The king replied that his A^assals were his children,
and were righteously grieved ; nevertheless he asked
them not to add to \m sorrows by violent acta, ** It is
the will of heaven/' he said. **I am well treated and
happy, and you must not break the peace," Never-
theless, he refused t<]» recognize the jurisdiction of
Bishop Alburquerque's commissioners to try him,
because oh a sulyect of the Spanish crown liis case
should go to the viceroy and audiencia, before whom
it had l>cen already laid. He w ent to Mexico about
the year 1563, summoned to appear before the high
court of the audiencia, and on liis journey, though
apparently in custody, was greeted everywhere as be-
fitted the king of* Tehuantepec, the eon of Cociyoeza,
Sands* >n of one Mexican emperor, and brother- in -
TT of another. His eftorts availed him nothing,
however, for after spending a year in the endeavor to
obtain justice, he was stripped t>f c\'ery thing.*'
According to Biyhop Zdrate, affairs in this province
were not in an enviable condition down U^ the year
1550, There were at the time very few priests and
only two convents, of the Dominican order, one at
Oajaca and the other at Miztecapan, On account of
the unsettled affairs of Cortds the valley seemed to have
been neglected, particularly by his sturdy enemy the
^ Deprived of hifl property and rank by th© acutcncc of the court, he set
out on hid return tn Teiman tepee, and died of apople 3ty at Nt^japa, a to^ern
just without the boundaries of nia lost kiugdom, where he ilid not rae^t with
the same diatinguiabtd reception aa on the jouJi^cy out. Brag«eur de BMtr-
hourg, Umt. NiU. VnUt iv. S2ii--9. Brae»eur caUa him Cocyopy.
viceroy. The few wealthy settlers had died, and
those remaining were in distress ; their condition was
such that in the absence of fortresses or other de-
fences®^ they were in continuous fear of the Indians.
The whole number of Spaniards in the city was
scarcely thirty, and these were anxious to depart.
Contrary to the opinion of Zdrate,^ Mendoza claimed
that the site of Antequera was a good one, being where
Montezuma had his garrison of Mexicans. When the
Spaniards went to live there they took possession of
the Indian dwellings. Cortes had a house upon a
temple and Francisco Maldonado another.
Between 1551 and 1580 affairs assumed a new
aspect, and much religious progress was made; and
what was no less important to the apostolic laborers,
a large extent of country was secured for the aggran-
dizement of the order which in 1555 already had a
good supply of priests, and in Antequera a vicar -
general of the provincial for the government of the
Zapotec, Miztec, and Mije regions. The convent of
Tehuantepec \vas in 1551 attached to the province
of Guatemala, as being nearer thereto, and one hun-
dred and thirty leagues from that of Mexico ; but three
years later that arrangement was found inconvenient,
and the convent was restored in 1555 to the latter.
In 1554 was founded an establishment in Guajolo-
titlan, and in 1555 one in Cuilapa, and another in
Ocotlan. These foundations were followed by others
in Villa Alta de San Ildefonso, Xustlahuaca, Achiuh-
tla, Xaltepec, Tecomastlahuaca, Nochistlan, Tilan-
®* In 1650 the settlers petitioned for a fortress; but the government de-
clined. Mendoza, Bel., in Packeco and Cdnleiias, Col. Doc,y vi. 514.
^^ Bishop Zdrate affirms that the city of Antequera, or Oajaca, was founded
on an unsuitable spot with the evil intent of injuring the marques del Valle,
and that the settlers had been the sufferers, for the Juidians had increased in
numbers and occupied the environs. Thus tlie Spaniards had no outlet for
their live-stock, no pastures, nor lands to cultivate. Carta, in Pacheco and
Cdrdenasj CoL Doc., vii. 546-51. Father Santa Maria stated in 1548, that
the Indians of Tepoxcolula, a town 16 leases north-east of Antequera, de-
sired to settle near the monastery, and the bishop would not allow it; a royal
decree should be issued permitting it, as it would prove beneficial to the
natives. Carta, in Id., 207.
tongo, Cimatlan del Valle by Bishop Alburquerque,
Chichicapa, Santa Catarina, Santa Ana, Teticpaque,
Tlacuehahuaya, Juquila, and Chuapa.^ All, as well
as can be made out, were created within the period
above named. In 1575 the order laid the corner-stone
of another convent in Antequera,®* which toward the
end of the century found itself at the head of one
hundred and twenty religious establishments in this
diocese. The creation of a separate Dominican prov-
ince of Oajaca had been contemplated prior to 1580;
but for various reasons the division was not made
until Father Antonio de la Sema obtained the final
order from the general chapter held at Venice in 1592.*
The Chontales, a fierce people, were brought under
subjection to the crown after hard fighting. They
paid tribute, but never would countenance the sojourn
of Europeans among them, nor dwell in permanent
towns. The first Christian churches erected in their
country were mere huts of boughs hidden among the
ravines, and scarcely distinguishable from the trees
and undergrowth. The people would, place food for
the missionaries on the ground at the entrance of the
huts and say to the Indian attendant, "Tell them to
eat and go away, for we have no need of their mass,"
Father Domingo Carranza went among them with his
staff and a rosary, attended by his Zapotec servant.
At first the Chontales fled fi-om him, and he was re-
duced to live on wild fruits; but after a while some
"^ Santa Catarina, Santa Ana, Teticpaque, Villa Alta, and Chuapa were
mere doctrinas. Buryoa, Gfog. Dttcrip., Oaj,, iL 225-32, 266-73, 280-5, 300-1,
307-11.
^ A rock was chosen on which to bnild, because of earthquakes. The con-
struction was begun with 15 pesos, and a cart with two mules; at first 1,000
pesos were spent on it yearly; then 2,000, and finally 6,000. All the Domini-
can houses in Oajaca aided. Bemesal, . HitA, Chi/aya, 713; Burgoo, Oeog.
J)€8crip., OaJ.f ii. 340.
^ Father Francisco Jimenez was made the first provincial; at his death
Alonso de Vayllo accepted the charge, September 29, 1593, and one year later
took possession. The first chapter was held in Oajaca April 26, 1595. Pro-
Tincial Vayllo 's term expired September 29, 1597, and Martin de Z^u:ate ruled
as vicar-general till April 19, 1598. The second chapter, the first electoral
one, was then held, and Father Antonio de la Sema chosen. BemettaL, HuL
Chyapa, 711-12. The new province in 1596 had 48 monasteries, Mendieta.
Hist. Ecles., 546.
OTHER NOTABLE DOMINICANS. 731
began to listen, and by spending twelve years among
them, he succeeded in converting some.**
The Chinantecs were believed by the first Spanish
conquerors to be ferocious giants who would not accept
alliance or religion. The Dominican priest Francisco
de Saravia was the first Spaniard to visit them. He
learned their language, and in four years taught them
Christianity, and induced them to live in towns and
practise the arts of civilization. He taught their
youths to read and write, and to translate into their
language a prayer-book.®^ The Mijes also taxed the
patience of the worthy missionaries. When the Span-
ish arms reached that country the Zapotecs of the
sierra and the Mijes were at war. Gaspar Pacheco,
sent there by Cortes with a force, found no trouble in
obtaining the allegiance of the former with a promise
of help to destroy their foes. Being a nomad people,
the conquest of the Mijes was a difficult task; it was
accomplished, however, with the aid of Father Gonzalo
Lucero, whose zeal prompted him to attempt in 1531
their conversion, for which he was given two assistants.
The nation being numerous and restless, to keep them
in check the Spanish commander founded in their
midst the Villa Alta de San Ildefonso with thirty
Spanish vecinos, and near it on the west a town of
Mexicans, named Analco. The villa was destroyed
by fire in 1580, and afterward rebuilt.
The Dominicans in charge of the Chinantecs and
Mijes enjoyed, under a royal order of 1556, a yearly
allowance of 1,000 pesos besides the necessary oil and
wine, church ornaments, etc. The natives were taught
reading, writing, and the useful arts by fathers Jordan
de Santa Catarina, Pedro Guerrero, and Pablo de San
■•Bad health obliged Carranza to leave the field; his successora were the
fathers Domingo de Grijelmo and Diego Serrano; after 1595, Mateo Daroca.
Burgoa, Oeog. Descrip., Oaj., ii. 339.
" He lived among them 30 years. Several of the chiefs learned to wear
silk garments like the Spaniards, to carry swords, and to ride fine mules with
elegant saddles and brioles, prond of their good forms and manners, and of
their ability to write a good hand and compose well. BargoOy Id., ii. 289-
90; Murguia y Oalardi, in Soc Mex. Oeog., Boktin, vii. 205-10.
732 RELIGIOUS ORDERS.
Pedro, and the lay brother Friar Fabian de Santo
Domingo.*® It was said that Saravia and Guerrero
built one hundred and sixty churches in as many
towns.
Among the Dominican priests of this diocese who
distinguished themselves, and obtained high positions
in and out of their order, besides those already named,
are Martin de Zdrate, Alonzo Lopez, Francisco Avila,
Antonio de la Serna, the two last being natives of
Oajaca; Gregorio de Beteta, who became bishop of
Cartagena; Pedro de la Vena, made bishop of Quito
in Ecuador; Pedro de Feria, afterward bishop of
Chiapas; Domingo de Salazar, prior of Antequera,
first bishop and archbishop of the Philippines, who
died soon after receiving the pallium in Madrid.
Juan Ramirez was a friar of Mexico and provincial,
and served among the Miztecs; after which he went
to Spain to defend the Indians, and died there. Juan
de Bohorques, provincial, was later bishop of Vene-
zuela, and subsequently of Oajaca. Domingo de Santa
Ana, noted for his purity, found himself imperilled
by the blandishments of a rich and handsome Indian
princess, who was desperately enamored of him. As
he rejected all her proffered caresses, she one night
entered his room, and while he slept threw herself
into his arras. Awakening, he succeeded in getting
out of bed, and with a shoe beat the tempter till she
screamed.*® People rushed in from the church and
discovered the much abashed cddca; the good father
meanwhile looking as if he had been fighting a legion
of demons.
Tomds del Espfritu Santo was one of the greai>
lights of the order. Domingo de Aguinaga was a
noted minister and prelate; as prior in Mexico he was
exemplary, and as vicar-general much beloved. He
^ Guerrero was a man of letters, and became the provincial of the order
in Mexico, before the province was divided. Burgoo, Otog, Dtscrip,, Oaj., i.
43.
^ ' Le did tales golpes £ la desenrroecada serpiete.' Burgoo, Oeog. Deacr^.,
OaJ., i. 88.
THE AUGUSrmiANS. 733
was the confessor of Viceroy Enriquez, twice elected
provincial, and venerated as a saint. Alonso Garcds
was burned to death in Villa Alta de San Ildefonso,
in 1580. Alonso de la Anunciacion was killed by
the fall of a platform on which he was officiating in
Etla, and by which accident over one hundred persons
were severely injured. Bernardo de Santa Catarina
came to Mexico in 1550, served among the Zapotecs,
and destroyed a great number of idols. When he
died, February 6, 1592, in Oajaca, the people crowded
his cell to cut locks from his hair and pieces from his
habit.*^
The Augustinians having increased their numbers,
and made much progress in the foundation of con-
vents throughout the country, under the rule of a
vicar-general, dependent of the provincial of Castile,
it was decided to create a separate province in Mexico,
subject only to the minister general of the order.
The division was effected in 1543, and Father Juan
de San Roman became the first provincial. ^^ The
term of office was fixed at three years. During the
^ The following authorities have been consulted on Dominican missionary
work in Oajaca: Burgoo, Geog. Descrip., Oaj., i. 34-6, 81-92, 104-8, 149-82,
189-94; ii. 202-60, 265-85, 300-11, 33^-40, 387-«, 410-11; WsL ChyajHi,
713-15; Paga, Cedulario, 186; Ddvila Padilla, IIuL Fvnd., 238-46, 461^,
483-6, 504-16, 645-58, 625-50; Oonzaicz Bdvila, Teatro Ecies., i. 89, 226; Fer-
nandez, Hist. Ecles., 108-12; Ddvila, ConUnuacion, MS., 154, 285.
•* He went to Spain in the same year with the provincials of the other two
mendicant orders to represent at court the affairs of the country; during his
absence Father Alonso de la Veracruz ruled the province as vicar-general
nearly two years; his successors were: Juan de Estacio, 1545-8; Alonso de
la Veracruz, 1648-51; Gerdaimo de Santi Est^van, 1551-4; Diego de Ver-
tadillo, 1554-7; Alonso de Veracruz, reelected, 1557-60; Augustin de la Co-
rufia, 1560-3; Diego de Vertadillo, reelected, 1563-6; Juan de Medina Rincon,
1566-9; Juan de San Roman, reelected, 1569-72; Juan Adriano, 1572-5;
Alonso de la Veracruz, 2d reelection, 1575-8; Juan de San Roman, 2d
reelection, 1578-81; Antonio de Mendoza, a son of Captain Luis Marin, one
of the first conquerors, and Marfa de Mendoza, of the nouse of the maraud
de Aguilar, 1581, who died a few days afterward; Pedro Suarez de Escobar,
1581-4; Pedro de Agurto, 1584-7; Luis Marin, a brother of the late Father
Mendoza, 1587-90; Juan Adriano, reelected, 1590-3; Gerdnimo Morante,
1593-6; Juan de Alvarado, a cousin of Pedro de Alvarado, 1596-9; Dionisio
de Zdrate, 1599-1602. During 12 years till the election of Adriano, the
provincials chosen were natives of Mexico. Father Luis Marin tried to
check that partiality, and thus do away with all spirit of jealousy. Grijahta,
Cr&n, 8. Augustin, 185-213; Midi. Prov, S, Nicolas, 112.
\
734 RELIGIOUS ORDERS.
second terra of one of his successors, Alonso de la
Veracruz, strenuous exertions were made by the order
to secure for the religious orders the tithes paid by the
natives.***
The discipline prescribed by the rules becomings
relaxed, to the scandal of the order, Provincial Medi-
na Kincon, a man of mtich equanimity though capable
of sternness when occasion demanded it, summoned to
his presence in Culhuacan the offending members and
despatched them to Spain. They attempted remon-
strance, and even bluster, but the provincial wa»
firm.®* So large was the number thus offending that
some of the convents had to be abandoned in conse-
quence, but the progress of the order was not retarded
thereby, and good discipline was restored. At this
time the Philippines were under the province of Mex-
ico, which supplied them with such missionaries as it
could spare. Under Father Adriano s rule the in-
creased number of friars permitted the districts to be
divided for more thorough administration."
Father Veracruz brought from Spain the Ugnum
** Through the efforts of Veracruz the Indians were much favored in tha
matter of tithes. He was one of the most learned as well as pious and indns-
trious men the religious orders had in Mexico. After the expiration of his
second triennial he went to Spain in 1562, and was the object of high con-r
sideration at court. He declined the mitre of Michoacan as well as the office
of comisario general of New Spain, Peru, and the Philippines, with residence
in Madrid, and a salaryfrom the royal treasury e(|uivalent to that of the
Franciscan comisario. While in Ma&d he was prior of the convent there
and visitador of New Castile; finally, the general made him vicar-general and
visitador of New Spain and the Philippines. After a sojourn of 11 years in.
Spain he returned to Mexico. He served his fourth term as provincial, and
then retired to the convent in Mexico, where after a lingering illness he died
at the ripe age of 80. His remains were buried in the chapel of the San.
Pablo College, founded by him. Mich. Prov. S. Ntcolaa, 35-40; Chrijaiua,
Cr6n, S. Augustin, 145; Salazar, Mix tn 155 J^^ 67-66.
^ * Vayanse con honra, si no quieren q los embie con deshonra,' he sternly
told them. The priests must have continued in their misbehavior in Spain,
for the provincial of Castile wrote to Medina Rincon to tell him beforehand
something about their character when such friars were sent back, using the
quaint expression, 'quando embiase Frayles semejates dixesse. Agua va.'
OrijaluOf Cr6n, 8. Augustin, 123.
*^Some of the priories retained 40 towns in their charge, others 60;
and these at first had been ministered to with great difficulty. Toward the
end of his term the same provincial laid before the chapter an order of the
general making the provincial's term four years; for himself he declined the
extension, ancf discountenanced the innovation. GrijaluOf Cr&n, 8, Aygiu^ru
140.
LA MERCED. 735
crucis,** and also a royal grant of the San Pablo build-
ing to his order, which met with some objection on
the part of the ordinary, but the viceroy favored the
friars. They were then assisted by friends, and the
provincial built a house for the theolegical college
with accommodations for about twenty religious.
Thus was the old San Pablo building brought into
use. The establishment soon became one of the most
notable in Mexico; a fine library was brought from
Spain for it by Veracruz. Father Pedro de Agurto
was the first rector. The order did not confine its
efforts to the archbishopric of Mexico. It had con-
vents in Puebla, Antequera, Zacatecas,^ and Michoa-
can, which was one of its great fields. The convents
in the last-named bishopric were begun in 1537. The
first foundations were those of Tiripitfo, Ucareo, and
Jacona, which till then had been in charge of the
Franciscans.^^ There was for a time some opposition
on the part of the bishop, till 1562, when the crown
stopped it. After that the Augustinians founded
convents in many places within that diocese.^ Two
deserve special notice; that of Charo, where lived
and died Father Basalenque, a celebrated writer of
the following century, and that of Tiripitfo. Father
Veracruz, of grave, austere habits, and very learned,
obtained from Emperor Charles a cedula to found the
tiniversity of Tiripitfo, which he superintended from
1540 to 1551, when he was prevailed on to transfer it
to Mexico.^ The order had in 1596 seventy-six mon-
* On placing it in the convent's church the archbishop assisted, a high mass
was celebrateo, and the bishop of Puebla preached the sermon. After the
ceremonies were concluded the archbishop asked for a piece of the sacred
wood for his cathedral, which being granted, the ceremonies were repeated,
CkmzalezDdvila, Teairo Ecles., i. 35-6.
•« Oomalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 226.
^ The Austin friars were a hard-working body and very successful in their
labors among the Tarascos. Sin. Mem., MS., 1; Mich, Prov. S. Nicolas, 78, etc.
* Previously to the trouble it had houses in Guachinango, Charo, Quitzeo,
Guango, Yuririaptindaro, and Valladolid. Afterward one in Cupdndaro,
Tzrosto, Patzcuaro, Chuckndiro, Tinganbato, San Felipe, Undameo, and San
Lais PotosL In 1573 the Franciscans turned over to the order the convents
at TonaU and Ocotlan. Mich. Prov. S. Nicolas, 69 et seq.; Beaumont, Cr6n.
Mich., 470; Morelia, in Soc, Mex. Geoa., BoleUn, viii. 629, 633.
''The order had other men of distinction in Mexico, aside from thoso
736 RULIGIOUS ORDERS.
asteries in New Spain, which early in the next cen-
tury was divided into two provinces.^**
The Mercenarios, or religiosos of the order of our
Lady of Mercy, were originally brought to Mexico
by Heman Cortes, but finding that field already occu-
{)ied they proceeded to Guatemala,^"* where they estab-
ished a province. Some of their members went to
Mexico in 1582 to attend the university. In 1589 a
convent was founded in a house bought by the order
in the San Lazaro district of the Mexican capital.
Tliis convent was erected into a college in 1593, pur-
suant to a decree of Viceroy Velasco, which was sub-
sequently confirmed by Philip II. The fathers also
obtained permission from the king to found other
convents in America, ^°* and toward the end of the
century one was established in Oajaca. At one time
they endeavored to obtain a footing in Yucatan, but
the Franciscans prevented them."*^
In 1580 was brought from Catalonia in Spain by
two rich Spaniards, Diego Jimenez and Fernando
Moreno, an image of the virgin of Montserrat, a copy
already named for services in the province. Father Gerdnimo de Santi Es-
tevaa was one of the missionaries who went with Lopez de Villalobos to the
Philippines; he wandered seven years without attaining his object, travelled
around the world as many more, and returned to Spain by way of the East
Indies. An humble disciple of Christ, he was always ready to sacrifice him-
self in the cause of the master. He died at the age of 77 after passiiig 55
years in spreading the gospel. Andr& de Mata, Juan de la Veracruz, Juan
Fcrez, Gregorio Rodriguez, and Pedro Garcia. OrijahOj CT6n. 8. AugusUn,
134-5.
*** A party of 28 Austin friars passed through Mexico in 1580, and em-
barked at Acapulco for the Philippines. Mendkta^ Huti. Ecles., 546.
*'^ I see, however, that on the 4th of August, 1533, some friars of the order
came to Mexico to found a monastery, as tney said, for the spirituad benefit
of the Spaniards and Indian conversion. They asked the ayuntamiento for
the grant of a site. The potition was referred to a committee of one alcalde
and some regidores, with instruction to report Another entry of tiie book
of that corporation says that the site was granted. Mex. CoL Lfyes (1861),
i., Introd., xxxviiL-ix.
**=» Vetanani, in Monnrru Dom, Esp., MS., 36; Medina, Ckrdn, S. Dkgo,
10; Soc. Mex. Oeog., Boletin, 2a ep., i. 729.
*^The comisario and definitorio of the Franciscans, on the Ist of Feb.
1547, wrote the council of the Indies from Merida, and amons other things
suggested to reform, ' una drden de Mercenaries que por ac4 anda, 6 aeaa
echados de la tierra.' It seems the Mercenarios did not take root. JBxtraeL
JSueltos, in Sqtde/s MSS., xxiL 101.
A FRIGHTENED MOlfK. 737
of the one in that* country. They built a chapel for
it, and endowed it with funds, agreeing to bequeath
their estates to the new establishment.^^ In 1582
the brotherhood of tjie Descendimiento y Sepulcro de
Cristo was established under the advocation of Saint
Magdalen. ^^ In 1584 a similar organization was
founded under the title of the Cofradia del Rosario.
It is related that Friar Tomds del Rosario when very
ill saw Lucifer coming toward him with a terrific and
threatening aspect. The frightened monk called on
the virgin to protect him. She forthwith appeared
and taking his hand in hers, said: "Arise, recite my
rosary, and I will favor thee." The devil disappeared
and the monk was cured, and from that moment
began to exert himself to establish the cofradia, and
succeeded in obtaining many brethren. A silver
image costing over five thousand pesos was made.
Offerings arrived from all parts, and the worship of
the vlrgen delt Rosario increased rapidly after 1584.
A cofradfa was soon founded in Puebla, and another
in Oajaca.^^
In 1588 there were seven nunneries and one school
for girls in the city of Mexico, all under the ordinary.
One of the nunneries, of the order of Saint Jerome,
was used as a place of detention for married women
undergoing trial, and for those who had been sentenced
for violation of their marriage vows.^®^
During Bishop Guerra's pastorate was founded in
Valladolid, Michoacan, the convent of Santa Catalina
de Sena of Dominican nuns. A convent of Capuchin
nuns existed in Oajaca at the end of the century, and
in 1589 a convent of the order of Santa Clara was
founded in M^rida, Yucatan.
^** A brotheiliood was organized, and the pope granted it the same n^ht^
enjoyed by the one in Catalonia. Ljleaias y Conventos^ 1 13-14.
^Ddviia PadUla, Hvd. Fmd., 661.
^ Fernandez, HUL Ecles., 9^-100.
^''The convent of Jesus Maria, finished in 1588, was built for the poor
descendants of the conquerors and early settlers. Oonzakz Ddviia, TecUro
JkkB., i 38; Sig&enza y 06ngora^ Parayso OcciU., 5-11.
Hist. Mbx., Vol. XL 47
i
CHAPTER XXXIII.
FIFTH, SIXTH, AND SEVENTH VICEROYS.
1580-1589.
SUASU BB MSNDOCA, 009DX DX UL GoBUSFa—A TOO BbNIONAIVT Rui.X —
Golden Tuns vor the Gobruft Officials— Suarxz well out or It —
Abchbishop Moya t Contrxbas Made Visitaix>r — Then Vicerot
— A Stern Ruler— He Makes Monet vor his MAarrER — ^Habd Tmss
lOB THE Wicked Officials — ^Thet Beo Delivebance from Mota —
And Rbgeivx It — ^Zt^NioA, Marques de Villamanriqub— A Jnsr and
Moderate Rule— Pirates on the West Coast— Cavendish Captdbbs
A Galleon — A Rare Prize — California Coast Defences — Gommbbcb
on the Atlantic— Epidemic, Eabthquakes, and Social Disbuftion—
Villamanbique Deposed and Humiliated. •
Lorenzo Suarez db Mendoza, conde de la Coruiia,
received an enthusiastic welcome in the capital on the
4th of October, 1580, as the fifth viceroy of New
Spain, the ceremonies being conducted with unusual
pomp. With the increase of the Spanish population,
and the development of stock-raising and mining,
wealth and luxury had assumed magnificent propor-
tions, and the viceregal dignity swelled acconiingly.
In the present instance the high station and rare
personal qualities of Suarez had something to do
with the unusually brilliant reception. He was a
member of the illustrious family of the first viceroy,
Antonio de Mendoza, whose memory was still cher-
ished ; he was advanced in age, enjoying the fame of
a great soldier and gallant courtier, and with a dis-
position more afiable, frank, and generous than that
of any of his predecessors. Thus he at once captivated
all with whom he came in contact.
Naturally from his rule the people expected the
(788)
DEATH OF SUARKZ. 739
best results, and deemed it not unreasonable to look
forward to a period of peaceful progress which would
still further develop their growing prosperity. But
they were doomed to disappointment. The count was
a man too good for the place. He was too mild, too
lenient; he lacked energy; he was utterly unable to
cope with the corrupt officials who as a rule were ever
at hand to disgrace the government of New Spain.
His inability in this and other respects was increased
by the restrictions which had been placed upon vice-
regal power during the time of Velasco, and by such
royal provisions as that permitting the first purchasers
of notarial offices to sell them again to the highest
bidder, paying one third of the purchase-money into
the royal treasury.^
Taking advantage of the viceroy s weakness, gov-
ernment servants became more bold; public funds
were misappropriated, and the venality of the judges
was without precedent. Viceroy Enriquez had well
known the country and the people, and in order that
his successors might profit by his experience, the king
had requested him, as we have seen, to write out in-
structions to serve as a guide for the. future viceroys
of New Spain.* Under the present circumstances
these were of little value. Suarez' only remedy lay at
court; and in a secret report to the king he set forth
the disadvantages under which he labored, the wicked-
ness of the audiencia, and their disregard for his
authority. He requested that a visitador be sent
from Spain, clothed with sufficient Dower to chastise
the malefactors.
But all was superfluous; the Great Assuager was
at hand to deliver the sadly beset count from all his
budding troubles. Bowed by the weight of years, and
the vexatious duties of his office, he died, June 19,
1582. He left no family to mourn his loss, and the
^ Thia permission to sell the qficios de pluma was granted by the king,
INoyember 13, 1581. Jieales C^dulaa, in Padieco and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc.^
2viL 368.
* Instrucdones, Vireyea, Nueva EapaHa, 242-50.
740 FIFTH, SIXTH, AND SKVBNTH VIGEROYS.
pompous rites of the official funeral were hollow in*
the extreme, with more than usua] mockery.' Had a
strong man been present to take his place, the death
of Suarez might have been of benefit to the country.
But such a one was not at hand, and before the
funeral ceremonies were over the audiencia assumed
gubernatorial powers under the presidency of Dr Luis
de Villanueva/ Their evil rule was of short duration,
however. Suarez' private report, and information of
the doings of the audiencia, had their effect upon the
king, and in 1583 the archbishop of Mexico, Pedro de
Moya y Contreras, was appointed visitador.
The prelate had long observed the arbitrary pro-
ceedings of the oidores, and his austere disposition
and rigid principles offered little hope for mercy. His
power was dreaded the more because he might wield
it in secret as a minister of the holy office, the first
inquisitor of Mexico. Moya manifested no great haste
in his action against the culprits, but proceeded with
prudence to gather information and prepare the neces-
sary proofs. His preparations completed, he reported
to the crown and asked for further instructions. He
pointed out the great offenders, and recommended to
royal favor the few who had been faithful The king's
reply was brief; the archbishop was appointed viceroy
with plenary power, and on September 25, 1584, he
took formal charge of the government as sixth viceroy
of New Spain, thus being the sole incumbent of the
three most powerful positions in the country, namely,
viceroy, archbishop, and inquisitor.
Seldom, if ever, during those times was the con-
fidence of the monarch more judiciously bestowed.
His elevation was hailed with joy by aJl save the
' In Torquvnada, i. 648, the date of his death ia not given, while Yetaa«
curt and others erroneously give July 19, 1582.
* He diad October 25, 1593. The subsequent personnel of the aadienci»
consisted of Pedro Farfan, Pedro Sanchez Paredes, Francisco de Sande, Fer-
nando de Bobles, and Diego Garcia de Palacio. Alcalde de chancilleria,
Santiago del Riego; fiscal, Licenciado Eugenie de Salaaar; secretary, Sancho
Lopez de Agurto. ConcUioa Prw., MS., i 267; iiu 69.
ARCHBISHOP MOYA. 741
audiencia and its satellites.* Proceedings now were
short and decisive. Some of the minor delinquents
were fortunate enough to escape with removal from
office; others were heavily fined and punished, while
several of the chief culprits were hanged. Men of
proverbial probity were then appointed to fill the
vacancies, and thus by the fearless and energetic rule
of this remarkable man, order and justice soon reigned.
The immediate effect of this procedure against the
officials was that in 1585 Moya was enabled to re-
plenish the royal coffers by shipping to Spain three
million three hundred thousand ducats in coined
silver, and eleven hundred marks of gold in bars, to-
gether with valuable cargoes of the products of the
country.
Feeling his great responsibility, his zeal was inces-
sant, no less in temporal than in spiritual matters.
At the solicitation of the priest Juan de la Plaza, he
founded a seminary intended exclusively for Indians,
in which they were instructed in the elementary
branches. The college was under the direction of
the Jesuits, and soon became noted for the wonderful
progress of its students. In his other efforts to benefit
the natives he was only partially successful.
The government of the archbishop was too severe
to be of long duration. While the people would have
looked with favor on the prolongation of his power,
he had been the terror of certain persons, who resorted
to intrigue so common at the time to effect his re-
moval. The long list of charges preferred against
him, however, found little credence in Spain.^
Scarcely thirteen months after Moya took charge
^ of the government, and while ,he was actively engaged
* 'Hablaba, y obraba, como Poderoso en todo, y todos callaban, y sufrian
como rendidos, y alebestrados. ' Torfjuemadfiy i. 649.
'Under date of July 1, 1586, a series of 181 charges against Moya were
forwarded to the India Council, by Cristobal Martin of Mexico, concerning
' Ice e^esos 6 otras cosas que don Pedro Moya de Contreras . . . hizo 4 cometid
en deuerui^io de Dios Nnestro Seflor e de su magestad, e mal exemplo y
esc&ndalo de la repiiblica, assf espafioles como naturales della. ' PeraUa^ Not,
Miat; 348-9. In this document he is accused of incapacity to govern, the
742 FIFTH, SIXTH, AND SEVENTH . VICEROYS.
in his many duties, his successor arrived. After con-
tinuing his visitatorial functions for a further period,
during which he was still the scourge of evil-doers, he
finally returned to Spain, and was appointed president
of the India Council. He died in Madrid toward the
end of December 1591.^
On the 18th of October, 1585,® the seventh viceroy
of New Spain, Alonso Manrique de Ziiniga, marques
de Villamanrique, and brother of the duque de Bejar,
was received in Mexico with the customary pomp,
and with rejoicing by the classes that were glad to be
rid of tlieir late tormentor. He brought with him his
wife and daughter, his brother-in-law, and a large
retinue of servants. At first the new viceroy was
highly esteemed, much on account of the amiable
marchioness; but in due time the newness of the man
wore off, and as Torquemada observes, "though he
was wise, sagacious, and prudent, during the course
of his subsequent proceedings, he gave not the satis-
faction he might."
Dissensions between the temporal and spiritual
authorities were becoming chronic in New Spain, so
that it was hardly to be expected that a viceroy and
archbishop could encounter without coming to words.
Hence we are not at all surprised to learn that at a
meeting with Moya, at Guadalupe, a discussion arose
concerning political and ecclesiastical affairs which
left the high dignitaries enemies for Ufe.* The breach
last charge we should expect to see preferred; of being a bad eoclesiastiCr
disobedient to royal authority, living in concubinage, as careless, Ticious, dis-
honest; of beinff addicted to cards, proud, vengeful inhuman, and of poeseas-
ing what other bad or criminal quauties might be attributed to the worst of
men.
J The time of death is variously stated as having occurred in January and*
m December 1591. It seems that the deceased had been so poor that Fhilip
WM obliged to pay his debts and funeral expenses. Further information «
Moya may be found in Soaa, EspUcopado Mex,, 27-40; Torquemada, L 049;
Alegre, BUt. Comp. Jesu9, i. 208-9; Alaman, J>uert., iii. ap. 16; Qinsala
DdvUa, Teatro Ecles., i. 35-40.
^ConeiUoB Prav., MS., i 271; Mex. Hkrx>gfyphkal IligL, 126; Fetancvrt,
Trot. Mex., 10-11. Some of the modem authors, aa Lorenaana^ Alimnn^
t^^ *»d others, ^ve the date as October 17 th.
One of the principal causes of their lasting enmity was that the viceroj^
ASIATIC CX)MMERCK 745
between the two great bodies widened still more when
in the early part of the following year the viceroy
for the second time notified the three orders, Fran-
ciscans, Dominicans, and Augustinians, to comply
with the commands of the king concerning the admin-
istration of the Catholic faith in New Spain, previously
given by Viceroy Enriquez. The provincials, evading,
replied as before, and the viceroy insisting, they ap-
pealed to the king.
It would seem to us from the present point of view
that the reappearance of pirates in American waters
would prove a pleasing divertisement from official bick-
ering at the capital. However that may be, the vice-
roy was greatly alarmed when he heard that Francis
Drake had taken Santo Domingo, and threatened
Habana. Messengers were sent along the coast from
Pdnuco and Yucatan, and into Guatemala and Hon-
•duras, ordering coast defences to be made ready al]
along the border to Nombre de Dios. Diego de Ve-
lasco, brother-in-law of Villamanrique, was appointed
commander of the fortress San Juan de Ulua, and
two hundred and fifty men were sent to defend Habana.
The flurry, however, passed away, and news that the
royal fleet was approaching made the Spaniards breathe
'freely again. ^®
Since the founding of Manila in 1564, by Miguel
Gomez de Legazpi, a profitable trade had sprung up
ivith New Spain. It was natural, therefore, that
ivhen fears for the shipping on the Atlantic became
somewhat abated, the peo[>le should begin to tremble
fur the t^fety of tiioir richly laden galleons plyiiii^
l»etween the Philippine Islands and Acapulcu. Of
the early voyages to the l*hi]i]ipine Islands little is
known; but by chance a rerord ]ias hvim preserved of
one madt^ a few years after the departure of Francis
favored the oidorea, vhn were Bubject to investigation by the arclibiahop mm
viaita^Jo^, ffee Pdfi^, RfL^ in Vol. 7>or* In^d.^ \vv\, 18*2.
^^Stje the raport of thu viucrrty Ui niJUj> IL, iii Vartit^ de ffa/kf^^ 3.13-7, 703.
Drake from the Pacific. Francisco de Gali," havings
sailed from Acapulco in March 1582, left Macao on
his return July 24, 1584. Taking the usual northern
route, he sighted the American coast in latitude 37*"
30', and without anchoring followed it to Acapulco."
Subsequently the islands were governed by an audi-
encia, but, the commercial intercourse with New Spain
increasing, it was thought expedient to make the gov-
ernment and judiciary of the Philippines dependent
on the viceroy and audiencia of Mexico.^* The voyage
from Acapulco to the Philippines and return generally
occupied thirteen or fourteen months, and usually one
vessel was despatched every year."
With regard to the pirates, it proved as the people
of Mexico had feared. They were indeed again in the
waters of the Pacific. The country was aroused, and
an armed force was at once hurried to Acapulco, under
Dr Palacio. Arrived at the port, it was found that
the pirates had not touched there, but had been in
that vicinity." It appears that Thomas Cavendish,
** Also written Oualle, or Galle.
^'The original Spanish diary not being extant, our only knowledge of the
voyage comes from a Dutch translation published in Linsc/toten, Jieys Qke-
itcfin/t, of which the first edition appeared m 1596.
^•'This change was effected about the year 1590 by Velasco, Bucoesaor t^
Villamanrique, when Gromez Perez das Mariflas was appointed governor of the
Philippines. Agreeable to a special royal commission Velasco appointed Her-
rero del Corral visitador to take the residencia of the oidores, and organize
the ffovemmeut of the islands. The change does not seem to have worked
to aavantage, however, as we are told that there were continual dissensions
between Governor Marifias and the clergy, and some diffi:mltie8 with the
emperor of Japan. Torqttemada, i. 654-6; 6i59-70. A royal decree of Jan-
uary 11, 1593, provided that thereafter New Spain should be the only pos-
session in Spanish America allowed to send vessels to the Philippine Islands for
trade, and merchandise was not to be brought from there to any other part of
America under penalty of forfeiture. ReaJUa CiditldSy in Padieco and Cdreicxiu,
Col. Doc., xvii. 420-1.
*^ The climate of the islands proved so fatal to the Spaniards, that of the
14,000 who had gone there during the previous 20 years, 13,000 had died.
VhcainOf in HaklvyCa Vov., iii. 560.
^^ It was believed at the time, and some of the old authorities, as Torque-
mada, Cavo, and others, followed by a host of modem authors, state positively,
that this raid in 1587, during whicn the Spanish galleon Santa Ana was cap-
tured, was made by Francis Drake, who, as is well known, in that year
scoured the coasts of Spain. Of these modem authors I will only mention
Zamacois, who gives a detailed account of the affisdr, and says the pirate was
' Francisco Drak. ' Previously he makes a short and vague mention that one
* 1 om^ Cawendisk ' took a ship coming from Manila in 1586. See his HuU
MSj., V. 190-2.
PIRATES IN THE PACIFIC.
or Candishy as it is sometimes writt<
of circumnavigation and for plunder,
Plymouth on July 21, 1586, with oi
twenty-three men, on the Desire^ Co
Gallanl, of one hundred and twenty,
tons respectively. ^^
The fleet had entered the Pacific <
1587, and from March to June had n
of South America, taking several pr
erate booty, and retaining such priso:
the commander's opinion be of use
found the Spaniards less unprotected i
for he deemed it wise to pass by sev
out landing to attack, and on each of i
lost twelve men in battle.
On the 1st of July Cavendish appn
of North America," and on the 9t
burned a new vessel without cargo fi
From a prisoner, the pilot, Michael Sa
that a large galleon was expected a
from the Philippines. Soon another \
supposed to have been sent to warn t
July 26th Cavendish anchored in th(
several leagues from Huatulco, and (
sent his pinnace with thirty men to
"The standard authority for Cavendish's voyage is '
perous Vot/aje of (fve Worshipfull Master T/ionuis Ca
CmtJitie ofSuffolke Esqtiire. . ,bif MaMer FrancU Pretty,
tn t/ie same action, in Haklvyt's Voy., iii. 803-25. Ii
825-36, are Certain rare and special notes concemimj
etc., by Thomas Fuller of the Desire. A brief accou
in the first edition of Hakhyt, in 1589, 809-13. Ni
Viage Jntrod., liv.-v., saw two original documents oi
ment of Captain Alzola of the Snnta Aivi, made <
pulco, and a declaration by Antonio de Sierra, one ol
uefore the audiencia of Guadalajara January 24, 1588.
gives the only account extant of the return of the S
The above mentioned are the only sources of original in
dition, or at least on that part of it concerning our 1
ing secondary authorities are before me: Voyages, J
Voyages, New CoL, i. 43-62; Kerr's Voy., x. 66-93; .
22-5; Burney*8 Discov. SotUh Sea, ii. 85-9; Taylor, in 1
GoUfriedt, N, WeU, 367-8; Cam, Tres Siglos, i. 214; I
a list which might be easily augmented.
*' The Htigh Oallant had been exchanged for a pi
was also soon abandoned.
they burned, after capturing a Dark from Sonsonare,
laden with cacao and indigo. ^^ On the 29th Caven-.
dish anchored off Huatulco and landed in person. A
raid of several miles into the interior also proved profit-
able to the pirate, and on August 2d he set sail, hold-
inghis course northward along the coast.
^ut the prudent filibuster was satisfied to attack
the less defended places on the coast, and would not
trust himself into the harbor of Acapulco, having been
informed by Michael Sancius that this was the ren-
dezvous of the Philippine fleet. Though not diflScult
to clear the narrow entrance to the harbor, it might
be a more serious matter to retreat in case of a failure
to take the town. It therefore appeared to Master
Cavendish much like a dangerous rat-trap, which he
wisely concluded to evade. ^^
The next field of his depredations was Navidad,
near the present Manzanillo, where he landed August
24th, and captured a mulatto who had been sent
along the coast with letters to give the alarm. The
town and two large ships on the stocks were burned.
From August 26th to September 2d Cavendish was
in the port of Santiago, obtaining water from the
river; and on the next day, from a port called Malaca,
a little farther west, the pirates went two leagues in-
land, and 'defaced' the Indian village of Acatlan. A
similar raid was made at Chacala,** where a party of
men were held until ransomed by their wives with
plantains and other fruits, one carpenter and a 'Por-
^^ ' Wee landed there, and burnt their towne, with the church and customa-
house, which was very faire and Large: in which house were 600 bags of anile
to dye cloth; euery bag whereof was worth 40 crownes, and 400 bags of cacaos;
everv bag whereoi is worth ten crownes.' Speaking of the cacao the reoort
of Master Pretty here continues: ' They are very tike unto an almond, cmi
are nothing so pleasant in taste; they eate them, and make drinke of them.'
Haklvyt's Voy., iii. 814.
^' Here we have the reason why Palaoio failed to find him in or aboat tiie
port of Acapulco. Master Pretty at this stage of his narrative remarks: ' Here
wee ouershipped the hauen of Acapulco, from whence the shippes are aet
foorth for the Philipinaa.* Haklvyt'a Voy,, iii. 815.
^ Described as 18 leaffues from Cape Corrientes. Bumey, Discov, South
Seoy ii. 86, without specifying any other than the Hakluyt account, calls it
the ' Bay of Compostella^ probably San Bias/ as it very likely ^
ADVENTURES OF CAVEND
tugal' being carried away. From
17tb of September the Englishmen
fowl and seal meat on the little islan
arriving on the 24th at Mazatlan,*^
Having obtained '*good fruites, th
danger/' they repaired the vessels o
just north of Mazatlan, Here, digj
they obtained water "by the assistan
our great neede . , . otherwise wee 1
or 30 leagues to water; which niigh
eion that we might haue miased o
long waytrcd for/ Poor indeed mu
not a god according to his purposes !
ations of Cavendinn were watched hi
ish horsemen from the main, who '
have come from Chametla, some el
tant. On the 9th of October the fle
and bore across to San Lucas, arri%
and watering at a river which flowed
Segura, since known as the bay of
Puerto del Cabo. It was time the ;
coming; ah, what a rare robbery it '
The vessel lay off* and on till the <
when early in the morning the cry, .
from the mast-head. It was indeed
Santa Ana of seven hundred tons^ c
Alzola,^ from the Philippines bound
iiaving on board 122,000 pesos in gi
cargo of Silks and other Asiatic ^c
righteous luek ! Let now both sidt
defend tJie right!
The stupid Spaniard seems never "
anything wrong, for he came lazily a
tranquil waters, thankful that the lo
last over; thankful for the rich results
'^ This is perhaps the earliest mention of this nam
''Pretty says, Tomds de Ersola was a pilot and
%o the Ladrones; but Navarre te coiisultea Alzola's
and can hardly be in error. He gives the name <
Kodriguez.
748 FIFTH, SIXTH, AND SEVENTH VICEROYa
den the hearts of a hundred thousand men and women,
old and young. The Desire stood out under all sail
as if to give the old ocean-battered bark a friendly
greeting; and the Spaniard seems not to have realized
the situation until awakened to it by a broadside
from the pirate, which was now at close range. In-
stantly all was activity on board the SavJta Ana as
the surprised Spaniards prepared for action, keeping
down behind the bulwarks out of sight. After a
few volleys of small shot the Britons somewhat too
hastily attempted to board. The Spaniards sprang
forward, armed "with lances, iauelings, rapiers, ana
targets, and an innumerable sort of great stones, which
they threw overboord upon our heads and into our
ship so fast, and being so many of them, that they put
vs oiSF the shippe againe, with the losse of 2 of our men
which were slaine, and with the hurting of 4 or 5."
A prolonged shout from tlie Spaniards followed the
receding foe, but the heavy guns were again brought
into play, and a murderous broadside was once more
tlirown into the galleon. Though the damage in-
flicted on the Spaniards was great, ** their Captaine
still like a valiant man with his company stood very
stoutly vTito his close fif^hts, not yeelding as yet."
But caurage and endurance were of no avail : the
Santa Ana was doomed.
After a fight of five or six hours, when twelve of
his men had been killed and the Santa Ana was in
imminent danger of sinking, the Spaniard struck his
flag, and lowering l3oats at the command of Cavendish,
he went on lioard the Desire to surrender and sue for
mercy. Cav^ondish turned his benignant face to the
Spanish captain and ''most graciously pardoned both
him and the rest vpon promise of their true dealing
with him," and ''of his great mercy and humauitie^
jiromised their lives and good vsage."
On the 6th the prize was towed into Aguada So-
gura,^" the work of transferring the cargo began, and
" Salmeztm, Mtlt L6>, uyt it wais Mogdoleuar Bay.
CAPTURB OF THE GALLEON. 749
the Spaniards to the number of one hundred and
ninety were put on shore, all of them save a few who,
it was thought, might be useful as interpreters or
pilots at the Islands. When the EngUsmen proceeded
to divide their booty, difficulties, as usual, arose with
threats of mutiny ; especially from the men of the Can-
tent, which vessel had done but little during the fight,
though finally, much to the satisfaction of the fright-
ened prisoners, all was in due time amicably arranged.
On the 17th the anniversary of the queen's corona-
tion was celebrated on board the pirate with salutes,
fireworks, and general rejoicing, and on the 19th they
"set sayle ioyfuUy homewardes towardes England.
The Content was left in the roads and was never heard
of again; but the Desire completed the circumnavi-
gation of the earth and anchored in Plymouth harbor
September 9, 1588.
Cavendish prided himself on being a most humane
3.nd Christian pirate ; he would not kill the people of
the Santa Ana for the mere pleasure of it. He did
not ravish the women, or throw overboard the children.
After taking what he wanted out of the galleon, leaving
still some five hundred tons of valuable CArgo, and after
setting fire to the vessel, he was not particular to see
that every plank was burned before he left it. There
was nothing mean about Cavendish ; though it does
not appear why he did not leave the ship to the Span-
iards so that in it they might bring hun more gold to
capture. Another mark of Cavendish's humanity and
fine gentlemanly feeling: before burning the Santa
Ana he permitted the Spaniards to take away the
sails with which to make themselves tents on the
beach, and also some planks out of which they might
build some boats to take them to Acapulco, so that
they were quite comfortable. They were put ashore
on the lower end of the peninsula, if we may believe
the gentle highwayman, in a place ** where they had
a fayre river of fresh water, with great store of fresh
fish, foule, and wood, and also many hares and conies
7«) FIFTH, SIXTH, AND SEVENTH VICEROYS.
vpon the maine land;" and Cavenish left them "great
store of victuals, of garuansos, peoson, and some wine/*
And when the filibuster took leave of the captain, he
"gaue him a royall reward," which consisted "both of
swords, targets, pieces, shot, and powder," and a piece
of ordnance.
But better fortune was in store for them than even
Cavendish had intended. The galleon had been fired
when at anchor a short distance from the land. When
her cables burned off she drifted to the shore, and
ballast being thrown out, the hulk was found in a
condition capable of being repaired, as we are informed
by Torquemada, so as to carry the whole party to
Acapulco.
When they entered the port and their sorrowful tale
reached the ear of the viceroy, Palacio was again
despatched to capture the pirate, but without success.
For so serious a loss somebody must be to blame, and
there were many who accused the viceroy of not
having taken* sufficient precautions to prevent the
calamity
It was, indeed, necessary that steps should be taken
to render safer the Asiatic commerce, for under the
existing state of things the reward was too tempting-
to escape notice. If such wealth could be so easily-
secured by a handful of sea-robbers, then it were bet-
ter for all the world to turn thieves. It was along-
the California coast, where robbers lay in wait, that
there was the greatest danger ; and as the galleons were
obliged to go northward to catch the trade-winds in
crossing the ocean, a more northern port, somewhere
on the California coast, was first of all desirable, which
might serve as a station for armed vessels to watch for
ana escort the galleons to Acapulco.
To this end, in 1595, the San Agustin was de-
spatched from the Philippines by Governor Gromes
Perez das Marinas, at the order of Viceroy Velaaco,
the son, under the pilot Sebastian Kodriguez Cer-
ATLANTIC FLEETS* 751
meflon, for the express purpose of exploring the coast.
All that is known of the result is that the San
Aguslin ran ashore behind the point a little later called
Reyes, in the bay now bearing the name of Drake,
or Jack Harbor, but then named San Francisco, prob-
ably from the day of arrival.**
But the matter was not allowed to drop. The
same viceroy entered into a contract with Sebastian
Vizcaino to explore anew and occupy for Spain the
Islas Califomias. Velasco's successor, the count of
Monterey, ratified the contract and despatched the
expedition in 1597.^
Though Vizcaino sailed from Acapulco with three
vessels and a large force, the expedition again proved
a failure, and those of the discomfited Spaniards who
were fortunate enough to escape with their lives sub-
sequently returned to Acapulco.**
Meanwhile on the Atlantic, where the necessity for
the protection of commerce from the pirates was
greater than on the Pacific, more efficient measures
were introduced. Commercial intercourse with the
mother country must at all hazards be preserved.
Hence navios de registro were formed into fleets, and
periodically despatched from Spain to Vera Cruz,
convoyed by war-vessels, the first •coming in 1581."
** The further fate of the vessel and crew is left to conjecture; but the
pilot Francisco de Bolaftoe lived to visit the bay again in 1603 with Vizcaino,
and from him apparently comes all that is known of the voyage. Torquenuula,
i. 717-18; Aeceimon, Bel. Breve, 558; Cabrera Bueno, Nav. EmecvL, paasim;
Saimeron, Rei, 20; Niel, Apunt, 74; 8 tail y Mex., Viaqe, lvi.-vii. The
question is fully discussed in HUt. North Mex, Stales and Hist, Col., Una
aeries.
'^ Torquemada, followed apparently by all other writers, states that in
1596 the king ordered Viceroy Monterey to send Vizcaino to California, and
that the expedition was made the same year; but there is a royal cedula of
August 2, 1628, in Doc Hist. Mex., 2d series, iii. 442-3, in which the facts
are stated as I have given them, Monterey ordering Vizcaino to fulfil his
contract, ' no embarganto que en la sustancia y capacidad de su persona, halld
algunos inconvenientes.' Greenhow, Or, and Cat., 89-91, telk us without
any known authority that Vizcaino had been on the Santa Ana, that was
captured by Cavendish.
''For the interesting details of this expedition and the adventures of tne
^Mniards in Calif ornia, see HisL North Mex. States, L, and HisL Northwest
dixut, this series.
''In 1582 new laws and regulations- were promulgated concerning these
762 FIFTH, SIXTH, AND SEVENTH \aCER0Y3.
Eleven of such fleets arrived at Vera Cruz during the
last twenty years of tlie century, carrying back to
Spain the accumulated treasures of the New World,**
The expense of equipfung and maintaining such a large
number of vessels was sometimes so great that all the
treasure carried would not pay es]>enses. Occasionally
it would happen as with an armada despatched from
Seville in 1593, having a capacity of 9,500 tons, with.
3,500 men. It was cummanded bv Francisco CaUima,
nut never reached its destination, being obliged to
ruuvoy back the fleet of Alvaro Flores from New
Spain, witb which it had fallen in vn the high sea.^
The unloading of ships at Vera Cruz was tedious,
expensive, and generally attended with the loss of
many lives from disease. The time usually occupied
for discharging was four months, and nine or ten
months elapsed bcibre the sliips were again despatched.
For this reason many vessels were damaged or lost;
freights wei-e excessive, and passage rates high.*'
Ships for Europe at this time sailed from San Juan
de Ulua for Habana, which occupied some twenty
tleet!], ihi^iT outfit, tmd tbo manner in which the saiiora and even p^axeiigera
Tverof obliged to gn amieil OnieiMn^CM, Vtuia de Coitlniiaao^u, &).
^^lUis subjijet will be morti fully couddertid u\ iny next voltiTne fm. New
Sjmin. Mtsu Aaq Tn'tmux'l'oft.paujt, Voi/., seric i. torn, i, 455; Am^rm, HivL
y CfTjtfi.^ H27-S; Almtmn, DhiftH.^ iii. app^ 20-
™T;]e coat of t^aloma'e 6ub3i(L-f|ucut ex|H>fliticjiij in 1594, exceeded 800,000
ducaU, which W3^ much iu cxceaj of the ultimate amount realLZed. Vaz^-af^
Aytnd.i in Vol. Doe. Inid.^ Wu SSo-G, In ^le same yuar Prince Joan Andrii»
Doria, in a letter to tha king, accuaed the ludii (.Yiuucil of incompetence Id
thiii uuittcr, Had recQUitnetid^d that tiH^aauro should be conveyed to Spain in
faster vejaj.l3 tli^ui thoao of the English. Ho thought tho tranaportation too
dangerous in ^galeouca dm armada, however well tliey might he eqtnp|>ed; if
they engaged in coinliat, succead was doubtful, ancl, even if favorabL, there
was no cjruinty that while fighting one or the other of the truaauro -ships
might not go down, Dorit^ Curta ai Rcif., in Vol. Dw. Inid.^ ii. 171-2, In
I iii* I a laj-go Ik'et on its way to N«jw Spain was d^troyed by the enemy, and
another at V^iViz^ when about to «alL VtiztjfteZf ApfiiU.^ in OoL Doc. hdtL^ LiL
537-*i»>. 'i*he luj3es> at Bea were severe and coutinuakL, in atblitio:i to which,
aa the king saikl, ' bauiendomo ancargado (sin poderlo efiouaar) dela defen^
*le t<Kla la ehfistianthtil ikma^ del a dcmia Rjynos. ' This, among other origi-
nal cedulLifi, siKuod Yo Ei Rcy by Philip II., with toyal aeal ^tta^hod and
oountoraigned by the aocretary Joan de Ybarraj may be found in Ordtma tU
la i finma, MS*, ii* 132.
^GocjiU were kept a long time in launches and b«rg^; large quantitiea
were fltok^n or »riinggledp and the crown lo^t much of ita does, Maraiita^
Cttrta at Mn)/^ in Vaiia4 d6 iftdia^ l^^^-S,
SOME MAY NOT MARRY.
five day&L There they took in supplie ,
fifteen days for the fleet from Nombre i
brought the treasures from Peru;
through the Bahama Channel, ofl* C \
they sailed away from Spain. '^ Of co i
shipwrecks, one of the most notable
being the loss of the admiral's shi
an anxiously expected fleet from Sp
dashed to pieces on the reefs at the
Cruz Harbor, during a norther early i
one hundred and eighty persons peris
the town, for lack of boats on shore to
A consulate or commercial tribunal
in the city of Mexico in 1581, under \^ I
the growing commerce of the country i
lateoL The merchants hailed this i
satisfaction, for Mexico was now t
centre for traders from Asia, Americ
and the harbors of Vera Cruz and
become famous in the trafficking world
But what were shipwrecks, and thi
of filibusters, and the loss of galleons,
quent curses of the men, and the low lo i
plaints of women — what to the unha]i
tive of royalty were such troubles compj
attending the regulations of the social v.
thee., O king! we live and move and hji
the maids and matrons of New Spai
**Thou givest us better than corn ai
bands great or small according to thy ;
ard frocks and ribbons, in thy great ^!
mining the extent and colors of them."
so said, VaUamanrique must take his vi;
^HorUrp^s TrtwaiUs, in HaklvyCa Voy., iii. 493.
''The admiral and over 100 persons were saved by t!
few who ventured out in boats to their aasistance. Pc
Doc, Ined., Iviii. 480.
"Though beffun in 1581, the establishment of the coi:
-established untiflO or 12 years later. For details and list;
Mem. y Not., 53; Vetancvrt, Trot. Mex., 30-1.
Hist. Mxx., Vol. IL 48
754 FIFTH, SIXTH, AND SEVENTH VICEROYS.
the pinnacle of Popocatepetl, and thence direct the
ebb and flow of ocean, the movements of the clouds,
the growth of plants, and the respiration of all organic
things.
There was in force a royal decree, issued some years
previously, forbidding any government officials in
America from marrying within the district where
they held jurisdiction, without special permission from
the king, under penalty of forfeiture of the royal &vor
and the offices they held; nor might they ever again
hold any office in the Indies." Hitherto the law had
been little heeded; either officials had not desired to
break it, or, breaking it, little notice had been taken
of the offence.
But the time had come when the king's authority
must be enforced. In defiance of the law an didor of
the audiencia of Guadalajara had married, and the
royal procurator of that district had allowed his
daughter to marry.** Villamanrique ordered their
arrest. The officers resisted, and dissensions followed,
during which the question of jurisdiction was brought
forward. None of the opponents yielded, until the
viceroy, becoming exasperated, despatched a military
force against the audiencia. Other troops were there
ready to oppose them. For a time war was immi-
nent, but, by the wise interference of lovers of peace^
harmony was at length restored.^
Other historic troubles followed. In 1 588 the native
population of New Spain was again decimated by a
pestilence like that of 1576. The provinces suffering
most were Tlascala and Toluca ; though here, where
** Gontraots of marriage, verbal or in writing, made with the idea or hope
that the royal license would be forthcoming, were to be treated the same as
formal marriages, so far as the penalties were concerned. The decree vaa
dated at Lisbon Febraary 26, 1582. £eai C4dula, in Pacheco and Cdrdcntu^
CoL Doe., xviiL 244-7.
^ *Also the kings Attumev of Guadalajara maried his daughter of 8 yeres
old with a boy of 12 yeres old.' Cano, LeUer, in Haklvut'a Voff., m. 396-7.
''According to Alegre, Hltl. Ccm^. Jesus, i. 221, the viceroy was moved
to relent by a Jesuit's sermon on for^veness. Torquemada, i 650, says that
the viceroy was removed for this afiair. Oavo, Tres Sigloe, i 216-17, tdla as
the quarrel was about the jurisdiction over certain towns.
756 FIFTH, SIKTH, AND SEVENTH VICEROTS.
maDnque. Bishop Bomano was an uncompromising
enemy, who had long awaited such an opportunity.
He now invited all to present chai'ges, no matter how
trivial they appeared; he would make them large
enough. Especially were all claims for money
allowed.* The ecclesiastic succeeded well in all these
operations. A faithful servant of the king was
humiliated, his peace of mind destroyed, his pride
brought low, his family reduced to poverty. Romano
was happy. Very different from his grand viceregal
entry into MexidO was Villamanrique's departure; the
former was a triumph, the latter a funeral. With his
afflicted marchioness, and carrying with them the
remains of their de^d daughter, the late viceroy
departed from a land where he had met with nothing
but misfortune and sorrow.*®
''Romano even went so tar as to attach the linen and wearing apparel of
the marchioness, Dofia Blanca. Torquemada, i. 650-1 ; Cartas de Inaias^ 866.
^Many of Bishop Romano's decisions were subsequently revoked, and
the release of Villamanrique's property was decreed; but at the time of
his death only part of it hsbd been restored. Torquemada, i. 650-1; Vetattcffrt,
TraL Mex,, 10, 11. The latter informs us that he subsequently retired to a
Fhinciaoaii convent in Spain, where he died.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
CLOSE OF THE CENTURY.
1589-1600.
BUMOBED iNSURRICTIOir— FbABS OF VeLASOO, THB Nl <
TioN — ^Ctty Improvements — The Chichimecs — Th ;
JTATA, San Luis Porosf, and Zacatecab — Foundin \
Wants More Money— Velascx)'8 Aotute Measu i
TEBEY, Viceroy — Fxttile Efforts to Move the I
mixtures — ^NuEvo Leon — Occupation of the Ni i
Governor Carabajal— Review of the Century -
Writers Subsequent to the Conquest— Torquem i
It was some time during the montl:
1589, that Luis de Velasco, conde de
son of the second vicerov, cautiously a :
shores of New Spain as its eighth vicei
touched at the port of Tameagua, afraic
once to San Juan de Ulua on account o I
turbances in the country. Either Me i
taken by the audiencia of Guadalajara,
rique had revolted; there were dire ;
ebullitions in the land, and it behooved
father to be circumspect. Assured at hi i
place that the rumors of political troubl
reached Spain were unfounded, Velasco
Vera Cruz, and on the 25th of Janu
entered the capital.^
The city put on its brightest smile
The new viceroy was no stranger to thi
^Torquemada, i. 662, Cavo, Trea SighSy ii. 219, and
this date, while Rivera, Hixt. Jalapc^ i. 76, gives Janua
Viage, in CmrUs* Hist, N. EspHiosa, 18; Zamacois, Hist. M
and Vetancurt, TraL Mex., 11, the 26th.
758 CLOSE OF THE CENTURY.
He had been there with his father; had indeed resided
in the country many years, filling various important
positions, particularly those of alf(^rez real of the
ayuntamiento of Mexico and regidor of Cempoala.
He was more one of themselves than any who had
hitherto represented the crown in New Spain; and as
he was popular, well beloved for himself, and came
with all the prestige of rank and worthy performance,
all that wealth and warm hearts and high anticipation
could do was done to mate his reception befitting.
Shortly before his present appointment he had been
employed in the diplomatic service of the king.*
A better selection for the rulership of New Spain
could not have been made at this juncture. There
had been troubles throughout the land, some real and
some imaginary, the latter usually the hardest to bear ;
now all were in the humor for a reign of prosperity
and rejoicing. Grold and silver were plentiful, the fruits
of the earth abundant, the native nations throughout
their broad area for the most part at peace ; now might
the sons of the conquerors rest; they might put on
gay attire and become fat and effeminate. Velasco
possessed ability and energy; he was intelligent and
learned. Above all he was loyal, not to the king alone,
but to the people. He was honest upon instinct.
One of his first endeavors was to elevate the con-
dition of the people, wliite and red. He was wise
enough to know that the best thing for them was
work, which manifested, indeed, great intelligence as
coming from a Spaniard. Among other beneficent
measures, he decreed on June 1, 1590, the reopening
and operating of the extensive wool and cotton fac-
'Alaman; DUeH,, iii. ap^). 18, and Rivera, Hist, JcUapa, 76, assert tiiat
Velasco was a native of Mexico. This is an error. He came to New Spain.
-with his father in 1550, when 11 years of age, and was married in 1556 at
the age of 17. During a subsequent trip to Spain he received many favors
at the hands of the king. When Villamanrique arrived he was at first on
friendly terms with Velasco, but enmity arising the latter acain went to Spain.
There he was appointed ambassador to Florence, whence he was recalled to
assume the present position. He was at present a widower, 51 ^ears of age,
and had four children, who resided in Mexica Torquemada, u 651; Cekmw
Tres Sigloa, iL 217.
vjuLtAisuu rtiJ!^ sun.
liories, established by the first viceroy,
been closed. This gave employment
idle persons, and the benefits flowinj
dustry were soon felt throughout the
consumers paid less for the home-made
money remained in the country.
Then he thought it would be well
capital, one of the results of which was
<5enturies the favorite resort of all cla.*
relaxation and recreation, and remaini
a beautiful certificate to the taste and
ruler.' The city now contained about
Spanish families, besides a numerous Ii
population. During the successive
slowly unfolded into magnificent prop
ruins of old Tenochtitlan. There we
bordered by fine dwellings, with here ai
and public buildings presenting a yet
aspect.*
Velasco also put laborers at work t(
fortifications at San Juan de Ulua, ai
forts for the better protection of the
proaches to Vera Cruz.® This was b
step to the transfer of the city itself
immediate vicinity, upon the very sigl
had nominallv founded Villa Rica de la
cscore years before. The transfer hj
times recommended, owing to the
the site, its inconvenience for trade, i
to floods and attacks.* Few people in
•The alameda was laid out by the viceroy in '.
originally from dlamo, poplar, and appl3riug to a peci
of a promenade. Veiancvrty Trot, Mtx.y 11; PaneH,
£8p.y MS., 90-1.
* A contemporary religious narrator, extolling the
of Mexico, gravely affirms that * beautiful children and
Ponce, Belacion, in Col. Doc. Indd., Ivii. 174-9.
^In 1568 a garrison of 50 men were stationed ther<
laborers. It now became quite populous.
• This was forcibly represented by the episcopal coi
wherein it was termed a 'sepoltura de vivos.' Lencc
new site. Cartas in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc., iii.
lers also bear witness to its unhealthiness. Infants g
permanently, and it was only daring the presence or
the fleet, from September to March, that it assumed
the appearance of the leading seaport of New Spain.
After that all who could removed to the interior,
notably to the beautiful Jalapa.^ The new site of Vera
Cruz, if by no means healthy, was certainly better than
the former, and the city made rapid strides under its
alcaldes mayores.®
Another matter of importance was brought to a suc-
cessful issue. While the conquerors had from the
first grasped at vast areas, they really occupied few
other than mining districts, at least in the north.
Thus population was distributed without order, and
with wide distances between one settlement and an-
other, to the obvious jeopardy of the invading race.
When the natives had recovered from their first
surprise at the Spanish entry, and were relieved from.
the supertitious awe of sorcery supposed to be exer-
cised by the new-comers, perceiving that their sole
object was to rule them, many abandoned the towns
where they had temporarily submitted to the Span-
iards, and betook themselves to the mountains, thence
to sally forth and harass the settlers. More particu-
larly was this the case with regard to the roving bar-
barous Chichimecs, who, gathering into strong bands,
would suddenly burst from their strongholds, and as
quickly return to them after their raids. Much had
been done toward pacifying them, during the govern-
ment of Enriquez, by the establishment of presidios
along the northern borders. Though that ruler was
greatly assisted in his eflforts at pacification by Luis de
women on finding themselvefl enceinte went to the country ' to avoid the periU
of the infected aire.' CfiiUon, in Haklvyt*8 Voy.f iii. 456. See also Tomaon,
and Hawks, in Id., 453, 462: Moreri, Gran. Dice., ix. 108, x. 475. In Jane
1589, a storm assiBted the swollen river to create immense damage among the
buildings and shipping. Ponce, Bel., in Col. Doc. IiUd., Iviii, 53^.
^ Oort^B there founded a Franciscan convent^ which was finished in 1555.
Perote, on the route to Mexico, had quite a settlement in 1568.
^Ccdle, Menu y Not., 68; Clavigero, iil 30; Humholdt, Emcu PoL, I 276-7;
Hivera, Hist Jaloepa, i. 27-8. Panes confounds the date of transfer with thoee
or later cMulas granting favors. Coat of arms was conferred June 20, 161S»
Veracnits^ MS., 1-2. See also Hist. Mex., i 154^ this seriea
QUBR^TABO AND ZACATECAS. 761
Carabajal, subsequently governor of Nuevo Leon^ their
joint labors proved but partially and temporarily suc-
cessful.®
Nevertheless, spells of comparative quiet were
obtained, affording the sorely distressed settlements
round the mines of Guanajuato, San Luis Potosf, and
Zacatecas the opportunity to develop their wealth,
and attract much needed immigration. Zacatecas,
which since its discovery in 1546 had been exposed to
repeated ravages, received such an impetus that in
1585 it was raised to the rank of a city.^^
Twenty years before the Franciscan order had
proved sufficiently numerous to form here a custodia,
the beginning of the later provincia de Guadalupe de
Zacatecas, which became so famous for its missionary
labors throughomt the vast north. Most of the settle-
ments in this region also owed their origin to Zacatecas,
whose alcaldes mayores, subject to Nueva Ga,licia, sent
forth or promoted numerous expeditions to open mines,
among them San Martin. This was made the seat of
a new alcaldia mayor, which extended and controlled
settlements far into Durango,^^ where Nombre de
'In 1581 Viceroy Suarez complained much of the continued hostilities
of the Chichimecs, *tan lebantado y con tanto numero y de8berguen9a.' Co-
ruHOj Carta cU i?cy, in Cartas de Indias, 340.
^•To which was added in 1588 the title of *mny noble y leal/ together
with a coat of arms. Arlegui, Cron, Zac, 43-4. This was due to the effort
of Baltasar Tremiflo. Bergkes^ Zac, 3. Rivera Bemardez confounds the
two dates. Za^.^ 27-8, 35. The population was at first settled toward the
north, where the earlier mines were discovered, and there the first church waa
built on the hacienda of Domingo Tagle Bracho. Afterward, on the cominc^
of two images of Christ, imported by Alonso Guerrero Villaseca, and placed
on his two haciendas, liie population settled where it now is. Frejeg^ Hist.
Breve, 208-9. Subject to it was a settlement of Mexicans named Mejicalpa,
now corrupted to Mejicapa. The munici^ houses of Zacatecas were built in
1559. The first minister was the Franciscan friar, Gerdnimo de Mendoza,
from Mexico. Arlef/ui, Cron. Zac., 13-14; Mier y Campa, MuraUa, Zac., in
BevUta Cient., ii. 111-12; Museo Mex., iv. 118. 'fhe first parish was founded
in 1567, with Fernando Maldonado for curate, according to the municipal
records reproduced in Dice. Univ., x. 1033, 1078-82. At the time the title of
city was bestowed the actual settlers numbered about 400, not counting women
and children. There were fully as many traders and others of a floating
character, and a large number of slaves and native workers. The first corre<
gidor was F^ix Guzman y Avellaneda.
^' Under Juan Vazquez de Ulua, the alcalde mayor then ruling at Zacate-
cas was Gaspar de Tapia. One of his successors, Ueman Martel, in 1563
founded Santa Maria de los Lagos, aa a check upon the Huachipiles, like
702 CLOS£ OF TH£ CENTUKY.
Dios soon became a leading settlement." The records
concerfiing the population and yield of the Zacatecas
region are meagre, but it appears that while it at one
time drew settlers away from the Guadalajara dis-
tricts, and became the most populous settlement in New
Spain, next to Mexico, the more northern discoveries
of Ibarra created a reaction,^' as did the new founda-
tions to the south, such as Aguascalientes, so named
after its springs," and the mining districts eastward^
centring round Guanajuato and San Luis Potosi.
With the conquest of Querdtaro and the founding
of Zacatecas the regions intenmediate and eastward
were soon occupied. Silao was settled in 1553 by
seven Spaniards, attended by a number of Otomis,
and to the following year is ascribed the founding of
Guanajuato, the most famous of mining towns. San
Miguel el Grande, the later Allende, rose six years
afterward, and in 1562 San Felipe was founded by the
brother of Viceroy Velasco, as a frontier presidio or
advance post against the Chichimecs, the adjoining
Jerez de la Frontera. Beaumont, Cr6n. Midu, v. 233, 552-7; Parra, Ccnq.
Xai., MS., 31. Ulua speedily became unpoptdar, and was replaced in 15G2
bv Captaiii Oarcla CoUo or Celio. Francisco de Ibarra claimed the discovery
ox several of the most important mines. JUL, in Pacheco and CdnUfuu, Cot
Doe., zv. 464. A report on their condition in 1575 is given in Miranda,
Jiel,, in Id., xvi. 563-70, and shows even then a decline among many.
^' Fresnillo also assumed prominence, becoming a presidio and seat of an
alcalde mayor. Sombrerete also said to have been discovered by Juan de
Tolosa in 1555 or 1558, waa made a viUa in 1570. Arleffui, Cron. Zac, 64;
Garcia, in Soc Mex. Oeog., BoleHn, viii. 23; Dice. Univ., x. 1035. Amon^
other mines are named Avifio, San Ltlcas, Pinos, Inde, Parral, Santa Bar-
bara, and Masapil.
^* As will be shown in Hist. North. Mex., i., this series. In 1550 it con-
tained 160 Spaniards, 60 of prominence, working 75 veins of metal, and
possessing 45 reduction works and 5 churches, says Marcha, in Temaux^
Compans, RecueU, 197-^. Bernardez assumes that in 1562 there were only
35 roduction works. Zac., 42. In 1569 the region had 800 male Spaniards,
150 bein^ occupied on the mines within 30 leagues of the town. Injorme del
Cabildo, m Icazbalceta, C5L Doe., ii. 494. Estimates of yield, partly from
Humbcddt, are given in Dice. Univ., x. 1034; Museo Mex., iv. 115-19, and
others. See also Beaumont, Cr6n, Mich., MS., 805, 814, 1088, and Alcffre^
Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 83-4.
^* Juan de Montoro, Ger<$nimo de la Cueva, and Alonso de Alarcon were
commissioned on October 22, 1575, to found it as a villa, and although the
title never was formally confirmed, yet its ayuntamiento was ever after
addressed as 'muy ilustre.' Parra, Conq. Xo/., MS., 30-1. Medina, Ckr<hu
JS. Diego, i. 257, gives it the religious name of *Asaupcion.' Asfmrre, Doc
AnUguos, in Soc. Mex. Oeog., 2da ^p., iii. 17-19; Beltrami, Mex., i. 174.
7tt CLOSE OF THE OEafTUBY.
they demanded an annual supply of cattle and clotheB^
although it was quite reversing the orthodox order
of things^ under the circumstances the viceroy did
not hesitate to agree to the terms. But to insure the
permanency of the paciiicacion, he asked permission
to send among the Chichimecs a number of christian-
ized Indian families, to assist them in forming settle-
ments, and encourage them to change their mode of
life. This was granted and the treaty concluded.
An additional measure was the founding of special
colonies by christianized allies to serve as nuclei and
patterns for Chichimec towns, and as a protection
to missionaries. The Tlascaltecs had from the begin-
ning been the friends of the Spaniards. They were
at the same time the most tractable of the nativcjs,
and enjoyed certain immunities from taxes and trib-
utes for loyal conduct. From these Velasco selected
four hundred families to colonize among the Chichi-
mecs, and under the direction of the Franciscan fraira
and Captain Caldera the measure was accomplished^
and four new colonies were founded. Here the Tlas-
caltecs and Chichimecs continued to live in peaceful
community, though they would never intermarry nor
dwell together in the same house. Otomls and Aztecs
also joined these colonies, one of which, San Luis de
la Paz, was founded by Jesuits, who made rapid strides
toward converting and settling the roaming natives,
and thus promoted the pacification of the country.^'
Yet another and more disagreeable and thankless
task demanded the attention of the viceroy. King
Philip wanted money. He was engaged in ruinous
European wars, which so drained his coffers that the
enormous treasures constantly pouring in from the
New World were not sufficient to meet the necessi-
^"fJiibas, THumphoB de la Fi, 723-6; AUgre, HisL C<mtp. Jews, i 280-1,
366-d. Oayo places the introduction of TUscaltecs in 1591, Trea Si^ha, u
220-1, in which year 60 were masBacred at San Andr^. Torquemada, m. 351.
Orozco y Berra, Oeog., 285, intimates hastily that the settlement occorred in
1568. Among the towns formed by them are Colotlan, Venado^ San Miguel,
Hezquitic, and suburbs near SaltiUo and other Spanish settlements.
8PA17ISH FORCED LOAK. 766
ties, The ordinary means for levjang taxes were ex-
liaustedy and recourse must be had to forced loans. A
revenue system, covering internal, import, and export
duties, had been introduced by Viceroy Enriquez in
1574, pursuant to royal decree of 1571, which the mer-
chants, however, strenuously opposed. They claimed
that commerce, then in a flourishing state, would
greatly suflfer by the system, as by exemption only
could the merchants of the mother country make it
profitable to bring hither their merchandise. Never-
theless Enriquez remained inflexible, alleging that the
commerce of the country was so widely extended and
permanently established that its interests could not be
prejudiced. It appeared to him unjust that Mexico,
whose commerce was the most important of any of
the New World provinces, should alone enjoy such
exemption.^^
These forced loans of the Spanish king fell heavily
on the natives, who neither knew nor cared about
wars on the other side of the globe. Their tribute
before this had been four reals, and it was eight reals
that each must now pay. No mention is made of re-
funding this difierence on the part of the king. It
was with reluctance that the viceroy proceeded to
impose this tax, knowing how difficult it was to col-
lect even the ordinary tribute. An astute plan, how-
ever, was devised which would greatly relieve the red
tax-payer from the infliction. For gold and silver
one must dig, but beasts and birds ^row of them-
selvea That this European fight in which the Ameri-
''The tax imposed at first was 2 per cent on everything sold or exchanged.
Then 3 per cent was collected on all importations; 4 per cent on real and
personal property; 6 psr cent on eoods confiscated and on negroes imported,
who were vaiued at f 150 each. Exempt were ecclesiastical communities; the
clergy in particnlar, and all that pertained to divine service, churches, con-
veijts, and monasteries, including their income from whatever soturoe; prop-
«rtv sold for reli^oos uses; mining utensils and maohinerv; printing material,
and a limited list of other artimea and products of the soil. Diepotkuma
Variof, L 45-50; Fonaeea y UrruHa, Real Hacienda, iL 5-118; Alamany HisL
Mt^., i. app. 7; JRhxra, Ooventantes, i 47. The second custom-house accordinff
to seniority was at Acapulco. The treasury officials in Mexico had charge of
the collection of duties, but this ceased in 1597, and the port was placed oa
the same footing as Vera Cruz. Mex., Mem, Hadaulti, 1825, L 4.
7M CLOSE OF THE CENTURY.
can aboriginal could not take a hand might be less
burdensome, it was decreed by the viceroy that of
the four additional reals demanded by the kii^, only
three should be required in money, a fowl being held
equivalent to one real It was intended as a master^
stroke, and might have been called "the raising of rev-
enue made easy." Unfortunately for the Indian, who
usually neglected to provide himself with the required
fowl, and who was predestined to be cheated even in
the payment of an imposition, Spanish speculators
bouffht up the fowls, and advanced the price two hun-
dred or three hundred per cent, so that to obtain a.
fowl, which in his Majesty's forced loan was to take
the place of one real in money, the red subject must
pay perhaps three reals in money.^
But for all this the country made steady progress
in every branch of industry during Velasco's rule;
political, commercial, and social conditions were im-
proved, and prosperity prevailed- Under this gov-
ernment were also begun the first preparations for
the conquest of New Mexico, which Y^ere not wholly
completed when the present term was brought to a
close. The eminent services of Velasco were duly ac-
knowledged by the crown, many favors being bestowed
on him and his family; and on June 7, 1595, he waa
appointed viceroy for Peru.*"
On September 18, 1595, the ninth viceroy of New-
Spain, Gaspar de Ziiniga y Acebedo, count of Mon-
terey, landed at Vera Cruz, and on the fifth of the
following month, after observing the usual formalities
with respect to the departing viceroy he entered the
^'The act was snbeeqnentiy reyoked by the sucoeeding vioeroy, M<mterey.
Torquemada, i. 653. •
** In 1603 he waa assigned a pexudon of 6,000 ducats, and after his death
4,000 ducats to his eldest son for life; 2,000 ducats to his daughter for life, and
the same after death to her daughter. Besides these pensions, when Velasco
returned from Peru, he was assigned 20,000 ducats from the treasury of Mex-
ico. See Reed C4duia^ in Paeheco and Cdrdenaa, CoL Ihc, zviii. 256-9; Calle,
Mem, y NoL, 55-^. In 1607 we shall meet with Velasco, then marques d^
Salinas, again as viceroy of Mexico.
CONDE DE MOWTERKY. 767
city of Mexico and took charge of the government.
Monterey was reputed to be a man of austere disposi-
tion, sound judgment, and great probity, but lacking the
urbane qualities so prominent in his predecessor. He
was, therefore, looked upon in the beginning with some
feelings of distrust, as to how he might conduct him-
self There was at this juncture more than the \isual
speculation upon the question of his future policy, as
the people were now enjoying the fruits of tlie felici-
tous rule of Luis de Velasco.
Monterey, however, was in no haste to gratify
curiosity, or determine a policy prematurely. Some
gathered from this that he was either weak or in-
different; but the truth is, he was simply cautious.
He could not see how one could rule wisely without
knowing something of the country and the necessities
of the people. More particularly would he sound the
vexed Indian question, which so far had baffled suc-
cessful solution ; it did not take him long to abolish the
infamous fowl tax. He saw that the natives had greatly
diminished in number, and were still rapidly diminish-
ing, notwithstanding the claim set up by Christianity
and civilization that they were better now than for-
merly, when under their own religion and rulers.^
It was now estimated that since the coming of the
Spaniards the native population had fallen off three
fourths. The causes of this decline were obvious.
Aside from war and pestilence many were deprived of
their lands, and so rendered homeless in their own
country. They appealed to the tribunals, only to in-
vite greater evil by alluring more despoilers. Their
opponents generally managed by false evidence or
bribery to obtain such decision as they desired, and
thus with the addition of grants, usurpation, and other
means, the Spaniards soon obtained possession of
nearly all the choice land in the country.^ The un-
*^This assertion 13 made in Memorial, in PcLcheeo and Cardenas, Col Doc^
▼L 183-4.
» An Austin friar, Pedro Juarez de Escobar, writing from New Spain to
the king, among other wise suggestions for the good government of the
76a CLOSE OF THE CENTUEY.
tillable lands, and those located at great distances from
Spanish settlements, were alone left tlie natives.
What the oflScials, descendants of the conquerors,**
and other Spanish settlers did not possess, was held
by the friars, who through bestowsJs, testamenta, or
endowments had in time succeeded in obtaining pos-
session of large areas of the finest land. This had
been a comparatively easy task for the friars, though
it was done in violation of the law, which forbade their
holding lands or other property.**
Like those of some other countries Spain's Indian
regulations were good enough in theory. Indians
must not be conquered, but they may be paci-
fied; they must not be enslaved, but they may be
forced to work all their lives in the mines at half a
real a day ; the provincial council might place their
soul and body on an equal footing with those of the
conqueror, even permitting them to take orders and
become priests, yet there was ever present the iron
heel beneath which it is the destiny of the weaker to
be ground to dust. How were the tender consciences
of Isabella, of Charles, and of Philip appeased I Was
there not a c^dula of December 29, 1593, which re-
quired the audiencia to punish Spaniards who mal-
Indies, speaks of the necessity of providing that there should be onlj one
lawyer, one proctor, and one interpreter to attend to Indian afifairs, as the
natives were constantly victimized by pettifoggers. He also urges that the
chiefs be protected i.i their possessions, for they were often swindled out of
them. The masses of tho native poi)alation should be relieved of taxes, ajid
their ignorance be considered in the imposition of penalties for offences; their
imprisonment or detention for debts should bo done away with. Escobar, GoiK^
in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, xi. 197-200.
^ A complete list of these descendants with brief remarks may be found
in Mem, de loa Hfjos de Cowiuist. en 1590, in MonumerUaa HisL y FoliL, MS.,
preface. As the more prominent of these are mentioned in the course of this
history, I do not deem it desirable here to repeat their names.
'^Nor could the Indians legally transfer what they did not legally ofwn;
their lands wore dscmed tho property of the crown, except the patrimonv of
chiefs, who were the only natives having property in land, andT the right of
disposal. See Memorial, in Pacheco and Cardenas, CqL Doc, vi I80. It
was recommended that the king should institute an examination of the titles
to lands held by Spaniards and friars; and that all possessions not held under
legal tenure should revert to the crown, Alao^ among varioutj other me^s-
ur€€) that fittufe grants ahould be prohibited^ tributes to ba jus^tea^d aocprd*
iug to tlia valuta uf the Hud^,
INDIAN RESERVATIOKa 769
treated Indians, with the same punishment applied to
those who had offended Spaniards ? And was there
not a c^dula forbidding officials to capture Indians in
war or peace ? and were there not a hundred other laws
against outrages which could never be prevented ?^
A law had long since been issued requiring Indians
to collect in towns, and Velasco, the previous viceroy,
after his successful negotiation with the wild Chi-
chimecs, determined to carry out this law with regard
to all dispersed natives within the settled regions. He
met with much more opposition, however, than had been
anticipated, and with some heart-rending scenes that
affected even the most callous among the officials.
An Otomi, for instance, who was to be forcibly re-
moved from his miserable hovel, evinced his attach-
ment for home by killing his wife and children, and
cattle, and then hanging himself This occurrence,
with others like it, made a deep impression on Velasco,
and he directed his officials to stop further attempts
to remove the natives.
Monterey thought that by a little judicious sever-
ity in the beginning, most beneficial results must
accrue,^^ and ho proceeded energetically to carry out
this scheme. One hundred commissioners, accom-
panied by as many missionaries, were appointed to
decide upon sites for new towns, with instructions to
examine every promising locality in each province,
and report thereon under oath.*^ The Spanish set-
^ For an account of the abuses of Indians, and also of the efforts made in
their behalf, and recommendations to the king to abolish the system of reparti-
mientos, and to improve their condition in general, see ConciUos Prov., MS.,
i. 39-46, 78-96, 120; Id., iii. 255; iv. 17, 35-50, 113-58, 210-26; Lare/iaw-
di&re, Mex. et OucU., 148; ReparUmientos, 73-5, in Prov. 8. Evang., MS., i.;
Injvrmtt 149, in /c/., viiL; Silua, Advert, Im'port. Gov. Ind., 1-110; Arri-
civUa, Cr6n. Serdfica^ 346; Uazart, Khrfien-OescfikfUe, ii. 638-41; Gil. Soc
Mex, Gtog., BoleUn, viii. 493; Lei/ea, Varias Anot., MS., 153-62, 210; Ddvila,
CorUhmadon, MS., 125-6; Meruit Gob., in ^cicJieco and Cardenas, CoL Doc.,
xl 183-93; Figueroa, Vindictas, MS., 47.
^ * Verdad sea, que aunoue al Conde le movid baen celo, fue apretando
mucho la Cedula, y aftadienao inteli^ncias & racones, que '•'enian en ella bien
Claras, y nianifiestas.' Torquemada, i. 687-8.
'^From these preliminaries we may judge of the importance Monterey
Attached to the matter, particularly as every one of these ooramissioners
-jpecieved a salary of 2.000 pieces in adTance. 'Son docientoi mil Pesos, loa
770 CLOSE OF THB CENTURY.
tiers, however, were on the alert, and when a loca*
tion was decided on which the Spaniards desired for
themselves, as it happened in most cases, they bribed
the commissioners to oppose the selection, and a less
favorable or even wholly unfit locaUty was chosen.
The charge of bribery is positively maintained by
Torquemada, who says that for this reason "the Ind-
ians suffered and the Spaniards prevailed,*' protest-
ing that he speaks not at random, but of well-known
facts. This author, himself a prominent friar, dwells
with a sigh upon the circumstance that those mission*
aries had so little influence in the matter, " because
now, when the religious and ecclesiastics in these
Indies do speak the truth, it is looked upon with sus-
picion by those who govern, on account of our great
sins."
When the different locations were finally determined,
another commission was appointed by the viceroy to
enforce the actual migration of the natives and the
formation of the new towns. These being entirely
new men, they were also desirous of profiting by
their office. A new series of abuses sprang up; and
so matters continued ; for every device by government
for the protection of the natives there were twenty by
the settlers for their undoing.
It was, indeed, sorrowful when the commissioner
came to drive the Indian from the home of his an-
cestors, evermore with his family to dwell in strange
parts. They were gathered like a flock of sheep, their
dwellings burned, their fields destroyed, and lamenting
they were driven away. Those who complained were
not heeded, and those who bore their misfortune in
silence were treated like beasts. And though it was
provided by the crown that when Indians were re-
moved to other localities none of the land thus vacated
should be taken from them and given to Spaniards,
the command was but temporarily respected, and soon
que de ante mano se gastaron en esta Oomision, nara Bola la yista de los Sitioaw
y Puebloe, donde avia de ser la Oente congregada.' Torquemada^ i 687.
THE CONFLICT OF RACES. 771
all the ancient possessions yielded to the avarice of
the conqueror.
Monterey was not immediately aware of the atroci-
ties committed by his oflBcials, but imagined that he
was performing a pious duty. Complaints grew finally
so loud and so frequent that no doubt was left; he
therefore countermanded the worst part of his orders,
and reported to the king the impracticability of the
undertaking.
In answer came a cddula prohibiting further steps
in the matter, and it was proclaimed that all Indians
who desired might return to their original homes. A
few took advantage of the permission, but the major-
ity, reduced to poverty and helplessness, had not tb.e
courage nor the means to return to their destroyed
homes and begin anew the cultivation of their fields;
"and most pernicious damage," as we are told by Tor-
quemada, resulted from the formation of these settle-
ments.^
New races ana race intermixtures were springing
up, however, to fill the widening gaps in native ranks,
and among them the negroes and Indian zambos,^
the latter offspring of Indians and negroes, appeared
conspicuous, not alone from their number, but from
their vicious tendencies, which were regarded as dan-
gerous. The Indian zambos in particular would not
apply themselves to mechanical trades nor cultivate
the soil. Their favorite occupation was herding cattle,
in which they could lead a free and roving life ; they
were particularly fond of living among the Indians,
an association dangerous to the Spaniards in case of
revolt, and incentive to troubles. Besides, they as
well as fugitive slaves were constantly committing
** I have preferred to follow the statements of Torquemada, who has given
OS the fairest account of all the steps taken in the matter, and the resalts.
He had the best opportunity of knowing, as he lived in Mexico at the time,
and in company witn other friars took a prominent part in the endeavors to
protect the natives from the lawless acts of the commissioners.
* ' Zambo de indio. ' The matter of race intermixtures and terms is more
fully given in Hiet, Mex., iii., this series.
772 CLOSE OP THE CENTURY.
depredations in Vera Cruz and its environs, between
the city of Antequera and Huatulco, in the province
of Pdnuco and other places ; and to stop this evil the
government had been obliged to pursue and punish
the criminals; after which, such of them as were
slaves were restored to their masters.^
With each year the introduction of nc^ro slaves
increased, as their services were needed for the mines,
and no better laborers for that purpose could be
obtained. The natives were poor workmen, be in]
naturally lazy, and encouraged in this vice by know]
edge of existing laws agauist their enforced labor.
Marriages between negro men and Indian women were
common, the latter preferring negroes to Indians, and
the negro males being more fond of Indian women*
The cause of this reciprocal feeling may perhaps be
found in a wise and humane law, which provided that
all offHpring of these unions should be bom free.
Alarmed at the great number of zambo children
born in the country, Viceroy Enriqucz had asked
the king to decree that the latter should be born
slaves. And the pope was requested to forbid future
marriages between the two races, but the proposals
failed. Meanwhile an officer was appointed to keep a
record of all zambos of both sexes, to watch over
them, and see tliat they were engaged in honest pur-
suits, and to punish vagrants.^^
But if Count Monterey failed in some particnlars,
in others he was eminently successful^ — instance the
state of affairs in Michoacan, which under the ener-
getic and beneficent rule of Quiroga, first as visitador
and then as bishop, had been sent forward on a
'•A law of 1557 forbade the landing from any v^eaael of negroea without &
license of the kin^ h offictra, who vferc to keep a«K:onnt of every negro laniied.
Masters coQvicted of viohLting tbu law were to bo punished with forfeiture of
their vessels^ and int prison meiit* It wa» a crime undtjr the laws nf 1568-73
for any negro, mulatto, meatiio, or other of mixe^l breetl to carry weapooA.
i?ecop., fwL, ii 36J, 3G3; Zantom, Ufj^ UU., iii. 109» iv. 461-2.
^^ See Enriquei, Carta ai Rey, in Variaa dt Indka^ 0^-^00.
MIOHOAOAN.
778
broad road of peace and prosperity, broken only by
occasional disturbance on the eastent border."
As a province subject to the audiencia of Mexico,
it was ruled by alcaldes mayores,^ to whom were an-
swerable a number of lieutenants and chiefs, control-
ling different towns and tribes.** Their residence
Transfer oy Episcopal Seat.
•' At YuririaptJndaro are still to be seen in the convent garden three trees,
called *Trompon y de las mujeres libertadas/ and planted in commemora«
tion of the rescue by the Indian chief Trompon of two women who in 1588
had been carried off from the town by Chicnimec raiders. Soc. Mex. Otog.,
Boktin, ix. 163.
** The first person whose name is preserved to us by the records is Juan
del Hierro, who in 1581 was succeeded uy Doctor Alonso Martinez. For sub«
sequent rulers, see Linares^ in Soc. Mex. Geor/.y Boletiriy 2da 6p., iv. 637-8.
^ Among these chiefs were descendants of the unfortunate Tangaxoan, one
of whose bloo<l, Diego Tomds, was mode captain-general of the Chichimeo
frontier and principal chief of the Tarascan cacique, receiving also the title of
hijodalgo, together with the grant of Panjamo. A letter from the audiencia
in Temaux-CompafiSf Voy., serie ii. tom. v. 206, alludes to several sons of
Tangaxoan Beaumont refers only to the career of Antonio, and his son Pablo,
married to a Spanish lady, and enjoying an annuity from the crown. Crdn.
Jdich,f iii. 361. Brasseur de Bourbourg mentions also Fernando, and a docu-
774
CLOSE OF THE CENTURY.
was at Patzcuaro, which in 1554 had been made the
leading city by the transfer of the episcopal seat from
Tzintzuntzan.^ This blow at the ancient seat of
royalty in favor of an Indian suburb, as Patzcuaro
was classed, created no little remonstrance, appeals
being sent also to the king. Despite the continued
clamor, no attention was accorded till Bishop Morales
proposed a solution by recommending the transfer of
political and ecclesiastical government to the growing
city of Valladolid. This took effect in 1580 or 1582,
although not without further protests. ®® The place
had been founded in 1541 by Viceroy Mendoza, when
on the way to the Mixton war, and was occasionally
termed Guayangareo, after the valley in which it
lay.^
Tzintzuntzan appears to have suffered less from this
ment in Orcaco y Berra^ UisL AnL,
ii. 207, speaks of ConstantiDo as a
son of Antonio. See also Soc Mat.
Oeoa.y Boledn, ix. 13^-4.
•*The royal order to this ef-
fect had been obtained by Quiroga
while in Spain, the papal approval
being dated July 8, 1550. Nueva
Esp., Breve Bee., M&, iL 250-74.
Beaumont gives a native painting
which I reproduce on p. 773, re-
cording the transfer. CVtfn. Mkh,,
MS., app. A description of the
arms of ratzcaaro is given in the
same book.
** Florencia states that but for
the Jesuits the Indians would have
forcibly resisted the transfer. They
were appeased by the grant of a
venerated bell. ffisL I^roo, Jesut,
225-7. The protest of Tzintzun-
tzan appears in Mich, Carta, in
Icaxbalcdta, CoL Doc., ii. 244-7;
Alegre, HisL Comp. J^ua, ii 128-9;
Midu, Prav. S. Nicoide, 42. The
objection to Patzcuaro was that
the centre of business had moved
away from its district, and that it suffered from heavy rains in summer. Villa
SefUtr, TJieatro, ii. 8. It had at this time 100 Spanish households, two con-
vents, and a Jesuit college.
'^ CavOf Tree Sighs, i. 139. According to Tello, it received a coat of arms
in 1563. With the transfer it received great impulse, and a costly cathedral
added to its attractions. Beaumont, Cr6n, Mich,, iv. 450, 460; v. 548. The
coat of arms cnven above is a fac-simile from Id., MS., app.; Mex. CoL Lqfea^
i, p. zlvii.; Sbmero, in Soc Mex. Oeog., Boletin, viiL 540.
ARMS or THE City of Vaj<lai>olid.
last change than from the previous, for it prospered
suflBciently to be endowed in 159S with the title of
city.^ There were four other Spanish towns in the
province and about three hundred native towns and
villages.^ The population suffered much less here
from the epidemics of 1563 and 1575-6, thanks to
the many hospitals erected by friars, and to which
Quiroga had given impulse by his establishment at
Santa F6.^ The memory of this good bishop is to
this day venerated throughout the province for his
Arms of the City of Tzintzuntzan.
many beneficent acts and fatherly supervision, con-
tinued until his death in 1565, the fruits remaining as
a bright example to his successors. Of gigantic stat-
•*The above cut is from BeoMmont^ Cr&n, MicIlj MS., app. Oovemment
buildings had been projected there as early as 1531. ScUmeran, in Pacheco and
Cdrdenaa, Col Doc., xv. 451.
*• With over 40,000 tribute-payers. The Spanish towns were San Miguel,
San Felipe, Zacatula, and Colima. The last was made a villa in- 1554, with
the name of Santiago de los Caballeros. It suffered severely from a hurricane
and earthquake on I^ovember 14, 1573. Ships were built at Salagua or Man-
zamillo. Oajitlan is abo spoken of as a prominent town. Colima, Hepresenta-
cion, 5-7; In forme por Cabildo de Gttaa., in Icazbalceia, Col. Doc., ii. 507;
Jioia PadUla, Conq. N. OaL, 237.
^ He left an income to support it, with instructions for its management.
JBeaumofU, Crdn. Mich., v. 679-81.
ure, great strength and endurance, and swarthy com-
plexion, the prelate was indefatigable in his efforts for
the advancement of Christianity, particularly among^
the Indians, who alluded to him affectionately as Tata
Vasco. He visited even the remotest parts of his vast
diocese, setting his hand personally to rude tasks,
erecting churches and schools for children and arti-
sans, and giving to all the example of a humane and
moral life.*^
Monterey's administration was also marked by the
extension of Spanish settlements in the north, partic-
ularly in the region then called the Nuevo Reino
de Leon, whose conquest and settlement proper fall
within this period, though earlier attempts more or
less successful had been made. The territory was
inhabited partially by some of those wild tribes com-
ing under the general name of Chichimecs with whom
Viceroy Velasco had concluded a treaty, and by others
properly belonging to the adjoining province of Ta-
maulipas.
We are told that in the year 1580 Franciscan mis-
sionaries came from Jalisco to Nuevo Leon in charge
of Fray Lorenzo de Gavira; and after preaching for
some time in different places, they retired to Saltillo,
where in 1582 they founded the convent of San Est^-
van. Gavira then returned to Jalisco. Two years
later we find established in the territory Diego de
Montemayor, said to have come to Saltillo in 1575,
whence he petitioned Gaspar de Castano, alcalde
*^ He died aged 95, March 14, 1565, at Uruapan, whilst on a pastoral tour,
and was buried in his favorite town of Patzouaro, where he had endowed the
college of San Nicolis. At the time the cathedral was removed to Valladolid
the chapter attempted to take away the bishops remains, but the Indians of
Patzcuaro prevented it; the bones were preserved in silk baas in the church
which had been placed in charge of the Jesuits. Valladolio, now Morelia,
possessed the staff wherewith, according to tradition, he struck the rock from
which sprang the portable water used m that city; also his hat bearing the
marks of perspiration. Several portraits exist in Michoacan, and represent
him as of dark complexion and gigantic stature. Viila Sdlor, Theatro, ii. 7
etseq.; Romero, mSoc. Mex. Oeog., BokUn, viii. f 38-40; Florenda, HisL Prom.
Jemis, 210, 226-7? Alegre, ii.; Hist. Comp. Jesus, 132-3. The fullest account
of his life is given in Moreno, FragmerUos de la Vida...de Quiroga, Mex.
1766, 202, 30, written by a canon of Guadalajara, and containing also interest*
ing matter on the history of the province.
OAn uKJxa jTv/xvrox.
mayor of San Luis Potosf, who controlled all this
region, for a grant of the lands and water of the
hacienda San Francisco.*^ This petition was signed
by Montemayor as royal treasurer, showing that even
then he was a prominent personage.
The favorable features and resources of the region
soon became known, and Luis de Carabajal y de la
Cueva, a frontiersman, made a contract to effectually
colonize it at his own expense, in consideration for the
appointment of governor. His original jurisdiction
imder the name of Nuevo Reino de Leon was to
comprise a vaguely defined territory, from the port of
Tampico along the River Pdnuco as a basis, thence
extending northward, but not to exceed two hundred
leagues either way, which would seem to have in-
cluded all of Tamaulipas. To pacify and colonize the
new territory Carobajal was allowed to employ one
hundred soldiers and take with him sixty married
laborers, including their wives and children.*^ Armed
with this concession he appeared at Mexico in the
early autumn of 1580, and began to prepare for occu-
pying his territory. But the allurements of the rich
mining districts of San Luis Potosi and Guanajuato
tended to eclipse the more pastoral vistas offered by
New Leon, and the enrolment proved slow.** In 1584,
however, he appears to have set out, and on reaching
the Spanish settlement already established at Santa
Lucia, in Estremadura Valley,*^ he determined there
to plant his colony, changing the name of the place to
"The present town of San Francisco de Apodaca. Soc Mex, Oeog.,
Boletin, 8da ^p. i. 231.
**Thi8 capitulation was dated May 31, 1579. Calle, Mem. y Not,, 104-^.
Gonzalez, Col. N. Leon, p. xvii. 6, the historian of the province, followed by
a writer in Soc. Mex. Qeog., Boielin, 3da ^p. i. 224-5, argues strenuously that
Carabajal was appointed in 1569, but this date is disproved not only by
Calle's document, out by the admitted fact that Carabajal did not enter the
province till 1584-5.
** An appeal must have been made to the king, for by a cedula of April
19, 1583, the viceroy was charged to promote the undertaking in every way.
See also Jnstrnccione, in Piwheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., ii. 480-99.
*^ Founded probably by Father Gavira and Diego de Montemayor. Yet
some assume that General Urdiiiola senior may have brought the settlera
here established.
i
that of City of Leon; and segregating the territory
from the jurisdiction of the alcalde mayor of San Lois
Potosi, he established the New Kingdom of Leon, by
Kingdom of Nsw Leon.
virtue of his contract with the crown. At this place
he must have fallen in with Diego de Montemayor,
NEW LEON. 779
for we find that on the 16th of August, 1585, the
grants extended to the latter by the alcalde referred
to were confirmed and amplified by Governor Cara-
bajal.*^ .
The new city of Leon does not appear to have made
much progress under Governor Carabajal. But we
have no further data concerning the province at this
time, except that in 1591 Gaspar de Castano, who
seems to have acted as lieutenant-governor of New
Leon, marched with about two hundred men through
that territory and Coahuila, on his way to New
Mexico.*^
Two years later the first Franciscans obtained a
permanent foothold in the province, under Father
Andres de Leon, who was accompanied by fathers
Diego de Arcaya and Antonio Zalduende. These
friars were of the number who accompanied the expe-
dition despatched by Velasco, with the Tlascaltec
families, to colonize the Chichimec country. Having
reached Saltillo, where they founded the village of
San Est^van, adjoining the convent of that name, they
penetrated to the valley of Estremadura, and founded
a large mission at a place known to-day as Piedra
Parada, distant about a league from Leon. Father
Zalduende then returned and continued his missionary
labors in the interior of Coahuila.
Governor Carabajal died about 1595,*^ and Pedro
Rodriguez, who may have been an alcalde, was left in
charge of the government when the colony was strug-
gling for existence. In 1596 Diego de Montemayor
was made lieutenant-governor and captain-general of
** ' Este auto de revalidacion estd puesto en la ciudad de Leon, del Nnevo
Reyno de Leon.* OonzaleZy Col. N. Leon, p. vi. 5. * He hallado aqul un docu-
mento. . .que prueba que el aQo de 1584 San Luis era villa, y capital de la
provincia, regida por un alcalde Mayor, que lo era Gaspar de Castafio, cuya
jurisdiccion se estendia hasta el Nuevo Reyno de Leon. ' No mention is made
of the proceedings of Carabajal after this, but it is not improbable he employed
Beveral years in completing his project.
*'' Sosa, Mem., in Paclteco and Cdrdenaa, Col. Doc., iv. 283-354; also Id.,
X7. 191-261.
** CaUe, Mem. y Not, 105. The exact time of his death is not given.
i
7!P CLOSE OF THE CENTURY.
New Leon, and by special commission from Viceroy-
Monterey he proceeded to reorganize the government
and settle the province. It is claimed that for this
purpose he brought thirty-four Spanish families, but
it seems more probable that he undertook the task
with those he may have brought thither at the b^in-
ning, or those who remained of Carabajal's colony,
and the Indians gathered at the mission by Father
Andres de Leon. There is no evidence that Monte-
mayor ever left the province after his first arrival.
On the 20th of September, 1596, the lieutenant-
governor solemnly incorporated the capital of the
province, changing the name of Leon to the City of
Our Lady of Monterey, in honor of the ruling viceroy;
but the province retained the name of New Leon.**^
This act of incorporation shows that Montemayor
himself was the first to introduce disorder, and lay
the foundation of future discontent, by giving to the
ayuntamiento and the church of the new city six.
Indian tribes in encomienda.
The civil and judicial afiairs of New Leon continued
subject to the government of Mexico, while ecclesias-
tical matters were under the jurisdiction of the diocese
of Guadalajara. ' Father Andres de Leon was the first
to receive the appointment to the curateship proper
of Monterey. Of the general progress of that city
during the latter part of the sixteenth century little
is known. During the early years of the next cen-
tury more Franciscans arrived from Zacatecas, who
founded a convent in Monterey. Then Father Andres
**The docnment of incorporation, or carta de fundacion, preserved in the
xnnnicipal archives of Monterey, bears date, ' en el valle de Estremadura Ojos
de Santa Lucia, Jurisdiccion del Nuevo Reyno de Leon/ September 20, 1596,
signed by Diego de Montemayor. The first municipal officers were Alonso
de Berreda and Pedro Ifiigo, alcaldes ordinarios; Juan Perez de los Rios,
Diego Diaz de Verlanga, and Diego Maldonado, regidores; Diego de Monte-
mayor, procurador general; the regidor Verlanga acting at the same time aa
notary of the cabildo. Soc. ifer. Oeog.y Boletm, 3da ^p., i. 225; Gonzalez, Col.
N. Leon, 8-11. The following authorities erroneously place the founding of
Monterey in the year 1599. Cavo, Tres Sigloa, L 231; ViUa Sefiar, Theatre, ii.
295; Mayer, Mex. Aziec, i. 176; Dice, Utdv,, ix. 884. The article on *Nuev«y
Leon ' in the latter work is replete with errors in facta and dates. Mota
Padilla gives the year 1602, and Arlegui 1603.
NEW MEXICO. 781
was better enabled to follow up his religious labors,
so that in 1603 thirty-five thousand Indians had been
baptized, besides three thousand who had died in the
mean time. These numbers Arlegui claims to have
taken from a public document. Thus the permanent
colonization of New Leon became one of the success-
ful undertakings of Count Monterey, the capital of
which province perpetuates his name to this day.
Many other attempts were made during the last
quarter of this century to explore and populate the
north-western and more northerly regions of New
Spain as far as the interior of New Mexico, a fuller
account of which is given in my History of the North
Mexican States. After the expedition of Vasquez de
Coronado in 1540-2 and his subsequent retreat, this
vast region was almost forgotten for forty years. In
1581 the ill-fated priest, Agustin Rodriguez, penetrated
north, over two hundred leagues, into the Tiguas prov-
ince, on the Rio del Norte. Then came, in the following
year, the expedition of Antonio de Espejo and Father
Bernardino Beltran, which advanced through the val-
ley of Rio Conchos up the valley of the Rio Grande
to the Pueblo territory and beyond, in a north-westerly
direction. There they found traces of the Coronado ex-
pedition, and after some exploring in the vicinity they
returned in safety. The next Spaniards to explore in
that direction were those under Graspar de Castaiio,
in 1590, mentioned in this chapter. He set out prob-
ably from New Leon, and was subsequently arrested
by order of Velasco. Then came the expedition, in
1594 to 1596, under Bonilla and Humafia, in search
of Quivira, which came to such on unfortunate end
that but one Spaniard and a mulatto girl are said to
have escaped.
Meanwhile arrangements for the conquest of New
Mexico had been completed between Viceroy Velasco
and Juan de Ofiate, on August 24, 1595. Many and
serious difficulties arose about the matter between
i
782 CLOSE OP THE CENTURY.
Monterey and the principal leaders of the enterprise^
so that several years elapsed before the expedition
was fairly under way. Finally, in the autumn of 1 597,
OfLate set out with four hundred men, one hundred
and thirty of whom had families. Many were the
hardships, reverses, and successes of this important
expedition, until formal possession of the newly con-
quered territory was taken in the name of the crown,
by Juan de Onate, on April 30, 1598, thus adding
another important province to the rapidly expanding
boundaries of New Spain."
Thus terminated the sixteenth century in New
Spain, the opening of which had beheld at the zenith
of its glory the most advanced and powerful empire in
America, as yet undreamed of by the Spanish adven-
turers who were scouring the western seas in search
of India. Within two brief years it fell, thereafter
to serve as a base for the extension of a new power.
The ancient capital of the Aztecs was made the me-
tropolis of yet vaster domains. The decade following
the fall of Mexico saw these Spaniards spreading in
small but irresistible bands southward over Chiapas
and Guatemala, until, stayed in Honduras by the cur-
rent of invasion from the Isthmian capital, they turned
to subjugate the still untrodden north, advancing on
the one side beyond Pdnuco, on the other to the
borders of Sinaloa, nearly opposite Lower California^
Another decade saw the conquest of the peninsula of
Yucatan in the east, while in the north exploring ex-
peditions disclosed the other great peninsula, that of
California, entering the gulf by its side, and passing
through Sonora and Arizona into the land of Cibola,
and beyond, to the borders of Kansas. Meanwhile
a few wanderers had crossed their track and traversed
the broad expanse of continent from Florida to the
shores of the gulf of California. The following dec-
^ For particulan and fall narrative of these various ezpeditioDs, some ci.
which are absolutely ignored by modem writers, see HigL N<nik Mex, States,
i., and Higt. Ark, and New Mex., this series.
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE EPOCH. 783
ades witness the mining excitement which confines
exploration within the latitudes of Quer^taro and
Chihuahua, and the coast ranges east and west. Here
a number of metalliferous districts and towns sprang
up under the protecting wing of presidios and armed
camps, most of which still exist as famous mining
centres and state and county capitals.
Then the long and fitful dream of treasures which
had danced the early adventurers hither and thither,
bringing blood-hounds and fire-tortures on many a
luckless chief, had become fixed and realized. And
although for a tiipe the numerous mines discovered
proved the chief attraction and the more immediate
source of wealth, gradually attention was turned
to the more enduring forms of prosperity, agricul-
ture and manufactures, which will more clearly be
brought to light in the succeeding volumes of this
history.
And all along through the century we have seen
explorers and conquerors, city-builders and miners,
side by side with self-denying and exemplary friars,
who, while replacing a cruel and debasing worship
with a gentler faith, sought to ameliorate the condi-
tion of their charge, ever mysteriously fading into the
immaterial before their pitying eyes.
Meanwhile able men appear at the head of eccle-
siastical aflfairs, and the church rises into power, gain-
ing for the millions lost in the Old World millions in
the New. Government becomes organized; conquer-
ors give way to encomenderos ; adeltanados to audi-
encias and viceroys, who by mutual aid and restraint
form an administration which with a few exceptions
may be called beneficial. Society improves, wealth
and refinement come, education advances, and the
aboriginal culture is replaced by a higher civilization.
As with increasing age the conscience of Philip be-
comes yet more tender, gradually fall the shackles of
an enslaved people ; sympathizers of the superior class
bom upon the soil come to their support, and from
i
784 CLOSE OF THE CENTURY.
this union springs a new people destined
revive the faded glories of the past.
Mexioan history during the Tioeregal rule has one attractic i
by the preceding annals of the conquest, that of novelty; e i
intimated, no narratives of this period exist in English beyo: i
alizations and bare fragmentary outlines, in connection with t^ i
em Mexico and its resources. Even the works in Spanish, by C .
Zamacoia, are most unsatisfactory, especially for the sixteent]
is treated in a brief, uneven, and fragmentary manner. Thii i
to their neglect of, and want of access to, the voluminous d <
ferent ancient and modem collections, and even in a numbez i
able chronicles and histories. The lack of research is i i
neglect of generalixation, of institutional topics, of local an )
critical and philosophical treatment of subjects so essential t ]
The sources for material on the period subsequent to tb
change as the din of battle ceases, and this cross takes posse :
opened for its labors. For a while it advances side by side w [
times it even becomes the precursor, and finally the peaceful ;
dominant. Yet soldier-chroniclers continue for some years
tors of events, notably Cortes, in his clear, concise Cartcut, \ \
Oviedo with testimony from different sources, while Las Cass I
from the other side, exaggerated though they may be fro <
Gossipy Bemal Diaz, so full and thorough for the earlier
fragmentary and less reliable, describing now this expediti
experience, now a number of others from vague hearsay;
events as they occur to his fading memory. Gomara concen' I
upon the closing achievements of his patron, while disclosin
points. But Herrera, who so far had followed him pretty i
an even tenor, borrowing now from more varied sources wl
bald and stulted decades. Despite his false method, wax
pronounced Castilian tendencies, he stands forth brimful !
complete general writer on American events for the first hi (
Elegant Soils, like philosophic Clavigero, stops with drama^ ;
but a successor arises in Salazar y Olarte, a man who, in u i
tinue hb narrative from the material offered in a few prin ^
also to clothe it in fiorid language befitting the original, '
into a verbose and spiritless declaimer whose word-paintiu i
Kobertaon'a attractive outline dwindles into a brief phi [
progress in Spanish-American colonies, and Preacott beoi i
merely the biographer of hia hero, and his allusions to coi i
do not protend to be more than a culling from a few acoesfl
The places gradually vacated by soldier-chroniclers i I
are occupied by civilians, visitadores, judges, viceroys, an
who in voluminous reports or less complete letters disdo :
ings and factions, dwell on the development of settleme] i
discourse on local affikin and social f eaiurea. Singlj the i
CHROKICL£BS OF THE PERIOD. 785
mentary evidenoe, jointly they cover their field Batisfactorily, m will be found
by the inyestigator who patiently searches through the many and volnminoiui
collections into which their writings have been gathered, as CoUceAon de Docu-
mentos Indditoa, in over 50 volumes; PcLcheeo and Cdrdencu^ Colecckm de
DocumerUos, in over 40; DocumerUos para Historia de Mexko, in over 20; TVr-
naux-Compana, Voyages, and other issues, in more than 20; the even more
bulky Sodedad Mexieana de Oeogrt^fia, BoleUn, the collections of Navarrete,
Icazbalceta, Ramirez, Bakluyt, Purchas, Cartas de Indicu, Arckivo, Mexieano,
Florida Coleedon de Doeumento$f the unique Squier'e MS8,, in over 20 vol-
umes; the original minutes and records in ConcUioe Provindaks, MS., and
Papeles Frandacanoe, MS. ; the curious material in MonumerUoe de la Domi-
nadon Espatiola, MS.; Id., Hist&ricoe y PoliUeoB, MS., and Liihro de CaJbUdo,
MS.; the collections and summaries of laws in Puga, Cedulario, Ordenea de
la Corona, MS., and Realee drdenes, both in a number of volumes, in
Recapiladon de Indicu Montemayor, and Zamora, and so forth.
Nevertheless there remain many features not touched by civilians, such as
the wide-spread labors of religious, who to a great extent acted also as peace-
ful conquerors of vast provinces, and as rulers in their districts, guiding the
destinies of millions. The labors and observations of these men were incor-
porated in monk-chronicles, written in many instances by themselves, and
the better known by formally appointed historians for the orders and prov-
inces concerned. While their attention is bent chiefly on religious topics,
miracles, and biographies of friars, they narrate also political and kindred
topics, although not with much connection, thoroughness, or impartiality.
They nevertheless form a check on statements from the opposite side, and in
this their very antagonism becomes valuable to the student in sifting the truth
from varied testimony. Among the earliest of chroniclers stands Motolinia,
whose Hiatorioa de he Indies relates in rambling and naive manner the per-
sonal experience of a founder of the Franciscan order in New Spain, and
dwells also upon the relation between church, friars, and state, and the treat-
ment of his native port^es. His foUower, Mendieta, was an equally ardent
defender both of his order and of the natives, yet more talented as a writer,
so much so that he was appointed o£Gicial historian of his province, and gained
great distinction. His Historia Edesidstica gives the most thorough account
of religious labors for the greater part of the sixteenth century. Neither
of these histories was published, however, till of late, and Torquemada
stepped forward to avail himself of them, in connection with a mass of other
material in print and manuscript, presenting in his Monarqwa Indiana the
most complete general history for the century of ecclesiastical, political, and
Indian affidrs. He is consequently copied by a number of both general and
local writers, such as Vetancurt, who, while less full, adds a mass of informa-
tion on orders, churches, cities, and other topics, in his numerous histories
and treatises. Beaumont figures in his Cnkiiea de Michoacan as the historian
of a western province, yet he covers in a very complete manner all general
afihirs of New Spain that lead up to or are connected with his district.
Tello and Mota Padilla write on the farther north-west. New Galicia, though
adhering more closely to their particular sections, and Arricivita and Arlegui
continue the link eastward. Cogolludo in the same manner stands forward
Hist. Max., Vol. IL 60
1
786 CLOSE OF THE CENTURY.
as a very thoroagh historian of Yucatan, the farthest east, while Villagotierre,
Bemesal, and Bnrgoa complete the circle in the south, for Itza, Chiapas, and
Oajaca, respectively. Remesal represents also the DoTninican order, which
in Chiapas held sway, and other orders have their special historians, snch as
Grijalva, the Angustinian chronicler; Garcia, who records Bethlehemite deeds;
Philoponus, the Benedictine; Alegre and Florencia, the Jesuit annalists, and
so forth; while the church itself found historians in Fernanda^ Gonzales
Divila, and Hazart.
In connection with the monks figures a new class of writers, natives and
mestizos, who were educated at the convents or became members of orders,
and imbibed from teachers the love of writing. Repelled to a certain extent
by the proud Spaniard, they cling more doeely to their own race, and, while
seeking in its glorious records a balm for their sorrow, they feel a yearning to
preserve them and to advocate the claims of their people. Among these
writers I have already spoken of Camargo, who in connection with material
on aboriginal history and customs gives a brief sketch of events during Span-
ish rule. There is also Chimalpain, who besides his translation of Gromaray
to which he adds several valuable features, is credited with works on ancient
and conquest times. IztUxochitl, the native Cicero, writes more fully on
the coming of the Spaniards, with which the achievementB of his own family,
the main topic of his works, are so closely bound up, and he frequently ven-
tures to throw light on incidents wherein the conquerors appear to little
advantage. His son Manuel Alva issued several translations of Vegans
comedies together with plathas against native superstitions. The native Jesuit
Juan Tavar wrote on ancient history, but the^ works of the mestizo friar
Duran, so largely used by Aoosta, have been wrongly credited to Tovar by
hasty modem historians. Antonio Tovar, Cano Montezuma, FranciMo Pi-
mentel Ixtlizochitl, the mestizo Cristc^bal Castillo, Saavedra Guzman, the
author of El Peregrino Indiano, 15d9, Pedro Gutierrez de Santa Clara, Pedro
Ponoe,Tezozomoc, Juan Bautista Pomar, Tadeo de Niza, Gabriel de Ayala in
his Comentarkm, Cristdbal Castafteda, who wrote on Michoacan, and Jaun
Ventura Zapata y Mendoza, the Tlascaltec annalist, are among the noted
writers of native or mixed origin, whose productions on ancient and conquest
periods have either been published or incorporated in the works of Torque-
mada, Vetancurt, Clavigero, and others.
Torquemada, as I have shown, must be regarded as the leading chronicler
of New Spain for the sixteenth century, giving as he does a comprehensive
account of political as well as ecdesiastiGal and aboriginal affiurs, compiled
for the first half of the century from a number of versions extant in manu-
script and print, and the remainder written to a great extent from personal
observations. For this work he was particularly well fitted by his training,
attainments, and position. Bom in Spain, he came at an early age to Mexico,
where he assumed the Franciscan robe and studied philosophy and theology
under the famous Juan Bautista, whose love for the Mexican language^ his-
tory, and antiquities he readily imbibed. His ability was early reoognized»
and he became definidor, guardian of Tlatelulco college and of Tlascala con-
vent, and provincial of his order in Mexico, holding the latter office from 1614
to 1617. To this position, or to the influence which gained it^ may be du»
BIBUOGRAPHICAL. 787
the success which so many predecessors failed to achieve, the publication of
his great work, Lo8 Veinte i vn Libros BUualea i Monarchia Indkifia, con el
origen y gtterras de loe Indios OcidentaleSy de stts Poblacioties, etc., first issued
at Seville 1615, in 3 folio volumes. Antonio, Bib. Hist. Nova, iii. 788. Pinelo,
followed by Temaux-Compans, says 1613; but this is an error, as shown by
the fact that the permission to print was issued only in May 1513. The issue
of these bulky volumes, full of notations, must have takqn some time. The
greater part of the edition was lost in a shipwreck, and the remaining copies
disappeared so rapidly that Solis could not obtain one. Indeed, a century
after the imprint date only three copies could be traced. The importance of
the work had meanwhile become so appreciated that a new edition was issued
at Madrid in 1723, corrected from the original manuscript which had been
discovered in Gonzalez de Barcia*s library. Several parts had, however, been
cut out by the censor, such as the first chapter to the second book, containing
the ' key to the idea * of the migration, which is similar to that given in
Oarcia, OrigcTu As indicated by the title, the work consists of 21 books, in
three volumes, of which the first book treats of cosmogony and origin of Ind-
ians, the second and third of aboriginal history, the fourth of the conquest,
and the fifth of the events in New Spain from the fall of Mexico to 1612.
This last book is unevenly treated, the middle period being very brief as com-
pared with later decades. The second volume, with nine books, is devoted
to aboriginal mythology and customs; the third, with seven books, to the
progress of conversion, the condition of the natives imder the new rule, the
history of the church, and particularly of the Franciscans in New Spain, with
a number of chapters on affairs in the Antilles, Philippines, and elsewhere.
The instructions issued to Torquemada in 1609 directed him to collect and
use all existing material for the work in question, and he certainly showed
no hesitation in obeying the order to the letter. Indeed, Motolinia, Sahagun,
Mendieta, Acosta, Herrera, and others, have been literally copied to a great
extent. The conquest and subsequent events for several decades are almost
wholly from the last named, while Mendieta is called upon to supply the re-
ligious history. According to Juan Bautista, Advienio, prologue, to whom
Mendieta had intrusted his manuscript, it had been decided at one time that
Torquemada should embellish it with his lore and arguments. As it was, he
absorbed the contents, softening th^ condemnatory language so freely poured
forth by the fearless Mendieta wherever he thought it necessary. Besides
the sources mentioned, Torquemada used several narratives by writers of
Indian extraction, a mass of material from public and private archives,
together with his own diaries and observations. He had spent over fourteen
years in gathering this material, and seven in preparing for his work, called
to it by a literary taste, and a sympathy for the subject, stimulated by his
predecessors, so that his volumes were already well advanced before the o£Gi-
cial order came for him to write thenL His superiors evidently examined the
work beforehand, and recognized his fitness to undertake it; a fitness already
made manifest in a previous publication, the Vida del Santo Fr. Sebastian de
Aparicio, 1605, Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 829, and in his vast store of biblical and
classical lore, which he scatters throughout the pages in lavish profusion,
and frequently with little regard for the appropriate. While more prudent
f
788 GLOSS or THE CENTURY.
than the hofe-liMdad Mendieta* he is leis clear-aighted, aod easily lad iuto
errora; he fairly revela in miraclea and saintly dissertations, and loses himself
in wordy argoments for his theme and cloth, often with striking simplicity.
Ke verthelesB, his work merits admiration for its laborious thoroaghaees, which
has deservedly made it the standard history for its jMriod and field, for its
oomparatiYely excellent plan and order, and for its clearness of style; in all of
which Torqnemada stands preeminent among contemporaries, jostly entitled
to what a modem Mexican writer calls him, the Livy of New Spain. The claim
of the Monarqwa Indiana as a standard authority is conceded in the frequent
and copious use made of it by general and local writers; and by the absence
till Ca%*o*8 time of a comprehensive history for the century. Yet the latter is
brief and unsatisfactory, giving in his volume on the three centuries of Span-
ish rule but one seventh to this earlier and more important period. A little
fuller, yet equally unsatisfactory, as before remarked, is the more modem
Bibera^ while Zamacois, who dwells on the Spanish colonial period, 1521-
1821, in seven respectable volumes, accords but a little more than one of them
to the sixteenth century. This unevenness applies also to the subject-matter,
which is compiled, and carelessly so, from a few of the most acoessible books
and records, so that a number of interesting periods and incidents are either
wholly overlooked, or treated in bare outline.
Besides these general works, a number of treatises on special episodes and
states have been edited or written by such Mexican writers as Alamau, Rami-
rez, Icasbaloeta, Orozco y Berra, Bustamante, Romero, Gil, Prieto, and a
number of others whose names figure in the voluminous Boletin of the Mex-
ican Geographical Society. Still another class of contributions is to be found
in the narratives of travellers and navigators, who report not only on afiairs,
society, and resources as observed by them in the countries visited, but add
much to the knowledge of their earlier history from hearsay or research.
This material is scattered throughout a vast number of collections of voyages,
a class of books to which Ramusio may properly claim title as founder, as I
have shown elsewhere.
Herewith I give broader references to some authorities consulted for the
preceding chapters: Torquemada, i. 332-670, and iii 232-634, passim; Con-
dUoaProv., MS., i. 34-320; ii 89-100; iii. 1-455; iv. 67; Mex., Aetas Prxw,,
MS., 43-8, 62-170; America, Deaerip., MS., 180; Papeles Frandseanag, MS..
L 328-74; Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., iii 480-91, 520-30; iv. 360-77.
440-62, 491-647; vL 65, 182-3, 455-6; xi. 6-29, 102-18, 190-211; xiv. 101-3,
196-201; XV. 447-60; xvi 142-87, 376-460; xvii. 632; xviiL 32^-30, 435-7;
xix. 32-5; xxiil 520-47; Burgoo, Oeog, Deacrip. Oajaca, i. 34-194, passim;
ii. 202-388, passim, 410-11; Id., Palestra ffisL, 57-139, 189-200, 260-3; Kmaa-
borough's Mex, ArUiq., v. 157-8; vi. 153; ix. 284-93; Oomara, HisL Ind., 63;
Benzom, Hondo Nvono, 93-4; Cartas de Indias, 106-867, passim; Beoop, de
Indias, i. 51-221, passim, 594, 608; u. 39, 48-64^ 122, 199-200, 384; Cf^rtis,
Bscritos SueUos, 102; Id., Despatches, 30; CaUe, Mem. y Not,, 52-90; Mez.,
Hieroglyph. Hist., 113, 126-7, 157; CogoUvdo, Hist. Yucatfian, 8-754, passim;
Bemal Diaz, HisL Verdad., 20^, 249-50; Figueroa, Vindidas, MS., 47, 54,
74; HMvyes Koy., iii 396-7, 469-95, 560-1, 602-3, 814^15; Sqwers MSS.,
X. 4, 5; xiii. 4; xix. 39-42; xxi 1-3; xxii 1, 33, 101, 115-16; SoUs, HisL
Mex., i 74-8; Oviedo, iii. 168; San Francisco de Mex., MS., 1, 6, 216; Sin.,
Doc HisL, MS., i 10-13; Las Casas HisL Ind., iv. 374-6, 465-6, 477, 495;
v. 1-6; Id., HisL Apolog., MS., 28-9; Vetancmi, Menoiog., ^-156; Id., Ohron.
FURTHER REFERENCES. 789
Am. Bifmig., 24^9, 43-6, 128-32; Id,, TraL Mex., 10-11, 22-36^ 51-4; OpO&yV
Am., 289-90, 386, 390; Vazquez, Chron, de Ovat., 144-^, 179-80, 227, 274^,
635-8; CoL Doe. Itiid., i 383-4; xvii 21-26, 174-82; L 617-19; Ivii 1-21;
111, 122-27, 226; Iviii. 1-2, 101, 108, 141-319, 382-643; Mendkia, Hist. Belts.,
347-86, 487-91, 616-19, 641-^, 639^766; Peter Martyr, De Orbe Novo, 69, 71;
Lopez, Dedaraeum, MS.; Parduxs, Hia Pilgrimes, i. 52, 63-6; Moki Padilla,
Conq. N. OaL, 237, 250; Dur., Doc. Hist., MS., 30-1, 160-6; Doe. Eeles. Mex.,
MS., i No. v.; iv. No. v.; Monumentoe Domm. Esp., MS., 8-36, 60, 82-91,
243-7, 333-8, 362; Medina, Chrdn. 8. Diego, 8-255, paaaim; Ordenanxaa
Redlea, MS.; Montenuofor, Svmarios, 1-2, 23-31, 114, 422; N. Mex., Doe.
HiH., MS., 496-8; Leyea, Varias, AnnoL, MS., 6, 153-62, 210; Ddvila, Con-
Unuadon, MS., 155-^, 210-18, 284-5, 301, 311; RetMsai, Hint. Chympa, 57,
507-8, 532-5, 626, 660, 710-17; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 93-4, 160, 201, 223,
244-5, 295, 309, 337; Puga, Cedulario, 40-213, psunim; Beaumont, Crdn.
Mich., V. 102-689, passim; MS., 14, 605-1159, passim; Ghryalua, Crdn.,
86-213; Papeles Jetmtaa, MS., No. z.; Prondendaa Jiealea, MS., 67-9;
267-9; Prov. Sant. Evang., No. i. iii-iv. viii. x. xiL xiv.-xvi.; Buedo, Inf.,
in Pinart, CoL Doc Mex., 386-7; 6rdenea de la Corona, MS., ii. 27-40,
106-8, 122-34; iv. pt. i.; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Edea., i. 31-44, 90-120,
180-2, 206-28; ii. ^ 75-6; Diezmoa de Indioa, No. iv., 4; V America SeUen-
trionale, 85-8; Ordenea para Navioa, 1-24; Ddvila PadiUa, I fiat. Fvnd. Mex.,
llO-ll, 177-229, 234-72, 343-91, 461-649; Ramirez, Hist. Dur., 14r^;
Florenda, Hist. Prov. Jeaua, 65-252, 292-409; Fernandez, Hiat. Eclea., 61,
87-9, 98-101, 112-15, 158-9, 184; BuatamanU, Eifemeridadea, iv. 1-14; Id.,
Neceaidad de la Union, 31-449; Braaaeur de Bourbourg, Hiat. NaL Civ., iv.
57-68, 125-92, 256-7; Oranadoa, Tardea Am., 287-94. 339-58; Pap. Var.,
XV. pt. ii. 19-23; xciii. 43; cxlii. pt. iv. 62-3; clxviL pt. ii. 6; Nouvellea An.
dea Voy., xcix. 193-6; Ixxxii. 330-50; Juarroa, OuaL, L 231-5; Nutva Eapafla,
Breve Res., i. 225-45; il 270-315; Arridvita, Crdn. Sent/., 346; Humboldt,
Esaai Pol., i. 247; u. 425, 449, 487-99; Zamora, Bib. Leg. UU., i. 146-56;
iii. 109-15, 536-41; iv. 461-8, 482-98; v. 385-92, 549-61; Santos, Clirdn., ii.
475; Soe. Mex. Oeog., Boletin, i. 222, 310; vii. 192-6, 412-13; viii. 468-70,
493, 540; ix. 94-175; xi. 500-1; Id., 2da ^p. i. 209, 447-71, 513-23, 729-32;
iii. 37-337; iv. 637-8, 744r-57; 3da €p. 'i. 225-7, 270-2; Temaux-Compana,
s^rie i. tom. x. 455-67; s^rie ii. torn. ii. 330; Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 237-47,
607, 515-44; CorUa, Hist. N. Eap., 15-18; VUlaSeflor, Theatro, ii 8-9, 204, 295,
306; Lacunza, Diacursos Hist., xxxiv. 480-6; Zevalloa, Hist. Mundo, 135-6,
361-3; Hernandez, Comp. Oeog. Mich., 10-17, 142-3; Larenaudi^, Mex. et
Ouat., 54-7, 148; Orozco y Berra, HiaL Conj., 72-505; Soaa, Epiac Mex., 19-
42; Sanaon, VAm., 32; Alaman, Diaert., ii. 97, 121, 155-9, 171-2, 194, 216-20;
iii. app. 15-20; PeraUa, Not. Hist., 112-348, passim; Beltrami, Mex., i. 174;
Oleeaon'a Hiat. Cath. Church, 68-9, 79-80; Forbea' CoL, 9-10; Die Univ.,
L-x., passim; Cavo, Trea Sigloa, i. 160-215, passim; Cabrera, Escudo Armaa,
99, 152-70, 240-73, 435-40; Mex., Not. Ciudad, 70, 133, 233-4; Mofraa,
VOregon, i. 97-99; Champlain's Narr. Voy., 25; CarriUo, Estvdios, 13-14;
Id., Belice, iv. 258; Miiller, Reisen Mex., iu. 186; Castillo, Dice Hiat., 71,
156-8, 172, 185, 242; Carriedo, Eatudioa Hist., 83-4; Tayhr'a Col. Diacav.,
MS., 189-212; March y Laborea, Hist. Marina Esp., ii. 310-11; Montanua,
Nieuwe Weereld, 102, 211; Mex. Col. Leyea, (Mex. 1861), i. liii.-liv.; Mex.,
Mem. Hadenda, 1849, 5; MicL, Prov. 8. Nicholda, 19-215, passim; Viagero
Univ., xxvi. 320-6; Drake^s Life, 7; Fancourt's Hist Yuc 166-76; Florida,
Col. Doc, 15-19; Fonseea, Hiat. Hadenda, i. 297-387; il 5-118; D^enaa de
la Verdad, 6-7; Deacr'vp. Am., 180; Domenech, Hiat. Mex., 29, 254-8; Filiaola,
HiaL Texas, i. 25; Frost's HisL Mex., 137; Berenger, CoL Voy., i. 140-1, 176-8;
Goodrich's Man upon the 8ea, 253; Galh, Hombrea lUuatrea, ii 207-59; Ber-
nardez, Zac, 27-8, 35; Gaz. Mex. (1784r-6), i 77; Gottfried^a Newe Welt, 79;
Bumey'a Discov. South 8ea, i. 113-15, 341; ii 85-9; Gonzalez, CoL N. Leon,
?t V. 6, 11, 372-3; Pouadn, Puissance Amir., i 345-8; Id., Question de
Origon, 26-7; PhiUpinas, Ext. HiaL, 1-2; Proceao contra Aqukio, MS., 114
et seq.; 8tephen*a Yuc, ii 264-7; SigUenza y Gongora, Parayao Occ, 5-24^
790 CLOSE OF THE CENTURY.
48-128; 8€Uatar, Mex, en 1564, 71, 251-3, 318-21; Samankfjo, Bel, 104; Mac
pftermpna An. Com., u. 122, 154; Aneona^ HitiL Yuc, ii. 104-13; AmM^
Viajero, 54-99; Id,, Hist, y Ortm., 110-22, 327-8; Alctdo, iiL 323; v. 291;
AlfifTfy Hist, Comp. Jemts, i. 83-380, passim; Ott^rra, Rev, N, Eap., 366-8.
577-604; AgurUy, Traetado, 190; Album Hex., ii. 38, 486, 519; MwuoMex,, iii.
161, 341-2, 395-6, 451; Ar4valo, Cornpend., 237; Andersons 0<mm., ii. 102,
139; Apiano, Cosmog,, 34, 73, 75-6; Hazart, Kirchen-Oeschkhte, iL 534-59;
Harris* CoL Voy,, i. 26-7; TVwnm, HisL 04n, Am,, vi. 170-206, 222-6, 238-46,
278-90; vii. 9-14, 95-6, 164-220, 233-48, 289; IlhuL Am,, u. 375-7; Casa
Cimtratadtm, Ordenanzas, 60-84; Ober's Hist, Hex,, 361-82; PrktA, HisL,
TamauUpas, 79-80; Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hist,, No. v. 265; Liceo Mex.,
i. 210-418, passim; Heller Reisen Mex., 288-90; La Cruz, L 368-680, and
ii. 81-476, passim; viL 473-5; Ortelivs, Theat, Orb,, 1-2; Zamaeois, HisL
mj., iv. 41; ▼. 40-383, passim; x. 916, 1151-2, 1325-34; x. app. 35, 43;
Holmes' Annals Am., i, 107; PiedraJiUa, Hist, Gen., 589-94; Afosako Mex,^
iii. 349; iv. 317-19; v. 601-4; Moyers Mex, Aziec, i. 151-85; Mendoza, H»sL
Cfiina, 132-3, 290-4, 310-12; Id,, Nodones CronoL, 161-2; Murray's HisL
Diticov, N. Am,, iL 80-3; Ortiz, Mex, Indep,, 182-3; Iglerias y Conventos,
6-15, 151-^, 312-16^ 324-7, 343-5.
4. i
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